Women, class, and gender: Muslim Jaffa and Haifa at the turn of the 20th century

International Journal of Middle East Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 477-500

  Agmon, Iris ^a  

^a BEN GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV   (Israel)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CULTURAL HISTORY; GENDER RELATIONS; ISLAMISM;

ISRAEL;

EID: 0032451011     PISSN: 00207438     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020743800052521     Document Type: Article

References (138)

1. ⊂iyya (hereafter JMS), Hujaj vol. 129, A.H. 1329-30 (1911-12): 10-17, 21-35; ibid., case 34. This arrangement with the manager of the waqf later caused the beneficiaries of the waqf a great deal of trouble and involved them in legal disputes, which is why I know about this waqf. Members of the Ramlawi family are frequently mentioned in the sijill as real-estate dealers; see, for example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 83, A.H. 1317-19 (1900-1901), case 1044, case 1081, case 1115, etc.
2. ⊂iyya (hereafter JMS), Hujaj vol. 129, A.H. 1329-30 (1911-12): 10-17, 21-35; ibid., case 34. This arrangement with the manager of the waqf later caused the beneficiaries of the waqf a great deal of trouble and involved them in legal disputes, which is why I know about this waqf. Members of the Ramlawi family are frequently mentioned in the sijill as real-estate dealers; see, for example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 83, A.H. 1317-19 (1900-1901), case 1044, case 1081, case 1115, etc.
3. ⊂iyya (hereafter JMS), Hujaj vol. 129, A.H. 1329-30 (1911-12): 10-17, 21-35; ibid., case 34. This arrangement with the manager of the waqf later caused the beneficiaries of the waqf a great deal of trouble and involved them in legal disputes, which is why I know about this waqf. Members of the Ramlawi family are frequently mentioned in the sijill as real-estate dealers; see, for example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 83, A.H. 1317-19 (1900-1901), case 1044, case 1081, case 1115, etc.
4. ⊂Awd, also known as Alexander Howard Bey, was a wealthy Maronite from Beirut with British citizenship. He was the agent of the Cook steamship company in Jaffa. His house stood on Bustrus Avenue (Raziel St.), north-east of the Clock Circus at Jaffa, where it can still be found today. Cf. Ruth Kark, Jaffa. A City in Evolution, 1799-1917 (Jerusalem: Yad Itzhak Ben-Zvi Press, 1990), 103, 169; Ron Shaham, "Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine During the Late Ottoman Period," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, 3 (1991): 461.
5. ⊂Awd, also known as Alexander Howard Bey, was a wealthy Maronite from Beirut with British citizenship. He was the agent of the Cook steamship company in Jaffa. His house stood on Bustrus Avenue (Raziel St.), north-east of the Clock Circus at Jaffa, where it can still be found today. Cf. Ruth Kark, Jaffa. A City in Evolution, 1799-1917 (Jerusalem: Yad Itzhak Ben-Zvi Press, 1990), 103, 169; Ron Shaham, "Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine During the Late Ottoman Period," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, 3 (1991): 461.
6. ⊂Awd, also known as Alexander Howard Bey, was a wealthy Maronite from Beirut with British citizenship. He was the agent of the Cook steamship company in Jaffa. His house stood on Bustrus Avenue (Raziel St.), north-east of the Clock Circus at Jaffa, where it can still be found today. Cf. Ruth Kark, Jaffa. A City in Evolution, 1799-1917 (Jerusalem: Yad Itzhak Ben-Zvi Press, 1990), 103, 169; Ron Shaham, "Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine During the Late Ottoman Period," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, 3 (1991): 461.
