The Alfonsin administration and the promotion of democratic values in the Southern Cone and the Andes

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 39-74

  Fournier, Dominique ^a  

^a International Forum for Democratic Studies   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK; DEMOCRACY; POLITICAL SYSTEM;

SOUTH AMERICA;

EID: 0032808444     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X98005203     Document Type: Article

References (225)

1. Ministerio de Información Pública de la República Argentina, Discursos de sa excelencia Presidente Raúl Alfonsín del 10 de diciembre 1983 al 23 de marzo 1984 (Buenos Aires, 1985), p. 45.
2. L. Whitehead, 'International Aspects of Democratisation', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead (eds.), Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, 1986), part 4, pp. 3-4. In a more recent essay, Whitehead somewhat modified his viewpoint because of what he perceived as the 'heightened prominence of international influences apparent in many cases of regime transitions'. See L. Whitehead, 'East Central Europe in Comparative Perspective', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? The International Context of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (London, 1994), p. 32.
3. L. Whitehead, 'International Aspects of Democratisation', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead (eds.), Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, 1986), part 4, pp. 3-4. In a more recent essay, Whitehead somewhat modified his viewpoint because of what he perceived as the 'heightened prominence of international influences apparent in many cases of regime transitions'. See L. Whitehead, 'East Central Europe in Comparative Perspective', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? The International Context of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (London, 1994), p. 32.
4. G. P. Pridham 'International Influences and Democratic Transition: Problems of Theory and Practice in Linkage Politics', in Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy : the International Context of Regime Transition in Southern Europe (London, 1991), P. 4.
5. For an excellent summary of the state of the literature and methodology in relation to the international dimension of democratisation see Pridham, 'International Influences', pp. 1-28; 'The International Dimension of Democratisation: Theory, Practice and Inter-regional Comparison', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? The International Dimension of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (London, 1994), pp. 7-31 and 'The International Context of Democratic Consolidation: Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective', in Richard Gunther et al., The Politics of Democratic Consolidation : Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective (Baltimore, 1995), pp. 166-203.
6. For an excellent summary of the state of the literature and methodology in relation to the international dimension of democratisation see Pridham, 'International Influences', pp. 1-28; 'The International Dimension of Democratisation: Theory, Practice and Inter-regional Comparison', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? The International Dimension of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (London, 1994), pp. 7-31 and 'The International Context of Democratic Consolidation: Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective', in Richard Gunther et al., The Politics of Democratic Consolidation : Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective (Baltimore, 1995), pp. 166-203.
7. For an excellent summary of the state of the literature and methodology in relation to the international dimension of democratisation see Pridham, 'International Influences', pp. 1-28; 'The International Dimension of Democratisation: Theory, Practice and Inter-regional Comparison', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? The International Dimension of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (London, 1994), pp. 7-31 and 'The International Context of Democratic Consolidation: Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective', in Richard Gunther et al., The Politics of Democratic Consolidation : Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective (Baltimore, 1995), pp. 166-203.
8. Recent pleas for an increased attention to the international dimension within the analysis of democratisation processes were voiced by G. P. Pridham, 'The International Context', p. 167 and 'The International Dimension', pp. 7-31; J. J. Linz and A. Stepan, 'Actors and Context', in Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan (eds.). Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, 1996), p. 73; L. Whitehead, 'Three International Dimensions of Democratisation', in Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Consolidation: Europe and the Americas (Oxford, 1996), pp. 4-25.
9. Recent pleas for an increased attention to the international dimension within the analysis of democratisation processes were voiced by G. P. Pridham, 'The International Context', p. 167 and 'The International Dimension', pp. 7-31; J. J. Linz and A. Stepan, 'Actors and Context', in Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan (eds.). Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, 1996), p. 73; L. Whitehead, 'Three International Dimensions of Democratisation', in Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Consolidation: Europe and the Americas (Oxford, 1996), pp. 4-25.
10. Recent pleas for an increased attention to the international dimension within the analysis of democratisation processes were voiced by G. P. Pridham, 'The International Context', p. 167 and 'The International Dimension', pp. 7-31; J. J. Linz and A. Stepan, 'Actors and Context', in Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan (eds.). Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, 1996), p. 73; L. Whitehead, 'Three International Dimensions of Democratisation', in Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Consolidation: Europe and the Americas (Oxford, 1996), pp. 4-25.
11. Recent pleas for an increased attention to the international dimension within the analysis of democratisation processes were voiced by G. P. Pridham, 'The International Context', p. 167 and 'The International Dimension', pp. 7-31; J. J. Linz and A. Stepan, 'Actors and Context', in Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan (eds.). Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, 1996), p. 73; L. Whitehead, 'Three International Dimensions of Democratisation', in Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Consolidation: Europe and the Americas (Oxford, 1996), pp. 4-25.
12. For works stressing the correlation between domestic regime change, as embodied in democratisation processes, and foreign policy restructuring see Marcelo Lasagna, 'Las Determinantes Internas de la Política Exterior; Un Tema Descuidado en la Teoría de la Política Exterior', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 28, no. 111 (1995), pp. 387-409 and 'Cambio Institucional y Política Exterior: un Modelo Explicativo, Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 32 (1996), pp. 45-64. On the role and impact of principled beliefs in the national interest and foreign policy articulation see Emanuel Adler and Peter M. Haas, 'Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 1 (winter 1992), pp. 367-390. See also essays in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy : Belief, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, 1993); M. Marks, 'The Formation of European Policy in the post-Franco Spain: Ideas, Interests, and the International Transmission of Knowledge', unpubl. PhD diss., Cornell University, 1993.
13. For works stressing the correlation between domestic regime change, as embodied in democratisation processes, and foreign policy restructuring see Marcelo Lasagna, 'Las Determinantes Internas de la Política Exterior; Un Tema Descuidado en la Teoría de la Política Exterior', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 28, no. 111 (1995), pp. 387-409 and 'Cambio Institucional y Política Exterior: un Modelo Explicativo, Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 32 (1996), pp. 45-64. On the role and impact of principled beliefs in the national interest and foreign policy articulation see Emanuel Adler and Peter M. Haas, 'Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 1 (winter 1992), pp. 367-390. See also essays in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy : Belief, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, 1993); M. Marks, 'The Formation of European Policy in the post-Franco Spain: Ideas, Interests, and the International Transmission of Knowledge', unpubl. PhD diss., Cornell University, 1993.
14. For works stressing the correlation between domestic regime change, as embodied in democratisation processes, and foreign policy restructuring see Marcelo Lasagna, 'Las Determinantes Internas de la Política Exterior; Un Tema Descuidado en la Teoría de la Política Exterior', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 28, no. 111 (1995), pp. 387-409 and 'Cambio Institucional y Política Exterior: un Modelo Explicativo, Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 32 (1996), pp. 45-64. On the role and impact of principled beliefs in the national interest and foreign policy articulation see Emanuel Adler and Peter M. Haas, 'Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 1 (winter 1992), pp. 367-390. See also essays in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy : Belief, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, 1993); M. Marks, 'The Formation of European Policy in the post-Franco Spain: Ideas, Interests, and the International Transmission of Knowledge', unpubl. PhD diss., Cornell University, 1993.
15. For works stressing the correlation between domestic regime change, as embodied in democratisation processes, and foreign policy restructuring see Marcelo Lasagna, 'Las Determinantes Internas de la Política Exterior; Un Tema Descuidado en la Teoría de la Política Exterior', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 28, no. 111 (1995), pp. 387-409 and 'Cambio Institucional y Política Exterior: un Modelo Explicativo, Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 32 (1996), pp. 45-64. On the role and impact of principled beliefs in the national interest and foreign policy articulation see Emanuel Adler and Peter M. Haas, 'Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 1 (winter 1992), pp. 367-390. See also essays in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy : Belief, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, 1993); M. Marks, 'The Formation of European Policy in the post-Franco Spain: Ideas, Interests, and the International Transmission of Knowledge', unpubl. PhD diss., Cornell University, 1993.
