Slovene political parties and their influence on the electoral prospects of women

Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics

Volumn 15, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 7-29

  Gaber, Milica Antic ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LJUBLJANA   (Slovenia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ELECTION; GENDER RELATIONS; POLITICAL SYSTEM; WOMENS STATUS;

SLOVENIA;

EID: 0032745635     PISSN: 13523279     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13523279908415394     Document Type: Article

References (32)

1. See Carole Pateman, The Disorder of Women (Cambridge: Polity, 1989), p.214.
2. The concept of 'unfinished democracy' may be found in the works of Scandinavian feminist authors: Elina Haavio-Mannila el al., Unfinished Democracy: Women in Nordic Politics (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1985). The term 'male democracy' is also quite widespread and debated by many women authors: see Mita Castle-Kanerova, 'Czech and Slovak Federative Republic', in Chris Corrin (ed.), Superwomen and the Double Burden (London: Scarlet Press, 1992); and N. Funk and M. Mueller (eds.), Gender Politics and Postcommunism (New York: Routledge, 1993).
3. The concept of 'unfinished democracy' may be found in the works of Scandinavian feminist authors: Elina Haavio-Mannila el al., Unfinished Democracy: Women in Nordic Politics (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1985). The term 'male democracy' is also quite widespread and debated by many women authors: see Mita Castle-Kanerova, 'Czech and Slovak Federative Republic', in Chris Corrin (ed.), Superwomen and the Double Burden (London: Scarlet Press, 1992); and N. Funk and M. Mueller (eds.), Gender Politics and Postcommunism (New York: Routledge, 1993).
4. The concept of 'unfinished democracy' may be found in the works of Scandinavian feminist authors: Elina Haavio-Mannila el al., Unfinished Democracy: Women in Nordic Politics (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1985). The term 'male democracy' is also quite widespread and debated by many women authors: see Mita Castle-Kanerova, 'Czech and Slovak Federative Republic', in Chris Corrin (ed.), Superwomen and the Double Burden (London: Scarlet Press, 1992); and N. Funk and M. Mueller (eds.), Gender Politics and Postcommunism (New York: Routledge, 1993).
5. Data on the percentage of women in important party bodies for 1993 are based on the publication Women in Political Parties, published by the Government Office for Women's Politics (Ljubljana, 1994), Nos. 11 and 12); those for 1997 form part of the material for the analysis of the 1997 election, undertaken by the Office for Women's Politics and submitted to the Office by the parties themselves. It is interesting to note that data on the percentage of women members of political parties by D. Zajc in his contribution, 'Some Problems of Representation in the Process of Slovene Political Transition' (unpublished, 1997), differ from ours, even though, as in the present author's case, they were furnished by the parties themselves: see D. Zajc, 'Some Problems of Representation in the Process of Slovene Political Transition', p.8.
6. Data on the percentage of women in important party bodies for 1993 are based on the publication Women in Political Parties, published by the Government Office for Women's Politics (Ljubljana, 1994), Nos. 11 and 12); those for 1997 form part of the material for the analysis of the 1997 election, undertaken by the Office for Women's Politics and submitted to the Office by the parties themselves. It is interesting to note that data on the percentage of women members of political parties by D. Zajc in his contribution, 'Some Problems of Representation in the Process of Slovene Political Transition' (unpublished, 1997), differ from ours, even though, as in the present author's case, they were furnished by the parties themselves: see D. Zajc, 'Some Problems of Representation in the Process of Slovene Political Transition', p.8.
7. At the party's second Congress in 1992, the provision was adopted to the effect that in both elected and appointed party bodies at the national level 'no sex may be represented by less than one-third of candidates', LDS Statutes (Ljubljana, 1992), p.2.
8. Their statutes also include a provision to the effect that lists of candidates for parliamentary elections shall ensure a minimum of 40 per cent representation of one sex, and in any event a minimum one-third representation. These quotas are supposed to increase by five per cent for each term of office: see The ULSD Congress Documents (Slovenj Gradec, 1996), p.90. The formulation in the ULSD statutes is somewhat awkward: taken literally, it would mean that one of the sexes is always represented by at least a 40 per cent share. It would be much more straightforward if the wording were that both sexes shall be represented by at least a 40 per cent share of candidates included on the lists of candidates.