7. ⊂a - the man's share is twice the woman's: JMS, Hujaj vol. 83, case 1045. Details on the Sakajha family are to be found in many court cases: for example, ibid., case 1014, case 1019, case 1113, case 1120, case 1124, case 1152; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129: 5-9;
8. ⊂a - the man's share is twice the woman's: JMS, Hujaj vol. 83, case 1045. Details on the Sakajha family are to be found in many court cases: for example, ibid., case 1014, case 1019, case 1113, case 1120, case 1124, case 1152; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129: 5-9;
9. ⊂Ali Haykal was a prominent figure in late Ottoman Jaffa. He chaired its chamber of commerce, was the first member of its administrative council, and was the only Palestinian to whom the Ottoman authorities gave the title of "Efendi." He was very rich, owned a large house inside the old city of Jaffa as well as many orchards in its vicinity, and was involved in the flourishing business of orange export to Britain:
10. Yūsuf Haykal, Ayyām al-Sibba (Amman: Dār al-Jalīl lil-Nashr wal-Dirāsāt al-Falastīniyya, 1988), 217-18.
11. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, A.H. 1331-32 (1913-14), case 19.
12. Approximately two qurūsh, a medium to low sum of child support compared with other sums of child support paid in Jaffa and Haifa in this period.
13. ⊂iyya (hereafter HMS), Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, A.H. 1331-32 (1913-14), case 2.
14. ⊂a court as well, although much less often than their Muslim counterparts, particularly in matters of personal status. While the main patterns described later may have characterized them as well, I would rather limit my analysis to the Muslim families of these two communities, as it is heavily drawn on the sijill. Third, there were several differences between these two port cities and their communities (see Agmon, "Women and Society"). However, with regard to the arguments made in this essay, no major differences were traced; thus, the discussion here relates to the societies of both cities alike.
15. About the terminology and scholarship of family and household, see n. 19 and the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
16. Deniz Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy: A Comparative Perspective," in Women in Middle Eastern History. Shifting Boundaries in Sex and Gender, ed. Nikki R. Keddie and Beth Baron (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1991), 23-43.
17. Deniz Kandiyoti, "Bargaining with Patriarchy," Gender and Society 2, 3 (1988): 274-90.
18. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
19. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
20. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
21. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
22. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
23. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
24. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
25. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
26. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
27. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
28. ⊂iyya, A.H. 1319-24 (1903-8).
29. ⊂am vols. 7, 21. For a wider discussion of my methodology, see Iris Agmon, "The Sijill as 'Thick Description'?" working paper submitted to the 12th Symposium of the Comité International d'Études Pré-Ottomanes et Ottomanes, Prague, 9-13 September 1996.
30. ⊂am vols. 7, 21. For a wider discussion of my methodology, see Iris Agmon, "The Sijill as 'Thick Description'?" working paper submitted to the 12th Symposium of the Comité International d'Études Pré-Ottomanes et Ottomanes, Prague, 9-13 September 1996.
31. ⊂am vols. 7, 21. For a wider discussion of my methodology, see Iris Agmon, "The Sijill as 'Thick Description'?" working paper submitted to the 12th Symposium of the Comité International d'Études Pré-Ottomanes et Ottomanes, Prague, 9-13 September 1996.
32. ⊂am vols. 7, 21. For a wider discussion of my methodology, see Iris Agmon, "The Sijill as 'Thick Description'?" working paper submitted to the 12th Symposium of the Comité International d'Études Pré-Ottomanes et Ottomanes, Prague, 9-13 September 1996.
33. Dror Ze'evi, "Women in 17th Century Jerusalem: Western and Indigenous Perspectives," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 161;
34. ⊂a Court Records as a Source for Middle Eastern Social History: A Reappraisal," Islamic Law and Society 5, 1 (1998): 35-56;
35. Agmon, "Women and Society," 26-31;
36. Iris Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court according to the sijill of Late Ottoman Jaffa and Haifa: Some Methodological Problems," in Women, the Family, and Divorce Laws in Islamic History, ed. Amira El-Azhary Sonbol (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1996), 126-40.
37. There are of course other conceptual differences between the quantitative and the micro-historical approaches to history, which for lack of space are not dealt with here. For a methodological discussion of micro-history, see Giovanni Levi, "On Microhistory," in New Perspectives on Historical Writing, ed. Peter Burke (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), 93-113; Carlo Ginzburg, "Microhistory: Two or Three Things That I Know about It," Critical Inquiry 20, 1 (Autumn 1993): 10-35.
