Engineering the Philippine uplands: Gender, ethnicity, and scientific forestry in the American colonial period

Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 13-30

  Resurrección, Babette P ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIALISM; ETHNICITY; FOREST MANAGEMENT; GENDER ROLE; HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE;

PHILIPPINES;

EID: 0032784035     PISSN: 00074810     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/14672715.1999.10415727     Document Type: Article

References (191)

1. Nicholas Dirks, "Introduction: Colonialism and Culture," in Colonialism and Culture (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), p. 6.
2. Raymond L. Bryant and Sinead Bailey, Third World Political Ecology (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 54.
3. See Robert W. Connell, "The State, Gender and Sexual Politics: Theory and Appraisal," Theory and Society 19, no 5 (1990): 507-43.
4. This is located within recent studies on the sociology of the environment that investigate how knowledge is produced on the environment Michael Redclift and Graham Woodgate, The Sociology of the Environment (Aldershot: E. Elgar Publishing, 1995), p. xiv. See also Michael Watts and Richard Peet, eds., Liberation Ecologies: Environment, Development, Social Movements (London: Routledge, 1996).
5. This is located within recent studies on the sociology of the environment that investigate how knowledge is produced on the environment Michael Redclift and Graham Woodgate, The Sociology of the Environment (Aldershot: E. Elgar Publishing, 1995), p. xiv. See also Michael Watts and Richard Peet, eds., Liberation Ecologies: Environment, Development, Social Movements (London: Routledge, 1996).
6. See Babette Resurrección, "Imagining Identities: Ethnicity, Gender and Discourse in Contesting Resources," a chapter in People, Power and Resources in Everyday Life. Critical Essays on the Politics of Environment in the Philippines, Babette Resurrección and Edsel Sajor (Manila: Institute of Popular Democracy, 1998); Babette Resurrección and Edsel Sajor, "Constellations of Power: Philippine Ecopolitics Reexamined," Alternatives: Social Transformation and Human Governance 23, no. 2 (1998).
7. See Babette Resurrección, "Imagining Identities: Ethnicity, Gender and Discourse in Contesting Resources," a chapter in People, Power and Resources in Everyday Life. Critical Essays on the Politics of Environment in the Philippines, Babette Resurrección and Edsel Sajor (Manila: Institute of Popular Democracy, 1998); Babette Resurrección and Edsel Sajor, "Constellations of Power: Philippine Ecopolitics Reexamined," Alternatives: Social Transformation and Human Governance 23, no. 2 (1998).
8. See Merton Fried, The Notion of Tribe (Menlo Park, Calif.: Cummings Publishing, 1975).
9. See Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives (London: Pluto Press, 1993).
10. Ibid, p. 10.
11. Historian William Henry Scott points out that the consciousness of a "minority" people began in the Spanish colonial period when "the divergence had created a real Filipino majority for the first time in history - those Filipinos who had the same king - the Spanish king." The rest who did not submit to foreign domination gradually became the "minority" who retained much of their culture. William Henry Scott, "The Making of a Cultural Minority," in Human Rights and Ancestral Lands: A Sourcebook (Manila: Uganayan Pang-Agham Tao, University of the Philippines, 1983), p. 68.
12. In 1900, President William McKinley decided it was necessary to transfer power from military to civil authorities in the Philippines. He appointed a Philippine Commission to draft a complete plan of government. The Commission was also to exercise the legislative functions of government, beginning in September 1900.
13. R. J. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism: The Philippine Career of Dean C. Worcester (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1991), p. 141.
14. Report to the Philippine Commission (RPC), Revised Administrative Code (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1917), p. 315.
15. In 1903, the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was redesignated as the Ethnological Survey of the Philippines; in 1905 it was reorganized as the Division of Ethnology under the Bureau of Education.
16. Report of the Philippine Commission, Report of the Philippine Commission, Vol I. (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1901).
17. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991. 2d ed.).
18. Marvin Harris, Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), p. 141.
19. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 48.
20. Eric Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982), pp. 6-7.
21. Morgan's scheme provided for seven distinct development phases, each with a corresponding technical attribute: lower savagery (wild fruit gathering); middle savagery (eating of fish, origins of speech, use of fire); upper savagery (use of the bow and arrow); lower barbarism (use of pottery); middle barbarism (plant and animal domestication); upper barbarism (use of iron tools and weapons); and, finally, civilization (writing). See Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 50.
22. In ibid., p. 54.
23. Report to the Philippine Commission, Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 15.
24. Report to the Philippine Commission, Census of the Philippine Islands (Manila: Bureau of Census and Statistics, 1903); Reports to the Philippine Commission, Census of the Philippine Islands (Manila: Bureau of Census and Statistics, 1918).
25. Report to the Philippine Commission, Census of the Philippine Islands (Manila: Bureau of Census and Statistics, 1903); Reports to the Philippine Commission, Census of the Philippine Islands (Manila: Bureau of Census and Statistics, 1918).
26. Government of the United States of America, Pronouncing Gazetteer and Geographical Dictionary of the Philippine Islands (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1902).