16. For works stressing the correlation between domestic regime change, as embodied in democratisation processes, and foreign policy restructuring see Marcelo Lasagna, 'Las Determinantes Internas de la Política Exterior; Un Tema Descuidado en la Teoría de la Política Exterior', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 28, no. 111 (1995), pp. 387-409 and 'Cambio Institucional y Política Exterior: un Modelo Explicativo, Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 32 (1996), pp. 45-64. On the role and impact of principled beliefs in the national interest and foreign policy articulation see Emanuel Adler and Peter M. Haas, 'Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 1 (winter 1992), pp. 367-390. See also essays in Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), Ideas and Foreign Policy : Belief, Institutions, and Political Change (Ithaca, 1993); M. Marks, 'The Formation of European Policy in the post-Franco Spain: Ideas, Interests, and the International Transmission of Knowledge', unpubl. PhD diss., Cornell University, 1993.
17. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
18. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
19. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
20. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
21. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
22. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
23. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
24. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
25. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
26. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
27. For references about the role of the international dimension in Latin America during the 'first' and 'second' waves of democratisation see essays in Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough (eds.), Latin America Between the Second World War and the Cold War: Crisis and Containment (Cambridge, 1993); A. Lowenthal, 'The United States and Latin American Democracy : Learning from History ', in Abraham Lowenthal (ed.), Exporting Democracy: the United States and Latin America (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 363-406; T. Smith, America's Mission: the United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1994), pp. 60-112; R. M. Thorp, Latin America in the 1930s: the Role of the Periphery in World Crisis (Oxford, 1984). For specific references on the impact of international actors in Southern Cone and Southern European transitions to democracy during the 'third' wave see Alan E. Angell, 'La Cooperación Internacional en Apoyo de la Democracia Política en America Latina : el Caso de Chile', Foro Internacional, vol. 29, no. 4 (1989), pp. 215-45; E. Baylora, Comparing New Democracies: Transitions and Consolidation in Mediterranean Europe and the Southern Cone (Boulder, 1987), pp. 15-25; Francesco Bayo, 'La Democracia en la Política Latinoamericana de España,' Sintesis, no 21 (July-December 1994), pp. 75-104; T. Carrothers, In the Name of Democracy : US Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 117-96; Carlos Luján, 'Europa y Estados Unidos en la Democratización Uruguaya: Cooperatión Internacional y Relaciones Bilaterales', Estudios Internacionales., vol. 27 no. 105 (1994), pp. 129-61; Geoffrey P. Pridham (ed.), Encouraging Democracy, Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratisation.
28. A useful reference on the role of the international dimension in transitions to democracy in Eastern Europe is E. Herring, 'International Security and Democracy in Eastern Europe', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? pp. 87-118. In-depth studies of the impact of international actors within the democratisation process of a former Eastern European people's republic are T. Carrothers, Assessing Democracy Assistance; the Case of Romania (Washington, 1996); K. F. Quigley, For Democracy's Sake: Foundations and Democratic Assistance in Central Europe (Baltimore, 1997).
29. A useful reference on the role of the international dimension in transitions to democracy in Eastern Europe is E. Herring, 'International Security and Democracy in Eastern Europe', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? pp. 87-118. In-depth studies of the impact of international actors within the democratisation process of a former Eastern European people's republic are T. Carrothers, Assessing Democracy Assistance; the Case of Romania (Washington, 1996); K. F. Quigley, For Democracy's Sake: Foundations and Democratic Assistance in Central Europe (Baltimore, 1997).
30. A useful reference on the role of the international dimension in transitions to democracy in Eastern Europe is E. Herring, 'International Security and Democracy in Eastern Europe', in Geoffrey P. Pridham et al., Building Democracy? pp. 87-118. In-depth studies of the impact of international actors within the democratisation process of a former Eastern European people's republic are T. Carrothers, Assessing Democracy Assistance; the Case of Romania (Washington, 1996); K. F. Quigley, For Democracy's Sake: Foundations and Democratic Assistance in Central Europe (Baltimore, 1997).
31. See Dieter Nohlen and Mario Fernández, 'Democratización y Política Exterior; Análisis Comparado en Torno a Tres Casos: Argentina, Brazil y Uruguay', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 24, no. 94 (1991), pp. 229-59; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'Relaciones Internacionales y Transición) Política', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 19, no. 73 (1986), pp. 3-15 ; Roberto Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes de la Política Exterior Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, New Series, vol. 1, no. 1(winter), pp. 5-29; Alberto Van Klaveren, 'Variables Externas en los Procesos de Democratizacín en América Latina', Contribucíones, vol. 21, no. 3 (1986), pp. 19-40 and 'Democratización y Política Exterior: el Acercamiento entre Argentina y Brasil', Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 13-44.
32. See Dieter Nohlen and Mario Fernández, 'Democratización y Política Exterior; Análisis Comparado en Torno a Tres Casos: Argentina, Brazil y Uruguay', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 24, no. 94 (1991), pp. 229-59; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'Relaciones Internacionales y Transición) Política', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 19, no. 73 (1986), pp. 3-15 ; Roberto Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes de la Política Exterior Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, New Series, vol. 1, no. 1(winter), pp. 5-29; Alberto Van Klaveren, 'Variables Externas en los Procesos de Democratizacín en América Latina', Contribucíones, vol. 21, no. 3 (1986), pp. 19-40 and 'Democratización y Política Exterior: el Acercamiento entre Argentina y Brasil', Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 13-44.
33. See Dieter Nohlen and Mario Fernández, 'Democratización y Política Exterior; Análisis Comparado en Torno a Tres Casos: Argentina, Brazil y Uruguay', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 24, no. 94 (1991), pp. 229-59; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'Relaciones Internacionales y Transición) Política', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 19, no. 73 (1986), pp. 3-15 ; Roberto Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes de la Política Exterior Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, New Series, vol. 1, no. 1(winter), pp. 5-29; Alberto Van Klaveren, 'Variables Externas en los Procesos de Democratizacín en América Latina', Contribucíones, vol. 21, no. 3 (1986), pp. 19-40 and 'Democratización y Política Exterior: el Acercamiento entre Argentina y Brasil', Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 13-44.
34. See Dieter Nohlen and Mario Fernández, 'Democratización y Política Exterior; Análisis Comparado en Torno a Tres Casos: Argentina, Brazil y Uruguay', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 24, no. 94 (1991), pp. 229-59; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'Relaciones Internacionales y Transición) Política', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 19, no. 73 (1986), pp. 3-15 ; Roberto Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes de la Política Exterior Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, New Series, vol. 1, no. 1(winter), pp. 5-29; Alberto Van Klaveren, 'Variables Externas en los Procesos de Democratizacín en América Latina', Contribucíones, vol. 21, no. 3 (1986), pp. 19-40 and 'Democratización y Política Exterior: el Acercamiento entre Argentina y Brasil', Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 13-44.
35. See Dieter Nohlen and Mario Fernández, 'Democratización y Política Exterior; Análisis Comparado en Torno a Tres Casos: Argentina, Brazil y Uruguay', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 24, no. 94 (1991), pp. 229-59; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'Relaciones Internacionales y Transición) Política', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 19, no. 73 (1986), pp. 3-15 ; Roberto Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes de la Política Exterior Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, New Series, vol. 1, no. 1(winter), pp. 5-29; Alberto Van Klaveren, 'Variables Externas en los Procesos de Democratizacín en América Latina', Contribucíones, vol. 21, no. 3 (1986), pp. 19-40 and 'Democratización y Política Exterior: el Acercamiento entre Argentina y Brasil', Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 13-44.
36. Karl Christian Friedrich Krause was born at Eisenberg in 1781 and died in Munich in 1832. Like several of his contemporaries, Krause claimed to be developing the true Kantian position. In Krause's view, the ideal community is governed by the concept of right, which he defines as the organic whole of all of the internal and external conditions necessary for the completion of life that are dependent on freedom. In this view, the rights of individuals, groups, and nations can be recognised but only as subordinates to the Humanity as a whole. While not very influential in Germany, Krause's philosophy found considerable support in Spain and in Latin America at the end of the nineteenth century, coinciding with the time the UCR was founded. For biographical references on Krause see Paul Edwards (ed.), The Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, vol. IV (New York, 1967), pp. 363-4.