9. Article 19 of the Law on Political Parties stipulates that a party shall lay down in its statutes 'a procedure and a body determining candidates for elections to Parliament and for the President of the Republic, together with candidates for elections to local community bodies' (see the Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia, 7 Oct. 1994). Article 43 of the Law on Elections stipulates that 'A political party shall determine the candidates in accordance with a procedure laid down by internal rules. A list of candidates shall be determined in a secret ballot': 'Election Regulations', The Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia (Ljubljana, 1992), p.17.
10. Article 19 of the Law on Political Parties stipulates that a party shall lay down in its statutes 'a procedure and a body determining candidates for elections to Parliament and for the President of the Republic, together with candidates for elections to local community bodies' (see the Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia, 7 Oct. 1994). Article 43 of the Law on Elections stipulates that 'A political party shall determine the candidates in accordance with a procedure laid down by internal rules. A list of candidates shall be determined in a secret ballot': 'Election Regulations', The Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia (Ljubljana, 1992), p.17.
11. In the 1992 election, a total of 1,488,966 voters had the right to vote; 782,4333 or 52.54 per cent were women: The 1993 Statistical Yearbook, pp.50-51.)
12. In the 1996 election, a total of 1,539,987 voters had the right to vote; 806,742 or 52.38 per cent were women: Statistical Data 93/1997 (Ljubljana: Statistical Office), pp.28-9.
13. Data based on the publication of the Office for Women's Politics, Women in Political Parties (Ljubljana, 1994).
14. Data on the percentage of women party members are based on parties' own assessments, while data on the percentage of women in lists of candidates and in party parliamentary groups are official figures.
15. This may be observed in the programme of the Slovene People's Party - the second largest party - which stipulates that within the framework of family policy it shall uphold, inter alia, 'a tax policy which will undoubtedly favour families with several children; a solution to pension legislation which will take motherhood into account; a gradual extension of maternity leave, the activities of the mass media encouraging the values of parenthood, marriage and family' (Slovene People's Party Programme, p.16).
16. For an additional explanation, one may take account of some additional facts, which were particularly evident in the Liberal Democracy of Slovenia, the winner of the last election (from 23.46 per cent, its share increased to 27.01 per cent). In lists of candidates there were 13.6 per cent women (compared with 9.3 per cent in the 1992 election), while the proortion in its parliamentary group was cut by half. This was to a large extent the result of strong competition on the part of their male party colleagues within individual electoral districts. This is the party in which the largest number of former ministers and MPs stood as candidates.
17. See Robert Darcy and Susan Welch, writing in Janet Clark, Women, Elections and Representation (Lincoln, NE and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), p. 173. In the USA, a discussion about democracy being under threat is under way, because the share of those re-elected has again exceeded 90 per cent.
18. An analysis of individual parties shows that 15 out of 22 former MPs (68.2 per cent) stood as LDS candidates, eight out of ten (80 per cent) as SPP candidates, three out of four (75 per cent) as Social Democratic Party candidates, 12 out of 15 (80 per cent) as Slovene Christian Democrats candidates and ten out of 14 (71 per cent as the United List of Social Democrats candidates. Of 15 former Liberal Democracy of Slovenia MPs who stood again, ten (66.67 per cent) were re-elected; of three Social Democratic Party MPs who stood again, two (66.67 per cent) were re-elected; of eight former People's Party MPs who stood again, half of them were re-elected; out of 12 former Christian Democrat MPs who stood again, a third were reelected. The probability of re-election was therefore the highest in the case of Liberal Democracy of Slovenia and Social Democratic Party of Slovenia candidates.
19. Bearing in mind the fact that the male and female representatives of minorities were reelected in the previous term also, it becomes clear that new male and female MPs were left with a very narrow manoeuvring space indeed.
20. J. Siklova substantiates the rejection of quotas in the Czech Republic as follows: 'Through personal experience we know that the establishment of quotas for various social groups or other forms of so-called "positive discrimination", which have been so politically important in the West, often become a tool of oppression of the very groups they were designed to support': see J. Šiklová, 'Are Women in Eastern and Central Europe Conservative?', in Funk and Mueller, Gender Politics and Postcommunism (New York: Routledge, 1993), p.79. According to Larisa Lissyutkina, 'Soviet women also do not support the concept of quotas in the democratic elections. Many see quotas as the continuation of the communist regime's practices and privileges': see her 'Soviet Women at the Crossroads of Perestroika', in ibid., p.279.