27. Karl Hutterer, "Dean C. Worcester and Philippine Anthropology," Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 6 (1978): 139.
28. Worcester in Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 132.
29. Dean C. Worcester, "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," The Philippine Journal of Science 1, no. 8 (1906): 805.
30. Both Worcester and Barrows were convinced that the different dialect groups of the Cordillera region and Nueva Vizcaya could be reduced to just this number instead of the former thirty-six of Prof. Blumentritt and the twenty-six tribes enumerated by the Jesuit order in Manila in their report to the Schurman Commission (preparatory body for U.S. control of the Philippines as a colony) in 1899.
31. Worcester, "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," p. 557.
32. Martin Lewis, Wagering the Land: Ritual, Capital and Environmental Degradation in the Cordillera of Northern Luzon, 1900-1986 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), p. 12.
33. This isolation was used to divide Christians and non-Christians so that when Filipino nationalists clamored for self-government (an anti-imperialist league was campaigning for this in the United States), the Americans have an excuse for turning them down: that Christian Filipinos cannot be trusted to govern non-Christian Filipinos. See Cordillera Schools Group, Igorot: A People who Daily Touch the Earth and Sky, 3 vols. (Baguio City, Benguet: Cordillera Schools Group, 1986), p. 29.
34. Worcester fostered tribal separatism since he was intent on encouraging the commercial penetration of tribal territories by American, British, and Australian capitalists while attempting to prevent the "takeover" of Filipino nationalists who wanted to foster political integration. It appeared that he was also using the tribal peoples to undermine the cause of Philippine independence from the United States, justifying the backwardness of a people who evidently still needed political tutelage from the colonizers. See Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, pp. 162-65.
35. Howard Fry, A History of the Mountain Province (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1983), p. 39.
36. Ibid.
37. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 154; Lewis, Wagering the Land, p. 12.
38. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 154; Lewis, Wagering the Land, p. 12.
39. Albert E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot. Philippine Islands Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. 1 (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1905), p. 28.
40. William H. Scott, "The Word Igorot," Philippine Studies 10, no. 2 (1962): 156-57; 166.
41. Susan Russell, "Mountain People in the Philippines: Ethnographic Contributions to Upland Development," in Man, Agriculture and the Tropical Forest: Change and Development in the Philippine Uplands, ed. S. Fujisaka, P. Sajise, and R. del Castillo (Bangkok: Winrock International, 1983), pp. 20, 22-23.
42. Patricia Afable, Language, Culture and Society in a Kallahan Community, Northern Luzon, Philippines. Ph.D diss. (Yale University, 1989), p. 173; Morton Fried, for example, points out that one usage of "tribe" is as a secondary sociopolitical phenomenon, brought about by the intercession of more complexly ordered societies, such as states in particular. See Fried, The Notion of Tribe, p. 114, and Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism.
43. Patricia Afable, Language, Culture and Society in a Kallahan Community, Northern Luzon, Philippines. Ph.D diss. (Yale University, 1989), p. 173; Morton Fried, for example, points out that one usage of "tribe" is as a secondary sociopolitical phenomenon, brought about by the intercession of more complexly ordered societies, such as states in particular. See Fried, The Notion of Tribe, p. 114, and Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism.
44. The efforts at educating mountain people produced contradictory results, however. As early as the 1930s, Keesing traced the beginnings of a sense of cultural displacement among the upland peoples who had undergone the first vestiges of American education: "Experience shows that numbers of these intermediate graduates do not want to go (back) to the fields, tend to patronize their elders, and treat old ways that have proved their value in the mountain life with indifference and contempt, loaf around their villages or central towns, either waiting for a salaried job or else [thinking themselves] superior to work altogether, and bring schooling in general into disrepute. They have gained nothing worthwhile from the modern culture, and lost much that is valuable from the ancient ways." See Felix Keesing, Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon (Stanford: Stanford University, 1962), pp. 262 ff.
45. Fry, History of the Mountain Province, pp. 124, 128.
46. The heads of baknang families used their political positions to lay claim to ricefields, mine sites, pasture lands, and forest concessions simply because they were in positions to dispose of or to assist in the disposition of these lands; later, however, these same families lost prime sections of "their" lands when the Americans declared these to be reservations, government resorts, forest reserves, townsites, and government office sites. Cordillera Schools Group, Igorot, p. 33.
47. For example, those arranged by the Commission on National Integration [CNI], the office that later replaced the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes.
48. It was only in 1974 that a mission school was established for the Kalanguya in Imugan, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya (the Kalahan Academy). In the late 1960s, small mission houses were set up in Nansiakan, Kayapa by the New Tribes Mission.
49. By "direct," I mean a deliberate effort on the part of state policy-makers to construct schools or facilitate the deployment of mission schools in strategic places where these ethnic groups are known to reside; in the case of the Kalanguya, there were no schools to cater directly to them as an ethnic group.
