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On the two opposed positions, see Robert H. Bates and Anne O. Krueger, Political and Economic Interactions in Economic Policy Reform: Evidence from Eight Countries (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 459, and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, 'The State in the Initiation and Consolidation of Market-Oriented Reform', in Louis Putterman and Dietrich Rueschemeyer (eds.), State and Market in Development: Synergy or Rivalry? (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992), 221-40.
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The myth of short-lived coalition governments has come under attack in the face of some evidence - not of overwhelming statistical power - of coalition stability in some countries. Dodd, Coalitions in Parliamentary Government, 208-9. The formation of stable coalitions in Dodd's analysis is dependent on restrictive requirements - such as stable, depolarised, and only moderately but not excessively fractionalised party systems - that are likely to be rarely met, especially in the developing world. 'Coalition government' is not a homogeneous concept, however. Dodd distinguishes between (1) minimum winning cabinets, (2) oversized or greater-than-minimum winning cabinets, and (3) undersized or less-than-minimum winning cabinets (i.e., minority governments); he holds the first type to be quite durable and the other two to be more transient. Other key elements entering into the prospects of stability of coalition governments pertain to attributes of the party system: cleavage conflict or polarisation; fractionalisation (the number and relative strength of parties within parliament); and party system stability (the continuity over time in the identity and relative strength of parties). See Dodd, Coalitions in Parliamentary Government, 17-18, 54-70.
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One commentator on the left asserted: 'The deeply retrogressive nature and aims of the economic reform programme, drawn up for India by the IMF/World Bank combine, already stands exposed among the people and they voted against it firmly and unambiguously.' BM, 'Uneasy True Among Conflicting Interests', Economic and Political Weekly, 15 June 1996, 1434-35. Note, however, the results of a systematic study based on rigorous polling of voters under the auspices of the Indian Council of Social Science Research and the Centre for the Studying of Developing Societies: 'Coming more specifically to the recent shifts in economic policy, only a fifth [of the sample] had heard about them. And of these, over half approved of the changes. One can thus legitimately doubt the assertion that the electoral debacle of the Congress party can be traced to the new economic policy'. V.B. Singh and Yogendra Yadav, 'The Maturing of a Democracy', India Today, 31 Aug. 1996, 28-43.
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One commentator on the left asserted: 'The deeply retrogressive nature and aims of the economic reform programme, drawn up for India by the IMF/World Bank combine, already stands exposed among the people and they voted against it firmly and unambiguously.' BM, 'Uneasy True Among Conflicting Interests', Economic and Political Weekly, 15 June 1996, 1434-35. Note, however, the results of a systematic study based on rigorous polling of voters under the auspices of the Indian Council of Social Science Research and the Centre for the Studying of Developing Societies: 'Coming more specifically to the recent shifts in economic policy, only a fifth [of the sample] had heard about them. And of these, over half approved of the changes. One can thus legitimately doubt the assertion that the electoral debacle of the Congress party can be traced to the new economic policy'. V.B. Singh and Yogendra Yadav, 'The Maturing of a Democracy', India Today, 31 Aug. 1996, 28-43.
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It may be objected that the comparison is unfair since, failing to take the particular stage of the electoral cycle into account, it compares the second half of the five-year term of the Congress Party in office - when the government had to keep the impending elections in view - with the 18 months or so of the UF government right after the elections. However, it is important to note that the UF government from the very beginning lived under the constant threat of being overthrown. For a discussion of the reforms under the Congress Party, see my 'Political Structure and India's Economic Reforms of the 1990s', Pacific Affairs, 71, 3 (Fall 1998), 337-60.
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However, the public may still consider a stable majority government a desirable end in itself. Besides, it may find the political instability under coalition governments intolerable for other undesirable consequences it may generate, such as political uncertainty and deterioration in law and order. The function of government is to govern, and instability may prevent it from doing that.
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These business associations differ in their degree of commitment to reform, but they remain the chief arenas of business-government interaction where reform is debated. Their demand for a 'level playing field' in relation to foreign business is not necessarily inconsistent with liberalisation; in any case, business all over the world seeks some protection against what it regards as unfair foreign competition. See my 'Business and India's Economic Policy Reforms', Economic and Political Weekly, 32, 38 (19-25 Sept. 1998), 2453-68.
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