37. On Krause's philosophy and its influence on the Alfonsín administration's foreign policy platform see K. C. F. Krause, The Ideal of Humanity and Universal Federation (Edinburgh, 1900), pp. 90-133; A. B. Bologna, Dos modelos de inserción en el mundo : las presidencias de Alfonsín y Menem, Documento de trabajo, Centro de Estudios en Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad de Rosario, 1991, pp. 15-19.
38. On Krause's philosophy and its influence on the Alfonsín administration's foreign policy platform see K. C. F. Krause, The Ideal of Humanity and Universal Federation (Edinburgh, 1900), pp. 90-133; A. B. Bologna, Dos modelos de inserción en el mundo : las presidencias de Alfonsín y Menem, Documento de trabajo, Centro de Estudios en Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad de Rosario, 1991, pp. 15-19.
39. References on Argentine foreign policy being transformed into an instrument of authoritarian legitimisation can be found in R. Bernal Meza, Cooperación y conflicto en la política exterior latinoamericana: dos enfoques (Mendoza, 1989), p. 26; J. Paradiso, Debates y trayectoria de la política exterior argentina (Buenos Aires, 1993), pp. 173-4; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'La Política Exterior de la Argentina post-Malvinas', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 15, no. 59 (1982), pp. 410-25; Roberto Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen Autoritario (1976-1983) una Evaluación Preliminar', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 17, no. 66 (1984), pp. 170-5; J. M. Vázquez Ocampo, Política exterior argentina 1973-1983: de los intentos autonómicos a la dependencia (Buenos Aires, 1989).
40. References on Argentine foreign policy being transformed into an instrument of authoritarian legitimisation can be found in R. Bernal Meza, Cooperación y conflicto en la política exterior latinoamericana: dos enfoques (Mendoza, 1989), p. 26; J. Paradiso, Debates y trayectoria de la política exterior argentina (Buenos Aires, 1993), pp. 173-4; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'La Política Exterior de la Argentina post-Malvinas', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 15, no. 59 (1982), pp. 410-25; Roberto Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen Autoritario (1976-1983) una Evaluación Preliminar', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 17, no. 66 (1984), pp. 170-5; J. M. Vázquez Ocampo, Política exterior argentina 1973-1983: de los intentos autonómicos a la dependencia (Buenos Aires, 1989).
41. References on Argentine foreign policy being transformed into an instrument of authoritarian legitimisation can be found in R. Bernal Meza, Cooperación y conflicto en la política exterior latinoamericana: dos enfoques (Mendoza, 1989), p. 26; J. Paradiso, Debates y trayectoria de la política exterior argentina (Buenos Aires, 1993), pp. 173-4; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'La Política Exterior de la Argentina post-Malvinas', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 15, no. 59 (1982), pp. 410-25; Roberto Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen Autoritario (1976-1983) una Evaluación Preliminar', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 17, no. 66 (1984), pp. 170-5; J. M. Vázquez Ocampo, Política exterior argentina 1973-1983: de los intentos autonómicos a la dependencia (Buenos Aires, 1989).
42. References on Argentine foreign policy being transformed into an instrument of authoritarian legitimisation can be found in R. Bernal Meza, Cooperación y conflicto en la política exterior latinoamericana: dos enfoques (Mendoza, 1989), p. 26; J. Paradiso, Debates y trayectoria de la política exterior argentina (Buenos Aires, 1993), pp. 173-4; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'La Política Exterior de la Argentina post-Malvinas', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 15, no. 59 (1982), pp. 410-25; Roberto Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen Autoritario (1976-1983) una Evaluación Preliminar', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 17, no. 66 (1984), pp. 170-5; J. M. Vázquez Ocampo, Política exterior argentina 1973-1983: de los intentos autonómicos a la dependencia (Buenos Aires, 1989).
43. References on Argentine foreign policy being transformed into an instrument of authoritarian legitimisation can be found in R. Bernal Meza, Cooperación y conflicto en la política exterior latinoamericana: dos enfoques (Mendoza, 1989), p. 26; J. Paradiso, Debates y trayectoria de la política exterior argentina (Buenos Aires, 1993), pp. 173-4; Carlos Pérez-Llana, 'La Política Exterior de la Argentina post-Malvinas', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 15, no. 59 (1982), pp. 410-25; Roberto Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen Autoritario (1976-1983) una Evaluación Preliminar', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 17, no. 66 (1984), pp. 170-5; J. M. Vázquez Ocampo, Política exterior argentina 1973-1983: de los intentos autonómicos a la dependencia (Buenos Aires, 1989).
44. The perception of a threatening interplay between international factors and the fate of the democratisation endeavour was clearly stated by Alfonsín himself in Ahora, mi propuesta política (Buenos Aires, 1983), pp. 103-5.
45. Russell, 'Los Ejes Estructurantes', p. 5.
46. La Nación (Buenos Aires, 14 Aug. 1985). (my translation).
47. The importance of protecting the nascent democratic project through Argentina's foreign policy was clearly spelled out post facto by Dante Caputo in 'Informe, Linea Conceptual y Hechos Fundamentales de la Política Exterior del Radicalismo (1983-1989)', mimeo, 1990. Caputo reconfirmed this feature when he said that, in his view, 'the main foreign policy objective the UCR administration sought was to protect Argentina's nascent democratic institutions; a concern which carried an especially potent weight until 1987'. Author's interview with former Foreign Affairs Minister of Argentina Dante Caputo Nov. 1995, Buenos Aires.
48. Caputo, 'Informe y Línea Conceptual', pp. 8-10.
49. Graciela Fernández., 'Las Relaciones Bilaterales Especiales de la Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 5 (Jan.-March 1988), p. 162; R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: La Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinamericanas (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. On the UCR administration policy in relation to the four Western European 'pillars' see R. Russell, 'From Videla to Alfonsín, the Domestic Sources of Argentina Foreign Policy Sources', unpubl. PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1993, pp. 228-52; D. Fournier, 'The International Dimension of Democratic Transitions: Argentina and Chile', unpubl. PhD diss., Oxford University, 1996, pp. 131-45.
50. Graciela Fernández., 'Las Relaciones Bilaterales Especiales de la Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 5 (Jan.-March 1988), p. 162; R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: La Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinamericanas (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. On the UCR administration policy in relation to the four Western European 'pillars' see R. Russell, 'From Videla to Alfonsín, the Domestic Sources of Argentina Foreign Policy Sources', unpubl. PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1993, pp. 228-52; D. Fournier, 'The International Dimension of Democratic Transitions: Argentina and Chile', unpubl. PhD diss., Oxford University, 1996, pp. 131-45.
51. Graciela Fernández., 'Las Relaciones Bilaterales Especiales de la Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 5 (Jan.-March 1988), p. 162; R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: La Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinamericanas (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. On the UCR administration policy in relation to the four Western European 'pillars' see R. Russell, 'From Videla to Alfonsín, the Domestic Sources of Argentina Foreign Policy Sources', unpubl. PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1993, pp. 228-52; D. Fournier, 'The International Dimension of Democratic Transitions: Argentina and Chile', unpubl. PhD diss., Oxford University, 1996, pp. 131-45.
52. Graciela Fernández., 'Las Relaciones Bilaterales Especiales de la Argentina', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 5 (Jan.-March 1988), p. 162; R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: La Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinamericanas (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. On the UCR administration policy in relation to the four Western European 'pillars' see R. Russell, 'From Videla to Alfonsín, the Domestic Sources of Argentina Foreign Policy Sources', unpubl. PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1993, pp. 228-52; D. Fournier, 'The International Dimension of Democratic Transitions: Argentina and Chile', unpubl. PhD diss., Oxford University, 1996, pp. 131-45.
53. Author's interview with former Chairperson of the Argentine Congress' Lower House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Federico Storani, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires.
54. According to Dante Caputo, several meetings took place between the Alfonsín administration and members of the Brazilian democratic opposition, including Tancredo Neves the leader of the Partido da mobiliazação democrática brasileño, Ulisses Guimarães, and the leader of the Partido trabalhista democrático, Leonel Brizola, before the democratic reinstallation of March 1985. Interview with Dante Caputo, Nov. 1995, Buenos Aires. One written statement of support by the UCR administration to Tancredo Neves was reported in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 11 Sept. 1984).