50. On 13 October 1916, Gov. General F. B. Harrison announced the appointment of Joaquin Luna as governor of the Mountain Province (an Ilocano) and Juan Carino (Ibaloi) and Rafael Bulayangan (Ifugao) as members of the House of Representatives, where there were two seats allocated to representatives of the Mountain Province. Fry, History of the Mountain Province, p. 109.
51. An example is Bassit Oliano, elected township president of Santa Fe, who was nowhere cited in records as Kalanguya. See Tomas Madella and Emilio Tolentino, "A Brief History of Nueva Vizcaya," Journal of Northern Luzon (St. Mary's College, Nueva Vizcaya), parts 1 and 2 (1971): 116. Oliano, however, comes from one of the known clans of Kalanguya.
52. Ibid., pp. 42-43; 116-17; Municipality of Santa Fe, "Save Santa Fe Program," Annual Report (Santa Fe: Municipal Government, July 1995-June 1996).
53. Ibid., pp. 42-43; 116-17; Municipality of Santa Fe, "Save Santa Fe Program," Annual Report (Santa Fe: Municipal Government, July 1995-June 1996).
54. Edward Norbeck, "David P. Barrows' Notes on Philippine Ethnology," Journal of East Asiatic Studies 5, no. 3 (1956): 244, 245.
55. Merton Miller, "The Ascent to Mount Pulog," Philippine Journal of Science 1, no. 8 (1906): 100.
56. See Afable, Language, Culture and Society; Delbert Rice, Integration of the Ikalahan. MA thesis (Silliman University, Negros Oriental, Philippines, 1974).
57. See Afable, Language, Culture and Society; Delbert Rice, Integration of the Ikalahan. MA thesis (Silliman University, Negros Oriental, Philippines, 1974).
58. See Worcester, "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon."
59. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 162.
60. Reports to the Philippine Commission, Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 58.
61. Afable, "Language, Culture and Society," pp. 139-40.
62. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
63. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
64. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
65. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
66. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
67. See Roy Franklin Barton, Ifugao Law. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1919); Claude Moss, Nabaloi Law and Ritual. Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1920); Renata Rosaldo, Ilongot Headhunting, 1883-1974: A Study in Society and History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980); Michelle Rosaldo, Knowledge and Passion: Ilongot Notions of Self and Social Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Harold Conklin, Ethnographic Atlas of the Ifugao: A Study of Environment, Culture and Society (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot.
68. Roy Franklin Barton, cited in Afable, "Language, Culture and Society," p. 137. See Roy Franklin Barton, "The Religion of the Ifagaos," American Anthropological Association Memoir, no. 65 (1946).
69. Roy Franklin Barton, cited in Afable, "Language, Culture and Society," p. 137. See Roy Franklin Barton, "The Religion of the Ifagaos," American Anthropological Association Memoir, no. 65 (1946).
70. Edward Kennard and Gordon Macgregor, "Applied Anthropology in Government: The United States," in Anthropology Today: An Encyclopaedic Inventory, ed. A. L. Kroeber (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 832.
71. These areas are well known to be settlements of the Kalanguya in Nueva Vizcaya.
72. Felix Keesing, Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), pp. 271, 299.
73. Filomeno Aguilar Jr., Social Forestry for Upland Development-Lessons from Four Case Studies (Manila: Institute of Popular Culture, Ateneo de Manila University, 1982), p. 19.
74. See Melanie Wiber, "Dynamics of the Peasant Household Economy: Labor Recruitment and Allocation in an Upland Philippine Community," Journal of Anthropological Research 4, no. 4 (1985): 427-41; Melanie Wiber, Politics, Property and Law in the Philippine Uplands (Toronto: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1995), pp. 127-49.
75. See Melanie Wiber, "Dynamics of the Peasant Household Economy: Labor Recruitment and Allocation in an Upland Philippine Community," Journal of Anthropological Research 4, no. 4 (1985): 427-41; Melanie Wiber, Politics, Property and Law in the Philippine Uplands (Toronto: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1995), pp. 127-49.
76. Afable, Language, Culture and Society, p. 92.
77. Personal communication, 16 December 1986, Santa Fe Municipal Hall, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya.
78. The KTO was organized by contemporary Kalanguya regional leaders in 1992 to assert Kalanguya identity in the region and in so doing, assert a Kalanguya territory.
79. Personal communication, 7 February 1997, Cordillera Executive Board Office, Baguio City.
80. Afable, Language, Culture and Society, p. 94.
81. It is doubtful whether the other Cordillera groups also actively nurtured a sense of unified community at the outset. I believe their sense of community was a confluence of using a common language and being acknowledged as cohesive communities by ethnographers and state authorities.
82. See Wolf, Europe and the People without History.
83. See Connell, "The State, Gender and Sexual Politics."
84. See Vicente L. Rafael, "Mimetic Subjects: Engendering Race at the Edge of Empire," Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 7, no. 2 (1995).
85. Elizabeth Uy Eviota, The Political Economy of Gender. Women and the Sexual Division of Labour in the Philippines (London: Zed Books, 1992), pp. 63-76.