21. J. Siklova substantiates the rejection of quotas in the Czech Republic as follows: 'Through personal experience we know that the establishment of quotas for various social groups or other forms of so-called "positive discrimination", which have been so politically important in the West, often become a tool of oppression of the very groups they were designed to support': see J. Šiklová, 'Are Women in Eastern and Central Europe Conservative?', in Funk and Mueller, Gender Politics and Postcommunism (New York: Routledge, 1993), p.79. According to Larisa Lissyutkina, 'Soviet women also do not support the concept of quotas in the democratic elections. Many see quotas as the continuation of the communist regime's practices and privileges': see her 'Soviet Women at the Crossroads of Perestroika', in ibid., p.279.
22. Verbal formulations also include provisions adopted by the SCD at its sixth annual conference on 23 March 1996, when 'a resolution, that is a recommendation of the SCD Council' was adopted, 'in which it is proposed that the SCD Council shall include as many women as possible in lists of candidates for the elections to the National Assembly, while in the national lists at least three women shall be included among the first ten names' (Republika, 24 March 1996).
23. The position of the SDP may serve as an example. Its programme, adopted in May 1995, contains the following provision: 'Women should secure by themselves equal access to all functions of decision-making in the country, including the most important ones' (p.21). At its session of 8 February 1996, the Executive Committee of Women Social Democrats within the SDP adopted the position that 'the representation of women in lists of candidates is a party's decision, and that consequently, they were opposed to the enforcement of binding quotas' (Slovenec, 9 Feb. 1996).
24. See the record of the 23rd session of the National Assembly of 13 September 1994, Session Records, p.495.
25. See Article 19 of the 'Law on Political Parties', Official Gazette of the RS, 7 Oct. 1997.
26. See Article 68 of the SCD Statutes, adopted at the October 1994 congress, with modifications adopted in April 1995. The provision in the Democratic Party Statutes is similarly formulated, 'By means of regulations and/or the Rules of Procedure from the preceding paragraph of this Article equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes in determining candidates for national and local elections' ( Article 65 of the DP Statutes, adopted in November 1994 and amended in March 1995). A similar provision is contained in the SPP Statutes: see Article 52, 'In determining candidates equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes'.
27. See Article 68 of the SCD Statutes, adopted at the October 1994 congress, with modifications adopted in April 1995. The provision in the Democratic Party Statutes is similarly formulated, 'By means of regulations and/or the Rules of Procedure from the preceding paragraph of this Article equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes in determining candidates for national and local elections' ( Article 65 of the DP Statutes, adopted in November 1994 and amended in March 1995). A similar provision is contained in the SPP Statutes: see Article 52, 'In determining candidates equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes'.
28. See Article 68 of the SCD Statutes, adopted at the October 1994 congress, with modifications adopted in April 1995. The provision in the Democratic Party Statutes is similarly formulated, 'By means of regulations and/or the Rules of Procedure from the preceding paragraph of this Article equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes in determining candidates for national and local elections' ( Article 65 of the DP Statutes, adopted in November 1994 and amended in March 1995). A similar provision is contained in the SPP Statutes: see Article 52, 'In determining candidates equal opportunities shall be ensured for both sexes'.
29. See Parliamentary Reports, 1995, No.55, p.22.
30. Article 2 of the bill stipulates that 'A party which will improve the percentage of women in its parliamentary group by 10 percentage points in comparison with the previous election result is entitled to additional budgetary resources. A party entering Parliament for the first time is entitled to this bonus if it has at least one elected woman MP. Additional financial means shall amount to 5 Tolars per each vote in the women's share of votes cast by the electorate, which shall correspond to the share of women in the parliamentary group. A party which achieves total balance of both sexes of the elected MPs and/or where the difference between the number of female and male MPs does not exceed one acquires the right to 5 additional Tolars per all the votes of the electorate cast for it': Parliamentary Reports, 1995, No.55. p.22.
31. Parliamentary Reports, 1996, No.22, p.55, and the report on the activities of the Commission for Women's Politics for the period 1992-96 (Ljubljana, Sept. 1996), p.13.
32. Parliamentary Reports, 1996, No.22, p.55, and the report on the activities of the Commission for Women's Politics for the period 1992-96 (Ljubljana, Sept. 1996), p.13.