55. Clarín, La Nación, (Buenos Aires, 5-8 Feb. 1985). Neves made clear during his visit that he shared with President Alfonsín strong concerns about the external debt, the Central American conflict, and the North-South dichotomy. He also stressed that increased cooperation with Argentina on these matters seemed to be part of the solution for their eradication and democratic stability in the Americas.
56. On the UCR administration's initial reaction to Neves' death see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 23 April 1985).
57. Raúl Alconada Sempé stressed that the UCR administration had been 'devastated' by Neves' death. In his opinion, this could have meant a serious setback to efforts at bilateral rapprochement. Suspicions about President Sarney's links with the oligarchy and some military sectors largely explained this attitude. Interview with former Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister of Argentina Raúl Alconada Sempé, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires.
58. On Brazil's foreign policy during the Sarney administration see M. Hirst, 'La Política Exterior Brasilieña en 1984: Una Visión desde Brasil', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985); pp. 31-39; 'Profundización de la Política Exterior Democrática', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 15-36; 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en 1986' in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 43-67; M. Hirst and M. Segré, 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en Tiempo de Crisis', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinamericanas: un balance de esperanza (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 35-49 and M. Hirst, 'Política Exterior del Brasil en 1988: los Avances Posibles', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 32-48.
59. On Brazil's foreign policy during the Sarney administration see M. Hirst, 'La Política Exterior Brasilieña en 1984: Una Visión desde Brasil', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985); pp. 31-39; 'Profundización de la Política Exterior Democrática', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 15-36; 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en 1986' in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 43-67; M. Hirst and M. Segré, 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en Tiempo de Crisis', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinamericanas: un balance de esperanza (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 35-49 and M. Hirst, 'Política Exterior del Brasil en 1988: los Avances Posibles', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 32-48.
60. On Brazil's foreign policy during the Sarney administration see M. Hirst, 'La Política Exterior Brasilieña en 1984: Una Visión desde Brasil', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985); pp. 31-39; 'Profundización de la Política Exterior Democrática', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 15-36; 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en 1986' in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 43-67; M. Hirst and M. Segré, 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en Tiempo de Crisis', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinamericanas: un balance de esperanza (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 35-49 and M. Hirst, 'Política Exterior del Brasil en 1988: los Avances Posibles', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 32-48.
61. On Brazil's foreign policy during the Sarney administration see M. Hirst, 'La Política Exterior Brasilieña en 1984: Una Visión desde Brasil', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985); pp. 31-39; 'Profundización de la Política Exterior Democrática', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 15-36; 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en 1986' in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 43-67; M. Hirst and M. Segré, 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en Tiempo de Crisis', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinamericanas: un balance de esperanza (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 35-49 and M. Hirst, 'Política Exterior del Brasil en 1988: los Avances Posibles', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 32-48.
62. On Brazil's foreign policy during the Sarney administration see M. Hirst, 'La Política Exterior Brasilieña en 1984: Una Visión desde Brasil', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985); pp. 31-39; 'Profundización de la Política Exterior Democrática', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 15-36; 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en 1986' in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 43-67; M. Hirst and M. Segré, 'La Política Exterior del Brasil en Tiempo de Crisis', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinamericanas: un balance de esperanza (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 35-49 and M. Hirst, 'Política Exterior del Brasil en 1988: los Avances Posibles', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 32-48.
63. Clarín, La Nación, (Buenos Aires, 30 Nov. and 1 Dec. 1985). The full text of the Iguazú', declaration can be found in Integratión Latinoamericana, 'Declaración de Iguazú', vol. 11, no. 114 (April-May 1986), pp. 64-66.
64. Clarín, La Nación, (Buenos Aires, 30 Nov. and 1 Dec. 1985). The full text of the Iguazú', declaration can be found in Integratión Latinoamericana, 'Declaración de Iguazú', vol. 11, no. 114 (April-May 1986), pp. 64-66.
65. See Mónica Hirst and Roberto Russell, 'Política Exterior y Democratización: el Caso de Brasil y Argentina', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 20, no. 80 (1987), p. 447; Luigi Manzetti,
66. See Mónica Hirst and Roberto Russell, 'Política Exterior y Democratización: el Caso de Brasil y Argentina', Estudios Internacionales, vol. 20, no. 80 (1987), p. 447; Luigi Manzetti, 'Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration: An Early Appraisal', Latin American Research Review, vol. 25, no. 3 (1990), p. 111.
67. Clarín, La Nacíon, Buenos Aires, 29-30 July 1986. The full text of the ArgentineBrazilian economic integration treaty can be found in Integración Latinoamericana, ' Acta para la Integración Argentino-Brasileña', vol. 11, no, 116 Sep.-Dec.(1986), pp. 97-104.
68. Clarín, La Nacíon, Buenos Aires, 29-30 July 1986. The full text of the ArgentineBrazilian economic integration treaty can be found in Integración Latinoamericana, ' Acta para la Integración Argentino-Brasileña', vol. 11, no, 116 Sep.-Dec.(1986), pp. 97-104.
69. Interview with former Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister of Argentina Jorge Sabato, Oct. 1993, Buenos Aires. Sabato pointed out that Caputo repeatedly stressed that political cooperation and economic integration with Brazil was the key for the creation of a democratic community in the Southern Cone.
70. Daniel Chudnovsky and Francisco Porta, 'On Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration', CEPAL Review, no. 39 (1989), p. 115; Mónica Hirst and Miguel Langyel, 'Integration Argentino-Brasileña: un Paso Histórico', Cono Sur. vol. 5 (Jan-March 1986), p. 2.
71. Daniel Chudnovsky and Francisco Porta, 'On Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration', CEPAL Review, no. 39 (1989), p. 115; Mónica Hirst and Miguel Langyel, 'Integration Argentino-Brasileña: un Paso Histórico', Cono Sur. vol. 5 (Jan-March 1986), p. 2.
72. Eduardo Ganá, 'Tendencias en la Integración Latinoaméricana: el Caso de Argentina y Brasil', Cono Sur, vol. 7 (Jan-March 1988), p. 6.
73. The economic, political, and strategic impacts of the 1986 integration treaty in relation to the democratisation process were specifically examined by the Argentine and Brazilian military establishments during symposiums held in 1987 and 1988. On this see Manzetti, 'Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration', p, 139.
74. J. C. Casarales, 'Goals in Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation', in Paul Lewenthal and Sharon Tanzeri (eds.), Averting a Latin American Arms Race: New Prospects and Challenges for Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation (New York, 1992), pp. 48-49.
75. Mónica Hirst, 'Brasil y las Relaciones con Argentina: Primeros Síntomas de Acercamiento Eistable', America Latina/Internacional, vol. 2 (Nov-Dec. 1985), p. 33.
76. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 1 Dec. 1985; 30 July 1986).
77. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 11 Dec. 1986).
78. Roberto Russell, 'Argentina: las Relaciones con los Socios Previlegiados', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 6 (Jan-March 1989), p. 221 ; R. Russell and G. Fernández, 'La Política Exterior Argentina en 1987: Aspectos Sobresalientes', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores de América Latina y del Caribe: un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), p. 24.
79. Roberto Russell, 'Argentina: las Relaciones con los Socios Previlegiados', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 6 (Jan-March 1989), p. 221 ; R. Russell and G. Fernández, 'La Política Exterior Argentina en 1987: Aspectos Sobresalientes', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores de América Latina y del Caribe: un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), p. 24.
80. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', p. 5. Manzetti, 'ArgentinoBrazilian Economic Integration', p. 110; M. Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina en 1986: Prestigio, Reformas y Conflictos', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de las políticas esteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: Continuidad en la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 33-35.
81. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', p. 5. Manzetti, 'ArgentinoBrazilian Economic Integration', p. 110; M. Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina en 1986: Prestigio, Reformas y Conflictos', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de las políticas esteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: Continuidad en la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 33-35.
82. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', p. 5. Manzetti, 'ArgentinoBrazilian Economic Integration', p. 110; M. Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina en 1986: Prestigio, Reformas y Conflictos', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de las políticas esteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: Continuidad en la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 33-35.
83. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', pp. 3-4; Manzetti, 'ArgentineBrazilian Economic Integration', pp. 117-18; Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina', pp. 34-5.
84. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', pp. 3-4; Manzetti, 'ArgentineBrazilian Economic Integration', pp. 117-18; Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina', pp. 34-5.