86. Connell, "The State, Gender and Sexual Politics," p. 522.
87. The Americans found an elite class of Filipinos when they took over the islands from Spanish rule. This was the result of the concentration of land ownership in the hands of a few men and their families, which occurred during the nineteenth century. It is often referred to as "caciquismo" or the ownership of vast estates by a few.
88. Eviota, The Political Economy of Gender, pp. 72, 74.
89. Glenn Anthony May, Social Engineering in the Philippines: The Aims, Execution and Impact of American Colonial Policy, 1900-1913 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), p. 12.
90. Gerda Lemer, Why History Matters: Life and Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 179.
91. Rafael, Mimetic Subjects, pp. 142-45.
92. Emily Conger, cited Rafael, Mimetic subjects, p. 142. See Emily Conger, An Ohio Woman in the Philippines (Akron, Ohio: Richard H. Leighton Press, 1904).
93. Emily Conger, cited Rafael, Mimetic subjects, p. 142. See Emily Conger, An Ohio Woman in the Philippines (Akron, Ohio: Richard H. Leighton Press, 1904).
94. Maude Huntley Jenks, Death Stalks the Philippine Wilds (Minneapolis: The LundPress, 1951), pp. 22, 31; Maude Jenkswasthe wife of Dr. Albert Jenks, who was assistant chief of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes in 1902.
95. Helen Taft, cited in Rafael, Mimetic Subjects, p. 143. See Helen Taft, Recollections of Full Years (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1914).
96. Helen Taft, cited in Rafael, Mimetic Subjects, p. 143. See Helen Taft, Recollections of Full Years (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1914).
97. Mary H. Fee, A Woman's Impressions of the Philippines (Chicago: A.C. McClurg and Co., 1912), p. 66.
98. Edith Moses, Unofficial Letters of an Official's Wife (New York: Appleton and Co., 1908), cited in Rafael, Mimetic Subjects, p. 145.
99. Edith Moses, Unofficial Letters of an Official's Wife (New York: Appleton and Co., 1908), cited in Rafael, Mimetic Subjects, p. 145.
100. Dean C. Worcester, "Headhunters of Northern Luzon," National Geographic 23, no. 9 (1912): 882, 886; material in brackets provided.
101. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 156.
102. Worcester, "Headhunters of Northern Luzon," pp. 883, 889.
103. Ibid., pp. 879, 881, 893.
104. "If anyone is inquiring into the possibility of such domestic readjustment as is suggested to some minds by the status of women in our day, let him come and see the Igorrote man dandling babies and doing the housework while the women are toiling under the hot sun in the rice-paddies, knee-deep in water." Walter Clapp, "Prospecting among the Luzon Mountains," in The Spirit of the Missions: Episcopal Missions in the Mountain Province (Quezon City: St. Andrew's Theological Seminary, 1925). Unpublished looseleaf collection of articles; p. 10. "Carrying heavy loads, under exposure to heat and cold, bending knee deep in the cold water and mud of rice beds, they [the women] pass from rounded youth to wrinkled age more or less abruptly....Agriculture is, so to speak, a woman's career, not home-keeping to any extent as in traditional western life....A mountain woman feels the same sense of shame if her husband has to do what is considered women's work, as a woman of the west might if her husband were reduced to cooking." See Felix Keesing and Marie Keesing, Taming Philippine Headhunters: A Study of Government and of Cultural Change in Northern Luzon (London: Allen and Unwin, 1934), p. 191.
105. "If anyone is inquiring into the possibility of such domestic readjustment as is suggested to some minds by the status of women in our day, let him come and see the Igorrote man dandling babies and doing the housework while the women are toiling under the hot sun in the rice-paddies, knee-deep in water." Walter Clapp, "Prospecting among the Luzon Mountains," in The Spirit of the Missions: Episcopal Missions in the Mountain Province (Quezon City: St. Andrew's Theological Seminary, 1925). Unpublished looseleaf collection of articles; p. 10. "Carrying heavy loads, under exposure to heat and cold, bending knee deep in the cold water and mud of rice beds, they [the women] pass from rounded youth to wrinkled age more or less abruptly....Agriculture is, so to speak, a woman's career, not home-keeping to any extent as in traditional western life....A mountain woman feels the same sense of shame if her husband has to do what is considered women's work, as a woman of the west might if her husband were reduced to cooking." See Felix Keesing and Marie Keesing, Taming Philippine Headhunters: A Study of Government and of Cultural Change in Northern Luzon (London: Allen and Unwin, 1934), p. 191.
106. See Cora Kaplan, "'Like a Housemaid's Fancies': The Representation of Working-class Women in Nineteenth-century Writing," in Grafts: Feminist Cultural Criticism, ed. S. Sheridan (London: Verso, 1988).
107. See Connell, The State, Gender and Sexual Politics.
108. See May, Social Engineering in the Philippines.
109. Ibid., pp. 9-10.
110. Ibid., p. 17.
111. These were local government positions given before 1890, the period before the U.S. takeover of the Philippines from the Spaniards.