38. There are of course other conceptual differences between the quantitative and the micro-historical approaches to history, which for lack of space are not dealt with here. For a methodological discussion of micro-history, see Giovanni Levi, "On Microhistory," in New Perspectives on Historical Writing, ed. Peter Burke (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), 93-113; Carlo Ginzburg, "Microhistory: Two or Three Things That I Know about It," Critical Inquiry 20, 1 (Autumn 1993): 10-35.
39. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
40. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
41. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
42. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
43. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
44. This description of 19th-century Jaffa and Haifa is based on Iris Agmon, "The Development of Palestine's Foreign Trade, 1879-1914. Economic and Social Aspects" (M.A. diss., University of Haifa, July 1984 [in Hebrew]); Agmon, "Women in Society"; Kark, Jaffa; Mahmoud Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule, 1870-1914: Selected Issues in the History of Administration and Society" (Ph.D. diss., The Hebrew University, 1992 [in Hebrew]) (Haifa in the Late Ottoman Period: A Muslim Town in Transition [Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming]). About the Ottoman reforms in the 19th century, see Malcolm E. Yapp, The Making of the Modern Near East 1792-1923 (London: Longman, 1987), 108-20, 128-37, 201-11. About the general trends of development in the port cities during the 19th century, see Çaǧlar Keyder, Y. Eyüp Özveren, and Donald Quataert, "Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire. Some Theoretical and Historical Perspectives," Review 16, 4 (1993): 519-58.
45. There are no indications in the case record of al-Najami (n. 27) of his upper-class background. The Najami family was one of the families that gained power in Haifa during the second half of the 19th century and established itself as an upper-class family by means of administrative positions and marriage ties with established upper-class families. However, the Najami family did not manage to maintain its power, and by the turn of the century it was in decline (the lack of indications in this court case for the family's former high position, such as the mentioning of social titles, may be a reflection of that decline). Cf. Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 281-83.
46. HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 54.
47. Agmon, "Women and Society," 150-75; Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 214-311.
48. Agmon, "Women and Society," 150-75; Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 214-311.
49. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
50. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
51. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
52. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
53. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
54. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
55. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
56. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
57. Agmon, "Women and Society," 147-49; Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 195-99; Haim Gerber, "Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600-1700," International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980): 241; idem, "Anthropology and Family History: The Ottoman and Turkish Families," Journal of Family History 14, 4 (1989): 409-21; Alan Duben, "Understanding Muslim Households and Families in Late Ottoman Istanbul," Journal of Family History 15, 1 (1990):71-86; idem and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) ; Kenneth M. Cuno, "Joint Family Households and Rural Notables in 19th-century Egypt," International Journal of Middle East Studies 27 (1995): 485-502. See also Kandiyoti, "Islam and Patriarchy," 31. I use the term "family" to mean a patrikin, with emphasis on the kinship relations connecting its members, whereas the term "household" means a group of people who share the same house. They may have kinship relations, marriage relations, or working relations; their definition as a household is based on their common residence. See the section of this article titled "A Note on Family History."
58. J. N. D. Anderson, "Glossary: Hadana," in idem, Islamic Law in Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1970), 361-62. The book deals with Muslim law in Africa, whereas its glossary includes the main principles of Muslim law in general.
59. ⊂Arabī, n.d.), vol. 2, "Bāb al-hadāna," 633-42. See also Harald Motzki, "Child Marriage in Seventeenth-Century Palestine," in Islamic Legal Interpretation. Muftis and their Fatwas, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud, Brinkley Messick, and David S. Powers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), 129-40.
60. ⊂Arabī, n.d.), vol. 2, "Bāb al-hadāna," 633-42. See also Harald Motzki, "Child Marriage in Seventeenth-Century Palestine," in Islamic Legal Interpretation. Muftis and their Fatwas, ed. Muhammad Khalid Masud, Brinkley Messick, and David S. Powers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), 129-40.
