Bring back the WPA: Work, relief, and the origins of American social policy in welfare reform

Studies in American Political Development

Volumn 12, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 1-56

  Amenta, Edwin ^a   Benoit, Ellen ^a   Bonastia, Chris ^a   Cauthen, Nancy K ^a   Halfmann, Drew ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0032399840     PISSN: 0898588X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x98001291     Document Type: Article

References (269)

1. For a description of the current two-track nature of American social policy, see, for instance, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol, "Understanding American Social Politics," The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 3-27. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a public policy stratified by gender, see Linda Gordon, Pitied But not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare, 1880-1935 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), chap. 1. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a social policy stratified by race, see Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), chap. 2.
2. For a description of the current two-track nature of American social policy, see, for instance, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol, "Understanding American Social Politics," The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 3-27. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a public policy stratified by gender, see Linda Gordon, Pitied But not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare, 1880-1935 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), chap. 1. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a social policy stratified by race, see Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), chap. 2.
3. For a description of the current two-track nature of American social policy, see, for instance, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol, "Understanding American Social Politics," The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed, Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 3-27. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a public policy stratified by gender, see Linda Gordon, Pitied But not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare, 1880-1935 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), chap. 1. For the argument that the Social Security Act created a social policy stratified by race, see Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), chap. 2.
4. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
5. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
6. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
7. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
8. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
9. For influential analyses of the adoption of social insurance, see, for instance, Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, "The Historical Core and Changing Boundaries of the Welfare State." in The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America, ed. Flora and Heidenheimer (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1981), 17-34; Alexander Hicks, Joya Misra, and Tang Nah Ng, "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State," American Sociological Review 60 (1985): 329-49. For welfare state regimes, see Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (London: Polity Press, 1990). For a review of the literature on social spending efforts and a quantitative assessment, see Evelyne Huber, Charles Ragin, and John D. Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State: Towards a Resolution of Quantitative Studies," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 711-49. For influential studies of the adoption of American social policies in cross-national perspective, see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), intro.; Ann Shola Orloff, The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880-1940 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), chap. 1.
10. For a review of literature on the historical turn in sociology, see Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods and Research 20 (1992): 403-27.
11. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
12. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
13. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
14. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
15. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
16. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
17. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
18. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
19. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
20. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
21. For the legislation funding the Federal Emergency Relief Administration, see U.S. Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the U.S. Federal Emergency Relief Administration (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 99-104. For the chronology of events, see Doris Carothers, Chronology of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration: May 12, 1933 to December 31, 1935 Works Progress Administration Research Monograph VI (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1937). For other discussions, see Josephine Chapin Brown, Public Relief, 1929-1939 (New York: Holt and Co., 1940), chaps. 8-12; Edward Ainsworth Williams, Federal Aid for Relief (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939); Robert Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), chap. 2; Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), chap. 2; George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), chap. 4; and William R. Brock, Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Many states, including most of the former Confederacy, provided little funding of their own for FERA aid. See discussion in Brown, Public Relief, 205. Statistical details are provided in Federal Works Agency, Final Statistical Report of the FERA. In April 1938, the president, through Executive Order #6101, created the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and Congress funded it through the program of Emergency Conservation Work Act. The CCC quickly employed about 270,000 single men aged 18 to 25 years in conservation work in forest preserves (John A. Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942: A New Deal Case Study [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967], chaps. 1-2).
22. Bonnie Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, 1933-34 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984). The CWA was created through Executive Order 6420-B. On the wage rates of the CWA, see "Statement of Corrington Gill, Assistant Federal Emergency Relief Administrator," U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), February 11, 1935, 1-26.
23. Bonnie Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, 1933-34 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984). The CWA was created through Executive Order 6420-B. On the wage rates of the CWA, see "Statement of Corrington Gill, Assistant Federal Emergency Relief Administrator," U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), February 11, 1935, 1-26.
24. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
25. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
26. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
27. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
28. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
29. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
30. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
31. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
32. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
33. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
34. The accounts of contemporary participants most often relied upon are Edwin Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act: A Memorandum on the History of the Committee on Economic Security and Drafting and Legislative History of the Social Security Act (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962); Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), chap. 23; Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsins Press 1966), chaps, 1-2; and J. Douglas Brown, An American Philosophy of Social Security: Evolution and Issues (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), chap. 1. For the early years of administering the act, see Charles McKinley and Robert W. Frase, Launching Social Security (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970), A number of scholarly efforts examining social science arguments have been devoted to this issue as well. Some of the more notable include Edward Berkowitz and Kim McQuaid, Creating the Welfare Stats (New York: Praeger, 1980), chap. 6; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective." Comparative Social Research 6 (1983): 87-148; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 632-47; Ann Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in Politics of Social Policy, 37-80; and Edward D. Berkowitz, America's Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore, MD: John's Hopkins University Press, 1981 ), chap. 1, FERA funding made the CES deliberations a kind of professional work program. See Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 9-10.
35. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
36. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
37. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
38. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
39. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
40. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte,
41. U.S. Committee on Economic Security, Report to the President (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1935), 9, The principal accounts by Witte, Perkins, and Altmeyer do not discuss the work program very much, partly because the program was removed from the deliberations of the CES and was never under the control of the Social Security Board. Also, all three were proponents of social insurance and do not discuss much the relief nature of New Deal social policy. Hopkins, in his Spending to Save: The Complete Story of Relief (New York: Norton, 1936), provides not his account of what happened, but an argument hoping to sway public opinion in favor of a generous work program during the 1936 election year. He indicates his preference for a permanent work program. See also McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6, esp. 95-97. As late as December 24, 1934, Roosevelt wanted to combine the legislation for the work program and other economic security programs in one bill. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden. The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 26-27. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 77. Altmeyer suggest that Roosevelt initially saw unemployment insurance and work relief as combined, with those running out of insurance benefits to immediately gain work relief (Formative Years of Social Security, 12-13). The most reliable general account of the entire decade of reform, focusing on relief aspects, by someone within the government, but not at the center of events is Brown, Public Relief.
42. The "dole" was a common term for the "uncovenanted" or transitional unemployment insurance benefits that aided the unemployed in Great Britain during the 1920s. In that country, unemployment insurance had been stretched beyond its original function to aid those people who had already received the maximum amount of payment, but who were "genuinely seeking work." By 1931 these transitional benefits were cut back and a means test was applied to applicants for them. See, for instance, Derek Fraser, The Evolution of the British Welfare State: A History of Social Policy since the Industrial Revolution, 2d ed. (London: Macmillan, 1984), chap. 8; and Corrington Gill, Wasted Manpower The Challenge of Unemployment (New York: W. W. Norton, 1939), 233-37.
43. The "dole" was a common term for the "uncovenanted" or transitional unemployment insurance benefits that aided the unemployed in Great Britain during the 1920s. In that country, unemployment insurance had been stretched beyond its original function to aid those people who had already received the maximum amount of payment, but who were "genuinely seeking work." By 1931 these transitional benefits were cut back and a means test was applied to applicants for them. See, for instance, Derek Fraser, The Evolution of the British Welfare State: A History of Social Policy since the Industrial Revolution, 2d ed. (London: Macmillan, 1984), chap. 8; and Corrington Gill, Wasted Manpower The Challenge of Unemployment (New York: W. W. Norton, 1939), 233-37.
44. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
45. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
46. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
47. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
48. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
49. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
50. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
51. Work relief was also meant to be different from the degrading "work tests" administered by localities to see if applicants really wanted to work. Roosevelt overstated the number of those receiving payments from the "dole" as most of the 3.5 million "employable" people receiving aid supported by the FERA were already receiving emergency work relief (see Roosevelt, "Annual Message to the Congress, January 4, 1935"). For the question of the authority of the President in determining work relief projects, see "Statement of Rear Admiral C. J. Peoples," U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Hearings on H. J. Res. 117: A Joint Resolution Making Appropriation For Relief Purposes, January 29, 1935, (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing 27-57; U.S, Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946), 7-15; Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Sage, 1943), chap. 1; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 1. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, 65-71; McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6; and Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989), 200-215.
52. The WPA was created by way of Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935. The Advisory Committee on Allotments included various people inside and outside the government and was to recommend projects to the president. Frank Walker was in charge of the Division of Applications and Information (DAI), which was to receive suggested plans for work projects and pass them on to the ACA. The ACA and DAI were eliminated in September 1935. See "The Creation of the Machinery for the Works Progress Administration. Executive Order No. 7034. May 6, 1935," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938), 4:163-68. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 7-10; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chaps. 2-3; and McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6. See also, Harold Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold Ickes: The First One Thousand Days (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 429-46.