85. Hirst and Langyel, 'Integración Argentino-Brasileña', pp. 3-4; Manzetti, 'ArgentineBrazilian Economic Integration', pp. 117-18; Wilhelmy von Wolff, 'La Política Exterior Argentina', pp. 34-5.
86. R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: la Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: a la espera de un nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. For more details about the protocols created in 1987 and 1988 see 'Programa de Integración y Cooperación Económica entra la República de Argentina y la República Federativa del Brasil: Informe de la Comisión de Ejecución' Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 12, no. 129 (Nov. 1987), pp. 55-67; Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 14, no. 142 (Jan-Feb. 1989), pp. 76-87.
87. R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: la Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: a la espera de un nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. For more details about the protocols created in 1987 and 1988 see 'Programa de Integración y Cooperación Económica entra la República de Argentina y la República Federativa del Brasil: Informe de la Comisión de Ejecución' Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 12, no. 129 (Nov. 1987), pp. 55-67; Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 14, no. 142 (Jan-Feb. 1989), pp. 76-87.
88. R. Russell, 'Política Exterior de la Argentina en 1988: la Prioridad de la Agenda Económica', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores latinoamericanas y del Caribe: a la espera de un nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 17. For more details about the protocols created in 1987 and 1988 see 'Programa de Integración y Cooperación Económica entra la República de Argentina y la República Federativa del Brasil: Informe de la Comisión de Ejecución' Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 12, no. 129 (Nov. 1987), pp. 55-67; Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 14, no. 142 (Jan-Feb. 1989), pp. 76-87.
89. In absolute numbers, Argentine-Brazilian bilateral trade climbed from US $1.106 billion in 1985 to US $1.969 billion in 1989. Data from L. Manzetti, Institutions, Parties and Coalitions in Argentine Politics (Pittsburgh, 1993), p. 103.
90. Manzetti, 'Institutions, Parties', pp, 103-4.
91. Casarales, 'Goals in Argentine-Brazilian', p. 59; Manzetti, 'Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration', p. 115.
92. Casarales, 'Goals in Argentine-Brazilian', p. 59; Manzetti, 'Argentine-Brazilian Economic Integration', p. 115.
93. Accounts of the neighbouring military regimes' reactions to Alfonsín's election and inauguration can be found in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 8 Nov. 1983) and The New York Times, (New York, 13 Dec. 1983 and 22 Jan. 1984). Clarín and La Nación (Buenos Aires, 2 March, 4 April, 1, 27 June, 11, 18 Aug., 12 Oct., 18 Dec. 1983).
94. Accounts of the neighbouring military regimes' reactions to Alfonsín's election and inauguration can be found in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 8 Nov. 1983) and The New York Times, (New York, 13 Dec. 1983 and 22 Jan. 1984). Clarín and La Nación (Buenos Aires, 2 March, 4 April, 1, 27 June, 11, 18 Aug., 12 Oct., 18 Dec. 1983).
95. Accounts of the neighbouring military regimes' reactions to Alfonsín's election and inauguration can be found in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 8 Nov. 1983) and The New York Times, (New York, 13 Dec. 1983 and 22 Jan. 1984). Clarín and La Nación (Buenos Aires, 2 March, 4 April, 1, 27 June, 11, 18 Aug., 12 Oct., 18 Dec. 1983).
96. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24-23 Dec. 1983; 12 Jan., 4 Feb. 1984); Southern Cone Report (London, 3 Feb. 1984).
97. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24-23 Dec. 1983; 12 Jan., 4 Feb. 1984); Southern Cone Report (London, 3 Feb. 1984).
98. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 17 April 1984).
99. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 June 1984).
100. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 19-21 June, 2, 22 July 1984). Support by the Alfonsín administration for Ferreira Aldunate became even more obvious in the weeks following his arrest. The Argentine president sent roving ambassador, Senator Hipolito Solari Yrigoyen, to Uruguay to become one of the lawyers defending the Blanco leader during the trial the military authorities held against him after his return to Montevideo.
101. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Oct. 1984); Southern Cone Report (Buenos Aires, 12 Oct. 1984).
102. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Oct. 1984); Southern Cone Report (Buenos Aires, 12 Oct. 1984).
103. Federico Storani and Raúl Alconada Sempé, suggested that the then Argentine ambassador to Uruguay, Carlos Perette, had received direct orders from President Alfonsín to engage in a kind of 'shuttle diplomacy' between leaders of the Blanco and Colorado parties to reach an agreement about participation in the military plebiscite, and to establish rules for the functioning of democracy after the military's exit from power. The Alfonsín administration equally provided support to a meeting between leaders of the Uruguayan democratic opposition, which took place in the Argentine city of Concordia, during the first part of 1984 to alleviate problems in the transition to democracy. The Uruguayan military regime officially protested about these interferences. As the two officials recalled, the Alfonsín administration denied these accusations at the time, but the military's suspicions in Montevideo were generally well founded. Author's joint interview with Federico Storani and Raúl Alconada Sempé, March 1994, Buenos Aires.
104. Jorge Sabato confirmed that some negotiations took place with the Uruguayan democratic opposition to, in his own words, 'reinforce the strength of the democratic movement against any attempt to institutionalise a tutelary democracy in Uruguay'. Author's interview with Jorge Sabato, Oct. 1993, Buenos Aires.
105. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 21 Nov. 1984).
106. This perception of Uruguay and Brazil being 'natural allies because of the democratic nature of their governments has been specifically expressed in an interview Caputo gave to the journal América Latina/Internacional, vol. 6 (July-Sept., 1989), p. 267.
107. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 Dec. 1984; 8 Feb., 3-4 March 1985).
108. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 20 May 1985).
109. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 23-24 June 1985). There have been reports that before the Punta del Este meeting the three presidents had decided to establish a telephone line for discussions and consultations about the adoption of coordinated initiatives in relation to difficulties the three nascent democracy encountered in the international system. See La Razón (Buenos Aires, 23 June 1985).
110. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 23-24 June 1985). There have been reports that before the Punta del Este meeting the three presidents had decided to establish a telephone line for discussions and consultations about the adoption of coordinated initiatives in relation to difficulties the three nascent democracy encountered in the international system. See La Razón (Buenos Aires, 23 June 1985).
111. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 16 Nov. 1985; 22 Feb., 16 June 1986).
112. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
113. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
114. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
115. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
116. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
117. For references on Uruguayan foreign policy during the first Sanguinetti administration see Lincoln Bizzozero, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay en una Perspectiva Histórica', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 347-57; M. E. Castillo, 'La Reinserción Internacional del Uruguay Democrático durante 1985', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Políticas exteriores latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), pp. 458-79; 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado en la Política Exterior Democráties', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de Políticas Exteriores Latinoamericanas: continuidad y cambio (Buenos Aires, 1987), pp. 455-77; 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay 1987: Manteniendo la Continuidad Externa', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe 1987, un balance de esperanzas (Buenos Aires, 1988), pp. 327-43 and 'Uruguay: Política Exterior en 1988', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Las políticas exteriores de América Latina y el Caribe : a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), pp. 286-300; Carlos Lújan, 'Redemocratización y Política Exterior en el Uruguay', Síntesis, no. 13 (Jan.-April 1991), pp. 359-80.
118. The Sanguinetti administration voted in favour of resolutions about the resumption of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom and supported the Argentine position on this issue during some OAS and UN meetings and in other international fora, such as the Non-Aligned Movement during its 1985 and 1986 Luanda and Harare summits. Moreover, Uruguay condemned the British government's November 1986 decision to impose a 150-mile security zone around the Malvinas/Falklands islands and supported an Argentine resolution at the UN to condemn the move. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 1-3 Nov. 1986); Castillo, 'La reinserción internacional', p. 468; Castillo, 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado', p. 470.
119. The Sanguinetti administration voted in favour of resolutions about the resumption of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom and supported the Argentine position on this issue during some OAS and UN meetings and in other international fora, such as the Non-Aligned Movement during its 1985 and 1986 Luanda and Harare summits. Moreover, Uruguay condemned the British government's November 1986 decision to impose a 150-mile security zone around the Malvinas/Falklands islands and supported an Argentine resolution at the UN to condemn the move. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 1-3 Nov. 1986); Castillo, 'La reinserción internacional', p. 468; Castillo, 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado', p. 470.