112. May, Social Engineering in the Philippines, p. 45.
113. Keesing and Keesing, Taming Philippine Headhunters, pp. 111-12.
114. Ibid.
115. See Maddella and Tolentino, A Brief History of Nueva Vizcaya.
116. Report to the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior, Part II (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1906), p. 396.
117. To reiterate, Imugan has been and still is a predominantly Kalanguya settlement in Nueva Vizcaya.
118. Report to the Philippine Commission, Reports of Provincial Governors, Part I (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1907), p. 411.
119. Report to the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior, Part II (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1908), p. 8.
120. Report to the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior, Part I (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1910) p. 77.
121. See May, Social Engineering in the Philippines; Rafael, Mimetic Subjects.
122. See May, Social Engineering in the Philippines; Rafael, Mimetic Subjects.
123. Carole Pateman, quoted in Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage Publications, 1997), p. 79. See also Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Cambridge: Polity, 1988).
124. Carole Pateman, quoted in Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage Publications, 1997), p. 79. See also Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Cambridge: Polity, 1988).
125. Ibid.
126. Encamacion Alzona, A History of Education in the Philippines, 1565-1930 (Manila: University of the Philippines Press, 1932), p. 272.
127. Keesing and Keesing, Taming Philippine Headhunters. p. 261.
128. Philippine Commonwealth, Department of Public Instruction, cited in Carolyn Israel Sobritchea, "American Colonial Education and Its Impact on the Status of Filipino Women," Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (1929): 79.
129. Philippine Islands, Board of Educational Survey, cited in ibid., p. 82.
130. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books, 1973), pp. 74-75.
131. The works of H. N. Whitford, W. H. Brown, and J. R. Arnold give ample descriptions and classifications of the vegetation and tree species in Philippine forests and the potential of the lumber industry in the country. H. N. Whitford, The Forests of the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1911); John R. Arnold, Lumbering Industry of the Philippines (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1914), commissioned by the U.S. Department of Commerce; William H. Brown, Vegetation of Philippine Mountains: The Relation between the Environment and Physical Types at Different Altitudes (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1919).
132. The works of H. N. Whitford, W. H. Brown, and J. R. Arnold give ample descriptions and classifications of the vegetation and tree species in Philippine forests and the potential of the lumber industry in the country. H. N. Whitford, The Forests of the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1911); John R. Arnold, Lumbering Industry of the Philippines (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1914), commissioned by the U.S. Department of Commerce; William H. Brown, Vegetation of Philippine Mountains: The Relation between the Environment and Physical Types at Different Altitudes (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1919).
133. The works of H. N. Whitford, W. H. Brown, and J. R. Arnold give ample descriptions and classifications of the vegetation and tree species in Philippine forests and the potential of the lumber industry in the country. H. N. Whitford, The Forests of the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1911); John R. Arnold, Lumbering Industry of the Philippines (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1914), commissioned by the U.S. Department of Commerce; William H. Brown, Vegetation of Philippine Mountains: The Relation between the Environment and Physical Types at Different Altitudes (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1919).
134. See K. Sivaramakrishnan, "Colonialism and Forestry in India: Imagining the Past in Present Politics," Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 1 (1995): 3-40; Raymond Bryant, The Political Ecology of Forestry in Burma, 1824-1994 (London: C. Hurst and Co., 1997).
135. See K. Sivaramakrishnan, "Colonialism and Forestry in India: Imagining the Past in Present Politics," Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 1 (1995): 3-40; Raymond Bryant, The Political Ecology of Forestry in Burma, 1824-1994 (London: C. Hurst and Co., 1997).
136. The Spanish forestry bureau was said to have been a weak one and one that could not properly enforce its regulations. See Dennis M. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry: 1565-1920," in Global Deforestation and the Nineteenth Century World Economy, ed. R. F. Tucker and J. F. Richards (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1983), p. 41.
137. Perla Q. Makil, "Forest Management and Use: Philippine Policies in the Seventies and Beyond," Philippine Studies 32 (1984): 27.
138. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry," p. 40; José F. Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 8 (1951): 14 ff; Juan L. Utleg, "Broad Land Use Classification in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 14 (1958): 34; Antonio Contreras, "Discourse, Politics and Structure of Upland Development in the Philippines," University of the Philippines (Los Banos), Forestry Development Center Policy Paper, no. 29 (1990), p. 11.
139. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry," p. 40; José F. Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 8 (1951): 14 ff; Juan L. Utleg, "Broad Land Use Classification in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 14 (1958): 34; Antonio Contreras, "Discourse, Politics and Structure of Upland Development in the Philippines," University of the Philippines (Los Banos), Forestry Development Center Policy Paper, no. 29 (1990), p. 11.
140. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry," p. 40; José F. Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 8 (1951): 14 ff; Juan L. Utleg, "Broad Land Use Classification in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 14 (1958): 34; Antonio Contreras, "Discourse, Politics and Structure of Upland Development in the Philippines," University of the Philippines (Los Banos), Forestry Development Center Policy Paper, no. 29 (1990), p. 11.
141. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry," p. 40; José F. Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 8 (1951): 14 ff; Juan L. Utleg, "Broad Land Use Classification in the Philippines," Philippine Journal of Forestry 14 (1958): 34; Antonio Contreras, "Discourse, Politics and Structure of Upland Development in the Philippines," University of the Philippines (Los Banos), Forestry Development Center Policy Paper, no. 29 (1990), p. 11.
142. Roth, "Philippine Forests and Forestry," p. 38.
143. Sullivan, Exemplar of Americanism, p. 120.
144. James C. Scott, Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), pp. 4, 7.
145. May, Social Engineering in the Philippines, p. 134.
146. George Ahem, A Few Pertinent Facts concerning the Philippine Forests and Needs of the Forest Service that Should Interest Every Filipino (Manila: Bureau of Forestry, Department of Interior, 1908), p .9.
147. F. L. Werntedt and J. E. Spencer, The Philippine Island World (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967), p. 239.
148. Report of the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1914), p. 113.
149. Central Bank of the Philippines, Central Bank Economic Indicators (Manila: Central Bank of the Philippines, 1955), p. 29.
150. Department of Agriculture and Commerce, Facts and Figures about the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1939), p. 26. After the war years of 1942 to 1945, logging increased rapidly and returned to prewar levels by 1949. In addition, due to the shortage of food during the war, more forests were cleared for farming. In summary, national forest cover seems to have dropped from more than 70 percent to 50 percent in the period from 1900 to 1950. Since 1950, forest cover has dropped continuously and much more rapidly; it is now under 25 percent of land area. Approximately 55 percent of the forest cover in 1950 no longer exists. See David Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines (Manila: Ateneo University Press, 1992), pp. 45, 75. The timber licenses that the Philippine government granted to operators were generally of three types: license agreements, ordinary licenses, and gratuitous licenses. License agreements (known as concessions) provide the exclusive privilege of cutting, collecting, and removing forest products for up to twenty years, over areas of public forest deemed appropriate for long-term and large-scale logging. Ordinary licenses, generally restricted to one year, are those that are granted for cutting and removing forest products in smaller public forest areas and on which the full charges prescribed are due. Reports to the Philippine Commission Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 274; Bureau of Forestry, "Opportunities for Lumbering in the Philippine Islands," in Report to the Philippine Commission, Part III (Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 3.
151. Department of Agriculture and Commerce, Facts and Figures about the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1939), p. 26. After the war years of 1942 to 1945, logging increased rapidly and returned to prewar levels by 1949. In addition, due to the shortage of food during the war, more forests were cleared for farming. In summary, national forest cover seems to have dropped from more than 70 percent to 50 percent in the period from 1900 to 1950. Since 1950, forest cover has dropped continuously and much more rapidly; it is now under 25 percent of land area. Approximately 55 percent of the forest cover in 1950 no longer exists. See David Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines (Manila: Ateneo University Press, 1992), pp. 45, 75. The timber licenses that the Philippine government granted to operators were generally of three types: license agreements, ordinary licenses, and gratuitous licenses. License agreements (known as concessions) provide the exclusive privilege of cutting, collecting, and removing forest products for up to twenty years, over areas of public forest deemed appropriate for long-term and large-scale logging. Ordinary licenses, generally restricted to one year, are those that are granted for cutting and removing forest products in smaller public forest areas and on which the full charges prescribed are due. Reports to the Philippine Commission Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 274; Bureau of Forestry, "Opportunities for Lumbering in the Philippine Islands," in Report to the Philippine Commission, Part III (Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 3.
152. Department of Agriculture and Commerce, Facts and Figures about the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1939), p. 26. After the war years of 1942 to 1945, logging increased rapidly and returned to prewar levels by 1949. In addition, due to the shortage of food during the war, more forests were cleared for farming. In summary, national forest cover seems to have dropped from more than 70 percent to 50 percent in the period from 1900 to 1950. Since 1950, forest cover has dropped continuously and much more rapidly; it is now under 25 percent of land area. Approximately 55 percent of the forest cover in 1950 no longer exists. See David Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines (Manila: Ateneo University Press, 1992), pp. 45, 75. The timber licenses that the Philippine government granted to operators were generally of three types: license agreements, ordinary licenses, and gratuitous licenses. License agreements (known as concessions) provide the exclusive privilege of cutting, collecting, and removing forest products for up to twenty years, over areas of public forest deemed appropriate for long-term and large-scale logging. Ordinary licenses, generally restricted to one year, are those that are granted for cutting and removing forest products in smaller public forest areas and on which the full charges prescribed are due. Reports to the Philippine Commission Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 274; Bureau of Forestry, "Opportunities for Lumbering in the Philippine Islands," in Report to the Philippine Commission, Part III (Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 3.