61. ⊂Ābidin, Radd al Muhtar, 2:633-34. See also Anderson, ibid.
62. ⊂Ābidin, Radd al Muhtar, 2:633-34. See also Anderson, ibid.
63. See n. 3.
64. See n. 1. On gender and waqf endowments, see Beshara Doumani, "Endowing Family: Waqf, Property Devolution, and Gender in Greater Syria, 1800 to 1860," Comparative Studies in Society and History 40, 1 (1998): 3-41.
65. ⊂a Law of Succession in Modern Times," Islamic Law and Society 4, 3 (October 1997): 352-88.
66. ⊂a Law of Succession in Modern Times," Islamic Law and Society 4, 3 (October 1997): 352-88.
67. ⊂a Law of Succession in Modern Times," Islamic Law and Society 4, 3 (October 1997): 352-88.
68. ⊂a Law of Succession in Modern Times," Islamic Law and Society 4, 3 (October 1997): 352-88.
69. ⊂Ābidīn, Radd al-Muhtār, 1:526-27.
70. HMS, Jarīdat al Dabt vol. 32, case 80.
71. Interestingly enough, no one in the courtroom even mentioned this. Walter Pinhas Pick, "Meissner Pasha and the Construction of Railways in Palestine and Neighboring Countries," in Ottoman Palestine 1800-1914. Studies in Economic and Social History, ed. Gad G. Gilbar (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), 183-203.
72. ⊃assasat al-Risāla, 1989); "Bāb al-masāfir," 139-43.
73. ⊃assasat al-Risāla, 1989); "Bāb al-masāfir," 139-43.
74. ⊃assasat al-Risāla, 1989); "Bāb al-masāfir," 139-43.
75. ⊂a," 376.
76. ⊂a," 376.
77. ⊂a," 376.
78. ⊂Ali, bedouin tribes who live at the northern end of the Egyptian Western Desert, Lila Abu-Lughod shows how in this tribal society, where there is a clear preference for the paternal kin as a source of social bonds, the close ties between a married woman and her natal family are nurtured and considered highly important. Abu-Lughod explains the tendency toward endogamic marriages among these tribes as a kind of a merger of the divided family loyalties of women: cf. Lila Abu-Lughod, Veiled Sentiments. Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 51-59.
79. ⊂a court of the Moroccan town of Sefrou: cf. Lawrence Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice. Law as Culture in Islamic Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). See also n. 32, n. 37.
80. ⊂a court of the Moroccan town of Sefrou: cf. Lawrence Rosen, The Anthropology of Justice. Law as Culture in Islamic Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). See also n. 32, n. 37.
81. ⊂a," 376. For analysis of the marital bond in Islamic society as reflected in Fatwā literature and court records , see Judith E. Tucker, "Muftīs and Matrimony: Islamic Law and Gender in Ottoman Syria and Palestine," Islamic Law and Society 1, 3 (November 1994): 265-300. Tucker argues that the Muslim jurists, in dealing with marriage arrangements and the rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, constructed a legal discourse that focused on gender difference yet proved flexible and responsive to changing social conditions. See also idem, In the House of Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
82. ⊂a," 376. For analysis of the marital bond in Islamic society as reflected in Fatwā literature and court records , see Judith E. Tucker, "Muftīs and Matrimony: Islamic Law and Gender in Ottoman Syria and Palestine," Islamic Law and Society 1, 3 (November 1994): 265-300. Tucker argues that the Muslim jurists, in dealing with marriage arrangements and the rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, constructed a legal discourse that focused on gender difference yet proved flexible and responsive to changing social conditions. See also idem, In the House of Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
83. ⊂a," 376. For analysis of the marital bond in Islamic society as reflected in Fatwā literature and court records , see Judith E. Tucker, "Muftīs and Matrimony: Islamic Law and Gender in Ottoman Syria and Palestine," Islamic Law and Society 1, 3 (November 1994): 265-300. Tucker argues that the Muslim jurists, in dealing with marriage arrangements and the rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, constructed a legal discourse that focused on gender difference yet proved flexible and responsive to changing social conditions. See also idem, In the House of Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