120. The Sanguinetti administration voted in favour of resolutions about the resumption of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom and supported the Argentine position on this issue during some OAS and UN meetings and in other international fora, such as the Non-Aligned Movement during its 1985 and 1986 Luanda and Harare summits. Moreover, Uruguay condemned the British government's November 1986 decision to impose a 150-mile security zone around the Malvinas/Falklands islands and supported an Argentine resolution at the UN to condemn the move. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 1-3 Nov. 1986); Castillo, 'La reinserción internacional', p. 468; Castillo, 'Uruguay: Profundización del Camino Trazado', p. 470.
121. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 15 June 1988).
122. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 20 May 1985).
123. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 27 May 1987). The full statement by Presidents Alfonsín and Sanguinetti and the full text of the Montevideo Act can be found in 'Acta de Montevideo', Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 12, no. 127 (Sept. 1987), pp. 57-60.
124. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 27 May 1987). The full statement by Presidents Alfonsín and Sanguinetti and the full text of the Montevideo Act can be found in 'Acta de Montevideo', Integración Latinoamericana, vol. 12, no. 127 (Sept. 1987), pp. 57-60.
125. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 16 Sept. 1987); Castillo, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay', p. 332.
126. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 16 Sept. 1987); Castillo, 'La Política Exterior del Uruguay', p. 332.
127. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Nov. 1988); Castillo, 'Uruguay: Política Exterior', p. 292.
128. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Nov. 1988); Castillo, 'Uruguay: Política Exterior', p. 292.
129. Author's joint interview with Raúl Alconada Sempé and Federico Storani, March 1994, Buenos Aires.
130. Leandro Despouy underlined that President Alfonsín refused to receive Paraguayan Ambassador Rivera Posada for more than a year to protest against human rights violations in his country. The first encounter between the two officials essentially involved discussion about the human rights situation in Paraguay. A few months later Alfonsín received the new Paraguayan Ambassador González Arias, to request that persecution of the political opposition be stopped. Author's interview with former director of the Human Rights Secretariat of the Argentine Foreign Affairs Ministry, Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires.
131. Author's interview with Raúl Alconada Sempé, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires. The Argentine press during the year 1986 underlined that the Stroessner administration protested against Ambassador Quijano's friendly activities with the Paraguayan democratic opposition. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 6-8 May 1986).
132. Author's interview with Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1995; Buenos Aires.
133. Argentina under Alfonsín granted political asylum to people from all sides of the democratic spectrum, such as the leaders of the Socialist Party and of the Liberal Party, Juan Carlos Galaverna, the Seguier brothers, Domingo Laíno and Captain Napoleón Ortigoza, who was the longest-held political prisoner of Latin America. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 12 Sept. 1986; 20 April 1987; 9 April, 4 May, 6 June 1988). Author's interview with Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1955, Buenos Aires.
134. Author's interviews with Jorge Sabato and Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1993 and Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires.
135. La Nación (Buenos Aires, 9 April 1988).
136. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 June 1984). The Paraguayan National Accord was founded in 1979 to oppose the Stroessner regime and since then had constituted the backbone of the democratic opposition to the Stronista dictatorship.
137. Carin, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 6, 8, 11, 16 Oct. 1984).
138. Carin, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 28 June 198 9).
139. Carin La Nación, Tiempo Argentino (Buenos Aires, 6 Jan. 1986); Jorge Luis Simón, ' Aislamiento, Política Internacional y Desconcertación : el Paraguay de Stroessner de Espalda a América Latina', Revista Paraguaya de Sociologia, vol. 25, no. 73 (1989), p. 225.
140. Carin La Nación, Tiempo Argentino (Buenos Aires, 6 Jan. 1986); Jorge Luis Simón, ' Aislamiento, Política Internacional y Desconcertación : el Paraguay de Stroessner de Espalda a América Latina', Revista Paraguaya de Sociologia, vol. 25, no. 73 (1989), p. 225.
141. Clarín, La Razón (Buenos Aires, 28 Aug., 3, 20 Nov. 1987). The UCR administration protested against Paraguayan refusal to extradite Argentine citizens guilty of the abduction of children of disappeared people by recalling Ambassador Quijano from August to November 1987. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24 Aug., 21 Nov. 1987).
142. Clarín, La Razón (Buenos Aires, 28 Aug., 3, 20 Nov. 1987). The UCR administration protested against Paraguayan refusal to extradite Argentine citizens guilty of the abduction of children of disappeared people by recalling Ambassador Quijano from August to November 1987. On this see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24 Aug., 21 Nov. 1987).
143. Paraguayan Ambassador Miguel Angel Bestard cited in C. M. Lezcano, 'Política Exterior, Percepciones de Seguridad y Amenaza en Paraguay', in Rigoberto Johnson Crúz and Augusto Varas (eds.), Percepciones de amenazas y politica de defensa en América Latina (Santiago, 1990), p. 225.
144. Clarín (Buenos Aires, 4 Feb. 1988); Virginia Bouvier, 'Paraguay: Aislamiento Internacional del Régimen Stroessner', Cono Sur, vol. 8 (Jan.-Feb. 1989), p. 1.
145. Clarín (Buenos Aires, 4 Feb. 1988); Virginia Bouvier, 'Paraguay: Aislamiento Internacional del Régimen Stroessner', Cono Sur, vol. 8 (Jan.-Feb. 1989), p. 1.
146. Author's interview with Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires; J. Morales Solá, Asalto a la ilusion: historia secreta del poder en la Argentina (Buenos Aires 1990), p. 195.
147. Author's interviews with Raúl Alconada Sempé and Leandro Despouy, Nov. 1993, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires.
148. Confidential source during an interview with the author.
149. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 5 Feb. 1989). It is revealing that the Alfonsín administration transformed itself, in the immediate aftermath of General Rodríguez's coup, into an ally for Paraguay within international fora. In contrast to its hostile attitude during 1988, Argentina was very active in withdrawing a resolution condemning the human rights situation in Paraguay at the UNCHR and became an important sponsor for the country's readmission into the commission. Author's interview with Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires.
150. Argentine encouragements were especially pressing in light of President Rodríguez and Foreign Affairs Argana's close relations with former President Stroessner and the Colorado Party. Author's interviews with Dante Caputo and Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1993, Nov. 1995, Buenos Aires.
151. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 Feb., 23 March, 27 April 1989).
152. The only exception being the agreement between Argentina and Paraguay to dredge the Paraná river.
153. On the assistance from the Argentine military regime during the García Meza regime see R. Russell, 'Argentina y la Política Exterior del Régimen', p. 176.
154. W. Morales, ' La Geopolítica de la Política Exterior de Bolivia', Documento de trabajo, PROSPEL, 1984, p. 26.
155. M. Yopo, 'Bolivia: Democracia, Inestabilidad y Política Exterior', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de politicas exteriores latinoamericanas frente a la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1985), pp. 184-185.
156. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 23 Jan. 1984).
157. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 7 Feb. 1984).
158. For instance, Presidents Alfonsín and Sarney, during an ALADI meeting, gave support to President Siles Zuazo for Bolivia to enter the Cartagena Consensus. On this see La Nación (Buenos Aires, 26 April 1984); S. Alegrett, 'Nuevas formas de concertacíon ecońmica en América Latina', in Luciano Tomassini (ed.), Nuevas formas de concertación regional en los años 1980 (Santiago, 1990), p. 311.
159. For instance, Presidents Alfonsín and Sarney, during an ALADI meeting, gave support to President Siles Zuazo for Bolivia to enter the Cartagena Consensus. On this see La Nación (Buenos Aires, 26 April 1984); S. Alegrett, 'Nuevas formas de concertacíon ecońmica en América Latina', in Luciano Tomassini (ed.), Nuevas formas de concertación regional en los años 1980 (Santiago, 1990), p. 311.
160. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 4 June 1984).
161. Clarin (Buenos Aires, 1 July 1984).
162. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 21 Sept. 1984).