53. The WPA was created by way of Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935. The Advisory Committee on Allotments included various people inside and outside the government and was to recommend projects to the president. Frank Walker was in charge of the Division of Applications and Information (DAI), which was to receive suggested plans for work projects and pass them on to the ACA. The ACA and DAI were eliminated in September 1935. See "The Creation of the Machinery for the Works Progress Administration. Executive Order No. 7034. May 6, 1935," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938), 4:163-68. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 7-10; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chaps. 2-3; and McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6. See also, Harold Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold Ickes: The First One Thousand Days (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 429-46.
54. The WPA was created by way of Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935. The Advisory Committee on Allotments included various people inside and outside the government and was to recommend projects to the president. Frank Walker was in charge of the Division of Applications and Information (DAI), which was to receive suggested plans for work projects and pass them on to the ACA. The ACA and DAI were eliminated in September 1935. See "The Creation of the Machinery for the Works Progress Administration. Executive Order No. 7034. May 6, 1935," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938), 4:163-68. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 7-10; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chaps. 2-3; and McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6. See also, Harold Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold Ickes: The First One Thousand Days (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 429-46.
55. The WPA was created by way of Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935. The Advisory Committee on Allotments included various people inside and outside the government and was to recommend projects to the president. Frank Walker was in charge of the Division of Applications and Information (DAI), which was to receive suggested plans for work projects and pass them on to the ACA. The ACA and DAI were eliminated in September 1935. See "The Creation of the Machinery for the Works Progress Administration. Executive Order No. 7034. May 6, 1935," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938), 4:163-68. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 7-10; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chaps. 2-3; and McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6. See also, Harold Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold Ickes: The First One Thousand Days (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 429-46.
56. The WPA was created by way of Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935. The Advisory Committee on Allotments included various people inside and outside the government and was to recommend projects to the president. Frank Walker was in charge of the Division of Applications and Information (DAI), which was to receive suggested plans for work projects and pass them on to the ACA. The ACA and DAI were eliminated in September 1935. See "The Creation of the Machinery for the Works Progress Administration. Executive Order No. 7034. May 6, 1935," in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. Samuel I. Rosenman, 13 vols. (New York: Random House, 1938), 4:163-68. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 7-10; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chaps. 2-3; and McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chaps. 5-6. See also, Harold Ickes, The Secret Diary of Harold Ickes: The First One Thousand Days (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 429-46.
57. The wages were to vary according to two main dimensions, across place and type of employee. There were small variations across four regions of the country and across counry size to take into account, cost of living and greater variations across the five skill categories of wage employees and between wage employees and supervisory employees. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-26, 37-41. On wage of WPA workers, see also, Howard, The WPA, chap, 6. For a case study of someone bidding to receive WPA work, but not already on relief, see Grace Adams, Workers on Relief (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1939), chap. 2. For the influence of organized labor on the upgrading of WPA wages, see McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, 81-83.
58. The wages were to vary according to two main dimensions, across place and type of employee. There were small variations across four regions of the country and across counry size to take into account, cost of living and greater variations across the five skill categories of wage employees and between wage employees and supervisory employees. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-26, 37-41. On wage of WPA workers, see also, Howard, The WPA, chap, 6. For a case study of someone bidding to receive WPA work, but not already on relief, see Grace Adams, Workers on Relief (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1939), chap. 2. For the influence of organized labor on the upgrading of WPA wages, see McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, 81-83.
59. The wages were to vary according to two main dimensions, across place and type of employee. There were small variations across four regions of the country and across counry size to take into account, cost of living and greater variations across the five skill categories of wage employees and between wage employees and supervisory employees. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-26, 37-41. On wage of WPA workers, see also, Howard, The WPA, chap, 6. For a case study of someone bidding to receive WPA work, but not already on relief, see Grace Adams, Workers on Relief (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1939), chap. 2. For the influence of organized labor on the upgrading of WPA wages, see McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, 81-83.