84. ⊂a," 376. For analysis of the marital bond in Islamic society as reflected in Fatwā literature and court records , see Judith E. Tucker, "Muftīs and Matrimony: Islamic Law and Gender in Ottoman Syria and Palestine," Islamic Law and Society 1, 3 (November 1994): 265-300. Tucker argues that the Muslim jurists, in dealing with marriage arrangements and the rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, constructed a legal discourse that focused on gender difference yet proved flexible and responsive to changing social conditions. See also idem, In the House of Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
85. ⊂a," 376. For analysis of the marital bond in Islamic society as reflected in Fatwā literature and court records , see Judith E. Tucker, "Muftīs and Matrimony: Islamic Law and Gender in Ottoman Syria and Palestine," Islamic Law and Society 1, 3 (November 1994): 265-300. Tucker argues that the Muslim jurists, in dealing with marriage arrangements and the rights and responsibilities of husbands and wives, constructed a legal discourse that focused on gender difference yet proved flexible and responsive to changing social conditions. See also idem, In the House of Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
86. In fact, the division of the dowry into immediate and postponed payments is optional in Muslim law. In the court records I examined, this division is always mentioned as part of the nuptial agreement. As to the actual payment, however, not paying the immediate dowry or part of it upon marriage was a
87. ⊂ām vol. 7, A.H. 1325-26 (1907-8), case 70.
88. HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 72. In fact, this second dispute between Fatima and Ibrahim was divided in court into two stages, with only the documentation of the second found in the sijill volumes that are available for that period in Haifa. I can infer details of the first case, which included Fatima's claim for an increase in her daily expenses, from the second case, which started with Ibrahim's request that the court reconsider its verdict in favor of the increase. The whole story of Fatima and Ibrahim, their relationships and trials, is discussed in detail in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court."
89. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 8; Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 251.
90. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 8; Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 251.
91. ⊂a law. For the social function of the court, see Agmon, "Women and Society," 79-95. This kind of independence of women appearing in court by themselves and claiming their rights was found in 17th-century Jerusalem court records, as well; cf. Ze'evi, "Women," 164. See also Leslie P. Peirce, "LE DILEMME DE FATMA. Crime sexuel et culture juridique dans une cour ottomane au début de Temps modernes," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 53, 2 (1998): 291-320.
92. ⊂a law. For the social function of the court, see Agmon, "Women and Society," 79-95. This kind of independence of women appearing in court by themselves and claiming their rights was found in 17th-century Jerusalem court records, as well; cf. Ze'evi, "Women," 164. See also Leslie P. Peirce, "LE DILEMME DE FATMA. Crime sexuel et culture juridique dans une cour ottomane au début de Temps modernes," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 53, 2 (1998): 291-320.
93. ⊂a law. For the social function of the court, see Agmon, "Women and Society," 79-95. This kind of independence of women appearing in court by themselves and claiming their rights was found in 17th-century Jerusalem court records, as well; cf. Ze'evi, "Women," 164. See also Leslie P. Peirce, "LE DILEMME DE FATMA. Crime sexuel et culture juridique dans une cour ottomane au début de Temps modernes," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 53, 2 (1998): 291-320.
94. ⊂," 367.
95. For example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 17. During the period under discussion there was a constant increase in the prices of all kinds of products and services. This situation was reflected in the consular reports submitted by the consular agents of the European countries in the port cities of Palestine to their capitals: for example, for France, see Vice-Consul Arthur Guy, Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et le Ministère du Commerce, de l'industrie et des Colonies, "Situation économique de la région de Caiffa et de Saint-Jean-d'Acre, années 1909-1910," Rapports Commerciaux, no. 1058 (1913), 57; for the United Kingdom, see Consular-Agent Knesevich, Acting Vice-Consul Falanga, and Consul Dickson, Foreign Office, "Report on the Trade and Commerce of Palestine for the Year 1905," Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series no. 3561 (March 1906), 7.