153. Department of Agriculture and Commerce, Facts and Figures about the Philippines (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1939), p. 26. After the war years of 1942 to 1945, logging increased rapidly and returned to prewar levels by 1949. In addition, due to the shortage of food during the war, more forests were cleared for farming. In summary, national forest cover seems to have dropped from more than 70 percent to 50 percent in the period from 1900 to 1950. Since 1950, forest cover has dropped continuously and much more rapidly; it is now under 25 percent of land area. Approximately 55 percent of the forest cover in 1950 no longer exists. See David Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines (Manila: Ateneo University Press, 1992), pp. 45, 75. The timber licenses that the Philippine government granted to operators were generally of three types: license agreements, ordinary licenses, and gratuitous licenses. License agreements (known as concessions) provide the exclusive privilege of cutting, collecting, and removing forest products for up to twenty years, over areas of public forest deemed appropriate for long-term and large-scale logging. Ordinary licenses, generally restricted to one year, are those that are granted for cutting and removing forest products in smaller public forest areas and on which the full charges prescribed are due. Reports to the Philippine Commission Reports to the Philippine Commission (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), p. 274; Bureau of Forestry, "Opportunities for Lumbering in the Philippine Islands," in Report to the Philippine Commission, Part III (Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 3.
154. Ibid., p. 1.
155. Ibid., pp. 2, 3.
156. Report of the Philippine Commission, "Report of Chief of Bureau of Forestry from September 1, 1903 to August 31, 1904," in Report of the Secretary of Interior, Part II (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1904), p. 329.
157. Director of Forestry, cited in Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," p. 10. See Director of Forestry, Annual Reports of the Director of Forestry (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1909).
158. Director of Forestry, cited in Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," p. 10. See Director of Forestry, Annual Reports of the Director of Forestry (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1909).
159. Ibid., p. 25.
160. Elina Uitamo, "Land Use History of the Philippines," in Sustainable Forestry Challenges for Developing Countries (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), p. 149; see also Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines.
161. Elina Uitamo, "Land Use History of the Philippines," in Sustainable Forestry Challenges for Developing Countries (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1996), p. 149; see also Kummer, Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines.
162. Melanio M. Gacoscosim, Philippine Forestry in Action (Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, 1995), p. 38.
163. Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," p. 29.
164. Ibid., p. 28.
165. 1948-49 catalog of the College of Forestry, University of the Philippines, in Nano, "Brief History of Forestry in the Philippines," pp. 76-77.
166. Utleg, "Broad Land Use Classification in the Philippines," p. 35.
167. Bureau of Public Lands, Circular Containing the Laws and Instructions concerning the Leasing of Public Lands and Homesteads (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 781.
168. Owen Lynch, "Native Title, Private Right and Tribal Land Law: An Introductory Survey," Philippine Law Journal 57 (1982): 284.
169. See, for example, Report to the Philippine Commission, Reports of Provincial Governors, Part I (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1907), p. 411.
170. Nickie Charles, Gender Divisions and Social Change (Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993), p. 179.
171. Report to the Philippine Commission, "Report of the Director of Lands," in Report of the Secretary of Interior (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907), p. 157.
172. Bureau of Public Lands, Circular containing the Laws and Instructions, p. 786.
173. Report of the Philippine Commission, "Report of Chief of Bureau of Forestry from September 1, 1903 to August 31, 1904," p. 573.
174. See Marshall McLennan, The Central Luzon Plain: Land and Society on the Inland Frontier (Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, 1980); Marshall McLennan, "Changing Human Ecology on the Central Luzon Plain: Nueva Ecija, 1705-1939," in Philippine Social History: Global Trade and Local Transformations, ed. A. W. McCoy and E. C. De Jesus (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1982).
175. See Marshall McLennan, The Central Luzon Plain: Land and Society on the Inland Frontier (Quezon City: Alemar-Phoenix Publishing House, 1980); Marshall McLennan, "Changing Human Ecology on the Central Luzon Plain: Nueva Ecija, 1705-1939," in Philippine Social History: Global Trade and Local Transformations, ed. A. W. McCoy and E. C. De Jesus (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1982).
176. See Maddella and Tolentino, A Brief History of Nueva Vizcaya.
177. The ethnographic research vicinity where the village under study was once a hamlet.
178. Maddella and Tolentino, A Brief History of Nueva Vizcaya, p. 45.
179. Interviews, Canabuan, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya, February 1996 to February 1998.
180. Ibid.
181. Some Kalanguya, on the other hand, came to identify themselves with the Ibalois and thus also experienced the displacement of this group in various places as well as participating in their struggle for the state's recognition of their claims to ancestral domain. However, as a distinct ethnic collectivity, the Kalanguya did not experience this until the 1970s.
182. Lynch, "Native Title, Private Right and Tribal Land Law: An Introductory Survey," p. 284.
183. Ilocano migrants were known to bring all their belongings, livestock included, as they searched for new settlements. (See McLennan, The Central Luzon Plain.) The Kalanguya, on the other hand, had to replenish their livestock after they lost them as evacuees during World War II. (Interviews, Canabuan, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya, February 1996 to February 1998.)