163. See Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Dec. 1984; 18 Jan. 1985); M. Yopo, 'Bolivia 1985: la Lucha para la Stabilización, in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de paliticas latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), p. 142.
164. See Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 30 Dec. 1984; 18 Jan. 1985); M. Yopo, 'Bolivia 1985: la Lucha para la Stabilización, in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de paliticas latinoamericanas para sobrevivir (Buenos Aires, 1986), p. 142.
165. On the situation in Bolivia before and after the second round of the 1985 presidential election see Clarín, La Nación, The New York Times (Buenos Aires and New York, 21 July, 3-6 Aug. 1985).
166. For instance, the UCR administration provided logistical support to organise the first round of the 1985 Bolivian presidential election of July 1985. On this see Clarin (Buenos Aires, 28 March 1985).
167. Author's interview with Federico Storani, March 1994, Buenos Aires. Alfonsín also went to La Paz along with Presidents Betancur and Sanguinetti of Colombia and Uruguay where, it is alleged, they submitted Banzer to serious arm-twisting to concede victory to the democratic opposition. On this see Latin American Weekly Report (London, 9 Aug. 1985).
168. Argentina voted for a resolution on Bolivia's territorial claims during the Harare 1986 and Georgetown 1987 summits of the Non-Aligned Movement. See E. Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986: la Política Exterior del Neoliberalismo', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario da políticas exteriores des América latina y del Caribe: continuidad en la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1987). p. 198; M. Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987: una Política Exterior de la Sobreviviencia', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores de América Latina y del caribe (Buenos Aires, 1988), p. 155.
169. Argentina voted for a resolution on Bolivia's territorial claims during the Harare 1986 and Georgetown 1987 summits of the Non-Aligned Movement. See E. Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986: la Política Exterior del Neoliberalismo', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario da políticas exteriores des América latina y del Caribe: continuidad en la crisis (Buenos Aires, 1987). p. 198; M. Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987: una Política Exterior de la Sobreviviencia', in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas exteriores de América Latina y del caribe (Buenos Aires, 1988), p. 155.
170. Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986', pp. 198-199; Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987', p. 155.
171. Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986', pp. 198-199; Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987', p. 155.
172. On Bolivian support to the maintenance of the Argentine democratic process see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 April 1987; 18 Jan., 6-7 Dec. 1988); C. Zannier, 'Política Exterior de Bolivia en 1988: entre el Prapmatismo y la Subordinación', in Heraldo Muńoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas latinoamericanas: a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 118.
173. On Bolivian support to the maintenance of the Argentine democratic process see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 April 1987; 18 Jan., 6-7 Dec. 1988); C. Zannier, 'Política Exterior de Bolivia en 1988: entre el Prapmatismo y la Subordinación', in Heraldo Muńoz (ed.), Anuario de políticas latinoamericanas: a la espera de una nueva etapa (Buenos Aires, 1989), p. 118.
174. Clarín (Buenos Aires, 23 June 1984). This line of credit was increased by US $100 million in July 1985 a few days before the first round of the Bolivian presidential election in an attempt, it has been alleged by the Argentine press, to boost the chances of democratic candidates to retain the presidency. On this see Tiempo Argentino (Buenos Aires, 16 July 1985).
175. Clarín (Buenos Aires, 23 June 1984). This line of credit was increased by US $100 million in July 1985 a few days before the first round of the Bolivian presidential election in an attempt, it has been alleged by the Argentine press, to boost the chances of democratic candidates to retain the presidency. On this see Tiempo Argentino (Buenos Aires, 16 July 1985).
176. 3.
177. The 1987 agreement granted favourable conditions to Bolivia to reimburse its debt through a ten-year period. This would be then followed by a fifteen-year period during which Bolivia would pay an 8 % annual interest rate which was much lower than private foreign banks requested from the country at the time. In addition, the Argentine requirement that 60 % of the money Bolivia earned through the gas arrangement served to buy Argentine products was lowered to 20%. On the negotiations between Argentina and Bolivia and on the 1987 agreement see Clarín La Nación, La Prensa (Buenos Aires, 24 Feb., 4-5 March, 14 Nov. 1986; 7 Jan., 27 May, 31 July, 3-5 Sept. 1987); Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987', pp. 155-6.
178. The 1987 agreement granted favourable conditions to Bolivia to reimburse its debt through a ten-year period. This would be then followed by a fifteen-year period during which Bolivia would pay an 8 % annual interest rate which was much lower than private foreign banks requested from the country at the time. In addition, the Argentine requirement that 60 % of the money Bolivia earned through the gas arrangement served to buy Argentine products was lowered to 20%. On the negotiations between Argentina and Bolivia and on the 1987 agreement see Clarín, La Nación, La Prensa (Buenos Aires, 24 Feb., 4-5 March, 14 Nov. 1986; 7 Jan., 27 May, 31 July, 3-5 Sept. 1987); Yopo, 'Bolivia 1987', pp. 155-6.
179. Author's interviews with Jorge Sabato and Raúl Alconada Sempé, Oct. 1993, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires.
180. Author's interview with Jorge Sabato, Oct. 1993, Buenos Aires.
181. It is revealing that both the Argentine and Chilean democratic opposition saw a connection between the settlement of the Beagle territorial dispute and the launching of a democratic transition in Chile. A few months before the Alfonsín administration's inauguration, the Argentine and Chilean democratic oppositions jointly met and requested their respective military governments to reopen negotiations on the Beagle channel. It is clear from the August 1983 joint statement that they linked this foreign policy initiative with the strengthening of eventual democratisation processes in their respective countries. See Clarín, La Nación, La Prensa (Buenos Aires, 16 May, 7 June, 23-24 Aug. 1983).
182. Representative of this way of thinking is a statement made by the then Argentine Minister of the Interior, Antonio Troccoli, in the midst of the Beagle channel treaty negotiations. Troccoli stated that, ' the dispute must be settled as soon as possible since the stalemate only provides an excuse for the Argentine and Chilean military to rearm, to fuel tensions within both societies, and to endanger the evolution of the democratic experiment Argentina has undertaken since 1983. On Troccoli's statement see Clarín (Buenos Aires, 28 Sept. 1984).
183. Author's interviews with José Paradiso, professor of sociology at the University of San Andrés and Rut Diamint, advisor at the Argentine Ministry of Defence, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires. In Paradiso's mind, the Beagle channel initiative was partly undertaken to eventually force the military institution to accept civilian supremacy by reducing its autonomy and severing the link with nationalist elements within civil society.
184. Francisco Díez, 'Criterios Rectores de la Política Exterior del Gobierno de la UCR', América Latina/Internacional, vol. 4 (April-June 1987), p. 111.
185. Interview with Caputo in La Prensa (Buenos Aires, 14 Dec. 1983).
186. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24 Aug., 26, 28 Oct. 1983).
187. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 24 Jan. 1984).
188. For instance, the Alfonsín administration encountered strong opposition to the proposed settlement with Chile from nationalist elements of the Peronist Party. Although the nationalist opposition was subsequently discredited during a televised debate, it remained a serious obstacle to the initiative since the opposition controlled the treaty ratification process through its majority in the Senate. The seriousness of the nationalist threat became obvious when the Senate ratified the treaty by only one vote. In addition to the nationalist opposition, some military elements resisted the UCR administration's initiative with Chile. Former President and Vice-President General Roberte Levingstone and Admiral Isaac Rojas criticised the treaty and attempted to organise the opposition against it. On the nationalist/Peronist opposition to the Beagle treaty before the November 1984 plebiscite see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 12, 18 Sept.; 23, 27 Oct.; 1, 3, 5, 8, 16 Nov. 1984). On the military opposition to the Beagle treaty see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 2, 24 Jan., 3 Sept., 5-6 Oct. 1984).
189. For instance, the Alfonsín administration encountered strong opposition to the proposed settlement with Chile from nationalist elements of the Peronist Party. Although the nationalist opposition was subsequently discredited during a televised debate, it remained a serious obstacle to the initiative since the opposition controlled the treaty ratification process through its majority in the Senate. The seriousness of the nationalist threat became obvious when the Senate ratified the treaty by only one vote. In addition to the nationalist opposition, some military elements resisted the UCR administration's initiative with Chile. Former President and Vice-President General Roberte Levingstone and Admiral Isaac Rojas criticised the treaty and attempted to organise the opposition against it. On the nationalist/Peronist opposition to the Beagle treaty before the November 1984 plebiscite see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 12, 18 Sept.; 23, 27 Oct.; 1, 3, 5, 8, 16 Nov. 1984). On the military opposition to the Beagle treaty see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 2, 24 Jan., 3 Sept., 5-6 Oct. 1984).