96. For example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 17. During the period under discussion there was a constant increase in the prices of all kinds of products and services. This situation was reflected in the consular reports submitted by the consular agents of the European countries in the port cities of Palestine to their capitals: for example, for France, see Vice-Consul Arthur Guy, Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et le Ministère du Commerce, de l'industrie et des Colonies, "Situation économique de la région de Caiffa et de Saint-Jean-d'Acre, années 1909-1910," Rapports Commerciaux, no. 1058 (1913), 57; for the United Kingdom, see Consular-Agent Knesevich, Acting Vice-Consul Falanga, and Consul Dickson, Foreign Office, "Report on the Trade and Commerce of Palestine for the Year 1905," Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series no. 3561 (March 1906), 7.
97. For example, JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 17. During the period under discussion there was a constant increase in the prices of all kinds of products and services. This situation was reflected in the consular reports submitted by the consular agents of the European countries in the port cities of Palestine to their capitals: for example, for France, see Vice-Consul Arthur Guy, Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et le Ministère du Commerce, de l'industrie et des Colonies, "Situation économique de la région de Caiffa et de Saint-Jean-d'Acre, années 1909-1910," Rapports Commerciaux, no. 1058 (1913), 57; for the United Kingdom, see Consular-Agent Knesevich, Acting Vice-Consul Falanga, and Consul Dickson, Foreign Office, "Report on the Trade and Commerce of Palestine for the Year 1905," Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series no. 3561 (March 1906), 7.
98. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 2; ibid., case 50 (see discussion of this case in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court"); HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 76; ibid., case 79.
99. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 2; ibid., case 50 (see discussion of this case in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court"); HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 76; ibid., case 79.
100. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 2; ibid., case 50 (see discussion of this case in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court"); HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 76; ibid., case 79.
101. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 2; ibid., case 50 (see discussion of this case in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court"); HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 76; ibid., case 79.
102. JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 2; ibid., case 50 (see discussion of this case in Agmon, "Muslim Women in Court"); HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 76; ibid., case 79.
103. ⊂ of other orchards, he was the owner of the orchard next to the one he bought from Futum, on its western side (ibid.). See also ibid., case 1120; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, 37-41, 59-60.
104. ⊂ of other orchards, he was the owner of the orchard next to the one he bought from Futum, on its western side (ibid.). See also ibid., case 1120; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, 37-41, 59-60.
105. ⊂ of other orchards, he was the owner of the orchard next to the one he bought from Futum, on its western side (ibid.). See also ibid., case 1120; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, 37-41, 59-60.
106. Other cases in which similar prices for orchards are mentioned (for the same year, although the size of the properties is mentioned in the sijill only in ashum, i.e., in relative proportions) are: ibid., cases 1014, 1015, 1029, 1044. Records that apparently include cases of fictitious claims which aimed at having a legal confirmation for an agreement which was signed outside the court are: ibid., case 1099; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, case 11; JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 4; HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 96, case 99. The procedure of waqf foundation included a built-in fictitious claim for canceling the new waqf, which used to be rejected prior to the confirmation of the waqf by the court. See n. 1, n. 3.
107. Other cases in which similar prices for orchards are mentioned (for the same year, although the size of the properties is mentioned in the sijill only in ashum, i.e., in relative proportions) are: ibid., cases 1014, 1015, 1029, 1044. Records that apparently include cases of fictitious claims which aimed at having a legal confirmation for an agreement which was signed outside the court are: ibid., case 1099; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, case 11; JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 4; HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 96, case 99. The procedure of waqf foundation included a built-in fictitious claim for canceling the new waqf, which used to be rejected prior to the confirmation of the waqf by the court. See n. 1, n. 3.