184. In the aftermath of Philippine independence in 1946, a number of wealthy lowland businessmen took advantage of the illiteracy and ignorance of mountain people who were unaware of the government's land tenure regulations. They began to register vast tracts of land under their ownership, dislocating and disenfranchising these mountain groups. In Benguet province, Chinese illegal leaseholders gained control of vast areas of the Mt. Data National Park. These areas were transformed into vegetable truck farms operated by Chinese businessmen despite the fact that Mt. Data had earlier been declared a national park under public domain. In 1947, a senator close to then President Elipidio Quirino speculated on land and became the absentee-landlord of vast tracts of the rich rice-producing Tabuk Valley in Kalinga province. Vicente Madrigal filed a title application of over 2,793 hectares of this valley, which angered the Kalingas who armed themselves to defend their ancestral land. The constabulary police, who were later stationed in the area, ransacked the rice granaries of 400 farmers and burned the ricefields of those who refused to comply with the awarding of the land to Madrigal. In Potia, Ifugao Province, some 100 Ifugao families suddenly found themselves the tenants to a rich Manila engineer who demanded a share of their rice harvests as their landlord. Engineer Bartolome Puzon of Manila staked claim over 5,000 hectares in Potia. The Ifugaos disputed his claim in court but lost since they could not produce documents proving their ownership. Thereafter they refused to pay Puzon's demand for land rent. The Philippine Constabulary was deployed to forcibly collect this from the farmers. (See Cordillera Schools Group, Igorot, pp. 124, 131, 139, 141). In Canabuan, Nueva Vizcaya, Ilocanos secured titles of parcels of low-lying land suitable for paddy rice agriculture for themselves, disenfranchising the Kalanguya who formerly cultivated these portions as swiddens, then employing the principle of usufructory ownership. A subsequent court case favored the Ilocano title-holders. In most of these cases in the Cordillera, the original ethnic occupants of these lands defended their ownership on the basis of ancestral claims that they, and generations of their kin before them, are the rightful owners and heirs to these lands since time immemorial.
185. The Kalanguya, however, were not involved in any such dispute that defended claims on ancestral domain during the colonial and immediate
186. Bureau of Forestry, Annual Reports (Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1924),p. 16; Bureau of Forestry, Annual Reports (Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1925), p. 19.
187. Bureau of Forestry, Annual Reports (Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1924),p. 16; Bureau of Forestry, Annual Reports (Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1925), p. 19.
188. However, in a less punitive tenor, a recommendatory report by the Secretary of Interior in 1910 recognized upland men as chief agriculturists possessing indigenous knowledge for forest conservation. The report also hinted at the possibility of harnessing their skills at some future time: "The problem involved in checking the abuses connected with kaingin-making is one of many perplexities. The wild man in the mountains has practiced agriculture in this way, if at all, for centuries. As yet he is in most instances profoundly ignorant of the law, and to prosecute him for an infraction of it under such circumstances, or to prevent him from obtaining the vegetable portion of his diet in the only way at present known to him, would be unjust....It is interesting to note that the wild men, and the wild men only, have in some instances learned by their own experience the importance of avoiding needless and useless forest destruction. There are a number of important Benguet-Igorot towns - the forests of which are most carefully preserved by the wild men themselves, who do not allow the cutting of anything but imperfect trees and small branches until the perfect trees reach a certain size, or need thinning out....I am of the opinion that the force of men employed to check [forest] destruction should be promptly and considerably increased." (Report to the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior [Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1910], pp. 105-106.) "The only way to reduce the number of kaingins is to continue the propaganda now being carried on by forest officers. They emphasized the evils of forest destruction, explained the homestead system of acquiring land and aid the homesteader in preparing his application." (Bureau of Forestry, Forest District Report[Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1917], p. 16.)
189. However, in a less punitive tenor, a recommendatory report by the Secretary of Interior in 1910 recognized upland men as chief agriculturists possessing indigenous knowledge for forest conservation. The report also hinted at the possibility of harnessing their skills at some future time: "The problem involved in checking the abuses connected with kaingin-making is one of many perplexities. The wild man in the mountains has practiced agriculture in this way, if at all, for centuries. As yet he is in most instances profoundly ignorant of the law, and to prosecute him for an infraction of it under such circumstances, or to prevent him from obtaining the vegetable portion of his diet in the only way at present known to him, would be unjust....It is interesting to note that the wild men, and the wild men only, have in some instances learned by their own experience the importance of avoiding needless and useless forest destruction. There are a number of important Benguet-Igorot towns - the forests of which are most carefully preserved by the wild men themselves, who do not allow the cutting of anything but imperfect trees and small branches until the perfect trees reach a certain size, or need thinning out....I am of the opinion that the force of men employed to check [forest] destruction should be promptly and considerably increased." (Report to the Philippine Commission, Report of the Secretary of Interior [Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1910], pp. 105-106.) "The only way to reduce the number of kaingins is to continue the propaganda now being carried on by forest officers. They emphasized the evils of forest destruction, explained the homestead system of acquiring land and aid the homesteader in preparing his application." (Bureau of Forestry, Forest District Report[Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1917], p. 16.)
190. See Keesing and Keesing, Taming Philippine Headhunters. Most of the oral history of the Kalanguya also attests to the major role women performed in mountain agriculture.
191. Interviews, Canabuan, Santa Fe, Nueva Vizcaya, February 1996 to February 1998.