190. Author's interview with Jortre Sabato, Oct. 1993, Buenos Aires.
191. On the treaty ratification see Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 15 May 1985).
192. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 10, 12, 14 May, 1, 16 July 1986); Southern Cone Report (London, 23 May 1986).
193. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 10, 12, 14 May, 1, 16 July 1986); Southern Cone Report (London, 23 May 1986).
194. G. M. Figari, Argentina y América Latina: conflictos y cooperacion (Buenos Aires, 1991), p. 66.
195. One example of this can be found in the fact that Argentina seemed to show hostility to some aspects of Chile's foreign policy during the period under study. For instance, Argentina voted for the Bolivian request during the 1986 and 1987 Luanda and Georgetown Non Aligned Movement summits for a territorial concession from Chile to endow Bolivia with a sea outlet. Sec El Mercurio (Santiago, 10 Sept. 1986; 11 Nov. 1987); Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986', p. 200.
196. One example of this can be found in the fact that Argentina seemed to show hostility to some aspects of Chile's foreign policy during the period under study. For instance, Argentina voted for the Bolivian request during the 1986 and 1987 Luanda and Georgetown Non Aligned Movement summits for a territorial concession from Chile to endow Bolivia with a sea outlet. Sec El Mercurio (Santiago, 10 Sept. 1986; 11 Nov. 1987); Camacho Omiste, 'Bolivia en 1986', p. 200.
197. See Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 10 Jan. 1987); El Mercurio (Santiago, 25 Sept. 1987).
198. See Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 10 Jan. 1987); El Mercurio (Santiago, 25 Sept. 1987).
199. Author's interview with Jorge Sabato, Oct. 1993, Buenos Aires.
200. It is alleged that communications were established in December 1985 between the Argentine administration and the military governor of the 12th region, General Luis Danús, because of his public tilt towards political liberalisation in Chile. According to El Mercurio, there had been some discussions between Argentine authorities and Genetal Danús about the possibility of requesting a meeting with General Pinochet in which Danús would have appealed for a liberalisation of the Chilean political process. See El Mercurio (Santiago, 20 Dec. 1985).
201. Accounts of meetings in Argentina and Chile between Argentine officials and representatives of the Chilean democratic opposition existed during the whole length of the UCR administration's mandate. On this see Clarín, La Nación, El Mercurio (Buenos Aires and Santiago, 22 June, 11, 23 Aug., 18 Dec. 1983, 2-3 May, 26 Dec. 1984; 13 Nov. 1985 ; 8 July, 11-12 Sept., 10 Oct. 1986; 15 Feb., 10 Nov. 1987; March 1 1998).
202. Alconada Sempé underlined that as in Uruguay, there was a 'shuttle diplomacy' going on between the Argentine ambassador in Santiago and the democratic opposition to set up rules that would allow its unification to fight against authoritarianism in Chile'. In his opinion, the Argentine involvement facilitated the signature of the National Accord in 1985, although it was not the main element explaining its creation. Author's interview with Raúl Alconada Sempé, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires.
203. Author's interview with Dante Caputo, Nov. 1995, Buenos Aires.
204. Interview with Raúl Alconada Sempé, Nov. 1993, Buenos Aires. The Argentine press alleged that early in 1986 a high-ranking emissary went to Chile to encourage a compromise between the Pinochet regime, the democratic opposition, as well as between the various sectors making up the democratic opposition. See Clarín (Buenos Aires, 4 Jan. 1986).
205. Morales Sola, Asalto a la ilusión, p. 210. Federico Storani revealed that he was the secret emissary Alfonsín had sent to Chile to negotiate with the democratic opposition and the Frente Patriótico Manual Rodríguez. After his return, Storani suggested to President Alfonsín that Argentina should improve its relations with Chile to deny the Pinochet regime any excuse to disregard a democratic exit on the account that the nation was threatened by external elements. Interview with Federico Storani, March 1994, Buenos Aires.
206. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 11 Sept. 1986).
207. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 12 Sept. 1986).
208. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 13 Sept. 1986).
209. Claría, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 Sept. 1986).
210. Discussions between President Alfonsín and officials from the Spanish government about the Chilean political situation has been underlined by Clarín (Buenos Aires, 9 Oct. 1985).
211. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 17 Oct. 1986).
212. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 21 Oct. 1986). The content of the discussion between Alfonsín and Castro has been later indirectly confirmed by Antonio Leal, the Secretary General of the Chilean Partido Democrática de la Izquierda (PDI) and then one of the leaders of the Chilean Communist Party. Leal equally mentioned that Alfsonín had established some contacts with the Italian Communist Party to obtain a request from Secretary General Enrique Berlinguer to his Chilean comrades to develop a more flexible attitude towards with the Pinochet regime. See La Epoca (Santiago, 10 June 1991).
213. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 21 Oct. 1986). The content of the discussion between Alfonsín and Castro has been later indirectly confirmed by Antonio Leal, the Secretary General of the Chilean Partido Democrática de la Izquierda (PDI) and then one of the leaders of the Chilean Communist Party. Leal equally mentioned that Alfsonín had established some contacts with the Italian Communist Party to obtain a request from Secretary General Enrique Berlinguer to his Chilean comrades to develop a more flexible attitude towards with the Pinochet regime. See La Epoca (Santiago, 10 June 1991).
214. Author's Interviews with Raúl Alconada Sempé, Nov. 1993 (Buenos Aires) President Alfonsín personally confirmed that he had discussions with Castro about the unfriendly attitude of the Argentine Communist Party towards his administration and democratic institutions in his country. On this see P. Giussani, ¿ Por qué, Dr. Alfonsín? (Buenos Aires, 1987), p. 151.
215. Morales Sola, ' Asalto a la ilusión', p. 212. The meeting is mentioned in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 29 fan. 1988).
216. Morales Sola, ' Asalto a la ilusión', p. 212. The meeting is mentioned in La Nación (Buenos Aires, 29 fan. 1988).
217. This issue would have also been discussed between President Alfonsín and Presidentelect Bush. On this see La Nación (Buenos Aires, 3-4 Dec. 1988).
218. See on the Argentine vote against American resolutions at the UNCHR about the situation of human rights in Cuba. Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 18 - 19 March 1987; 3 Feb. 1988).
219. Author's interviews with Raúl Alconada Sempé and Dante Caputo, March 1994, Nov. 1995, Buenos Aires.
220. Author's interview with Raúl Alconada Sempé, March 1994, Buenos Aires. It seems likely that Alconada Sempé refers to a meeting which took place at the UN headquarters in New York on 27 September 1986 between Secretary of State Schultz and Argentine officials as recounted by Clarín, La Nación (Buenos Aires, 28 Sept. 1986).
221. On meetings between Argentine officials and Elliot Abrams see Clarín, La Natión (Buenos Aires, 2-3 May 1986; 8-9 Jan. 1987; 19, 21 April, 16 June, 3-4 Nov. 1988).
222. Clarín, La Nación, La Prensa (Buenos Aires, 18 Nov. 1986; 9 Jan. 1987).
223. On the Alfonsín administration is support to the 'No' side in the Chilean 1988 plebiscite see La Nación (Buenos Aires, 16 June, 30 July, 2 Oct. 1988). According to Leandro Despouy, the Alfonsín administration provided some financial assistance to the 'No' side during the 1988 plebiscite in Chile. For instance, it paid tor several buses of Chilean exiles in Argentina, who were overwhelmingly against the maintenance of Pinochet in power, to return to Chile and vote in the plebiscite. Author's interview with Leandro Despouy, Oct. 1995, Buenos Aires.
224. Clarín, La Nación, EI Mercurio (Buenos Aires and Santiago, 25 Oct. 1988).
225. Clarín, La Nación, Pagina 12 (Buenos Aires, 29 Oct., 7 Nov. 1988).