108. Other cases in which similar prices for orchards are mentioned (for the same year, although the size of the properties is mentioned in the sijill only in ashum, i.e., in relative proportions) are: ibid., cases 1014, 1015, 1029, 1044. Records that apparently include cases of fictitious claims which aimed at having a legal confirmation for an agreement which was signed outside the court are: ibid., case 1099; JMS, Hujaj vol. 129, case 11; JMS, Hujaj vol. 152, case 4; HMS, Jarīdat al-Dabt vol. 32, case 96, case 99. The procedure of waqf foundation included a built-in fictitious claim for canceling the new waqf, which used to be rejected prior to the confirmation of the waqf by the court. See n. 1, n. 3.
109. ⊂āwī in court resembled those of a legal attorney, and they were different from those of the lay legal representative (wakīl), who still used to appear in court and represent litigants voluntarily in the same manner by which he was described in the Islamic jurisprudence and in court records of earlier periods. See Ronald C. Jennings, "The Office of Vekil (Wakil) in 17th Century Ottoman Sharia Courts," Studia Islamica 42 (1975): 147-69; Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600-1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988), 204-6; Marcus, Aleppo, 197; Galal H. El-Nahal, The Judicial Administration of Ottoman Egypt in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis and Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979), 25-26, 29, 36, 48, 50; Agmon, "Women and Society," 56-71.
110. ⊂āwī in court resembled those of a legal attorney, and they were different from those of the lay legal representative (wakīl), who still used to appear in court and represent litigants voluntarily in the same manner by which he was described in the Islamic jurisprudence and in court records of earlier periods. See Ronald C. Jennings, "The Office of Vekil (Wakil) in 17th Century Ottoman Sharia Courts," Studia Islamica 42 (1975): 147-69; Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600-1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988), 204-6; Marcus, Aleppo, 197; Galal H. El-Nahal, The Judicial Administration of Ottoman Egypt in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis and Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979), 25-26, 29, 36, 48, 50; Agmon, "Women and Society," 56-71.
111. ⊂āwī in court resembled those of a legal attorney, and they were different from those of the lay legal representative (wakīl), who still used to appear in court and represent litigants voluntarily in the same manner by which he was described in the Islamic jurisprudence and in court records of earlier periods. See Ronald C. Jennings, "The Office of Vekil (Wakil) in 17th Century Ottoman Sharia Courts," Studia Islamica 42 (1975): 147-69; Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600-1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988), 204-6; Marcus, Aleppo, 197; Galal H. El-Nahal, The Judicial Administration of Ottoman Egypt in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis and Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979), 25-26, 29, 36, 48, 50; Agmon, "Women and Society," 56-71.
112. ⊂āwī in court resembled those of a legal attorney, and they were different from those of the lay legal representative (wakīl), who still used to appear in court and represent litigants voluntarily in the same manner by which he was described in the Islamic jurisprudence and in court records of earlier periods. See Ronald C. Jennings, "The Office of Vekil (Wakil) in 17th Century Ottoman Sharia Courts," Studia Islamica 42 (1975): 147-69; Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600-1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988), 204-6; Marcus, Aleppo, 197; Galal H. El-Nahal, The Judicial Administration of Ottoman Egypt in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis and Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979), 25-26, 29, 36, 48, 50; Agmon, "Women and Society," 56-71.
113. ⊂āwī in court resembled those of a legal attorney, and they were different from those of the lay legal representative (wakīl), who still used to appear in court and represent litigants voluntarily in the same manner by which he was described in the Islamic jurisprudence and in court records of earlier periods. See Ronald C. Jennings, "The Office of Vekil (Wakil) in 17th Century Ottoman Sharia Courts," Studia Islamica 42 (1975): 147-69; Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600-1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988), 204-6; Marcus, Aleppo, 197; Galal H. El-Nahal, The Judicial Administration of Ottoman Egypt in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis and Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1979), 25-26, 29, 36, 48, 50; Agmon, "Women and Society," 56-71.
114. The Christian (mainly Catholic and Greek Orthodox) upper-class families in Haifa had emerged during the second half of the 19th century and become quite influential, threatening the position of the Muslim elite families. This found reflection in the patterns of the development of two main neighborhoods, an eastern one, which was Muslim, and a western one, which was Christian (a clear-cut division which was not typical of Jaffa, though its Christian upper-class families were also very prominent): Yazbak, "Haifa at the End of the Ottoman Rule," 332-50.
115. The tendency of upper-class families in the modern era to become more remote from the rest of the urban community is also pointed out in Janet L. Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City - Historic Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance," International Journal of Middle East Studies 19 (1987): 170; Linda Schatkowski-Schilcher, "The Lore and Reality of Middle Eastern Patriarchy," Die Welt des Islams 28 (1988): 498.
116. The tendency of upper-class families in the modern era to become more remote from the rest of the urban community is also pointed out in Janet L. Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City - Historic Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance," International Journal of Middle East Studies 19 (1987): 170; Linda Schatkowski-Schilcher, "The Lore and Reality of Middle Eastern Patriarchy," Die Welt des Islams 28 (1988): 498.
117. Though it seems that the 19th-century European bourgeois idea of "refinement" that was found to be behind the seclusion of well-to-do women from the public sphere in Europe was not the impetus in our case: see Judy Mabro, Veiled Half-Truths, Western Travellers' Perceptions of Middle Eastern Women (London and New York: I. B. Tauris & Co., 1991), 10-14.
118. See also Ze'evi, "Women," 170. With regard to the ideal of women's seclusion, which, for economic reasons, was kept mainly among upper-class families,
119. see Abraham Marcus, "Privacy in Eighteenth-Century Aleppo: The Limits of Cultural Ideals," International Journal of Middle East Studies 18 (1986): 166.
120. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 29. For much the same tendency in 18th-and 19th-century Nablus, see Judith E. Tucker, "Ties that Bound: Women and Family in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century Nablus," in Women in Middle Eastern History, 239, 241.
121. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 29. For much the same tendency in 18th-and 19th-century Nablus, see Judith E. Tucker, "Ties that Bound: Women and Family in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century Nablus," in Women in Middle Eastern History, 239, 241.
122. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 29. For much the same tendency in 18th-and 19th-century Nablus, see Judith E. Tucker, "Ties that Bound: Women and Family in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century Nablus," in Women in Middle Eastern History, 239, 241.
123. ⊂ām vol. 7, case 29. For much the same tendency in 18th-and 19th-century Nablus, see Judith E. Tucker, "Ties that Bound: Women and Family in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century Nablus," in Women in Middle Eastern History, 239, 241.
124. At this point, an analysis of men's family loyalties and obligations and their attitudes toward women's strategies in this respect would have further contributed to the understanding of gender relations in the society under discussion. However, as the focus of the research that underpins this essay was on women, such a project would require more research and more space than permitted here.
125. Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 42-43, 46-48.
126. Ibid., 38.
127. Ibid., 32-33.
128. Ibid., 42.
129. Cf. Albert Hourani, "Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables," in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, ed. William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 41-68. The mediating role of urban notable families in late Ottoman society has been discussed by many historians; see Philip S. Khoury, "The Urban Notables Paradigm Revisited," Revue des Études du Monde Méditerranéen Musulman 55-56, 1-2 (1990): 215-28.
130. Cf. Albert Hourani, "Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables," in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, ed. William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 41-68. The mediating role of urban notable families in late Ottoman society has been discussed by many historians; see Philip S. Khoury, "The Urban Notables Paradigm Revisited," Revue des Études du Monde Méditerranéen Musulman 55-56, 1-2 (1990): 215-28.
131. Mervat Hatem, "Class and Patriarchy as Competing Paradigms for the Study of Middle Eastern Women," Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, 4 (1987): 813.
132. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
133. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
134. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
135. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
136. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
137. ⊂adi, are excluded inasmuch as his research deals mainly with the Medieval period. See, for example, his Infants, Parents, and Wet Nurses: Islamic Views on Breastfeeding and their Social Implications (Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming).
138. Doumani, "Endowing Family," constitutes an important contribution to this project.