60. The wages were to vary according to two main dimensions, across place and type of employee. There were small variations across four regions of the country and across counry size to take into account, cost of living and greater variations across the five skill categories of wage employees and between wage employees and supervisory employees. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-26, 37-41. On wage of WPA workers, see also, Howard, The WPA, chap, 6. For a case study of someone bidding to receive WPA work, but not already on relief, see Grace Adams, Workers on Relief (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1939), chap. 2. For the influence of organized labor on the upgrading of WPA wages, see McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, 81-83.
61. Hopkins, Spending to Save. In October 1936, a poll by Fortune magazine asked, "Do you believe that the WPA has been doing useful work in this locality?" and found that the "yes" answers outnumbered the "no" answers by a margin of four to one (Hadley Cantril, ed. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951], 696). The 1936 Democratic Party platform was explicit about public employment: "Where business fails to supply such employment, we believe that work at prevailing wages should be provided." The Republican platform criticized New Deal relief policies (Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1968 [Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1970], 360-63, 366, quote on 362). The Republicans and their allies in the print media tried to make a big issue of corruption and politics in the WPA and rejected work-relief in their platform. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hokins, 81-86.
62. Hopkins, Spending to Save. In October 1936, a poll by Fortune magazine asked, "Do you believe that the WPA has been doing useful work in this locality?" and found that the "yes" answers outnumbered the "no" answers by a margin of four to one (Hadley Cantril, ed. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951], 696). The 1936 Democratic Party platform was explicit about public employment: "Where business fails to supply such employment, we believe that work at prevailing wages should be provided." The Republican platform criticized New Deal relief policies (Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1968 [Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1970], 360-63, 366, quote on 362). The Republicans and their allies in the print media tried to make a big issue of corruption and politics in the WPA and rejected work-relief in their platform. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hokins, 81-86.
63. Hopkins, Spending to Save. In October 1936, a poll by Fortune magazine asked, "Do you believe that the WPA has been doing useful work in this locality?" and found that the "yes" answers outnumbered the "no" answers by a margin of four to one (Hadley Cantril, ed. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951], 696). The 1936 Democratic Party platform was explicit about public employment: "Where business fails to supply such employment, we believe that work at prevailing wages should be provided." The Republican platform criticized New Deal relief policies (Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1968 [Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1970], 360-63, 366, quote on 362). The Republicans and their allies in the print media tried to make a big issue of corruption and politics in the WPA and rejected work-relief in their platform. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hokins, 81-86.
64. Hopkins, Spending to Save. In October 1936, a poll by Fortune magazine asked, "Do you believe that the WPA has been doing useful work in this locality?" and found that the "yes" answers outnumbered the "no" answers by a margin of four to one (Hadley Cantril, ed. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951], 696). The 1936 Democratic Party platform was explicit about public employment: "Where business fails to supply such employment, we believe that work at prevailing wages should be provided." The Republican platform criticized New Deal relief policies (Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, National Party Platforms, 1840-1968 [Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1970], 360-63, 366, quote on 362). The Republicans and their allies in the print media tried to make a big issue of corruption and politics in the WPA and rejected work-relief in their platform. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hokins, 81-86.
65. Cutting expenditure! was recommended by Henry Morgenthau, the Secretary of the Treasury. John Morton Blum, Roosevelt and Margenthau (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972): Dean L. May, From New Deal to New Economics: The American Liberal Response to the Recession of 1937 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1981). See also, McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6.
66. Cutting expenditure! was recommended by Henry Morgenthau, the Secretary of the Treasury. John Morton Blum, Roosevelt and Margenthau (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972): Dean L. May, From New Deal to New Economics: The American Liberal Response to the Recession of 1937 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1981). See also, McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6.
67. Cutting expenditure! was recommended by Henry Morgenthau, the Secretary of the Treasury. John Morton Blum, Roosevelt and Margenthau (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972): Dean L. May, From New Deal to New Economics: The American Liberal Response to the Recession of 1937 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1981). See also, McJimsey, Harry Hopkins, chap. 6.
68. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
69. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
70. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
71. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
72. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
73. For a discussion of these spenders,see Ellis Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966); Herbert Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), chap. 6; May,From New Deal to New Economics; Margarit Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 34-41; and Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Depression and War (New York: Knopf, 1995), chaps 4-5. For an analysis of unemployment in this "recession," see Lester V. Chandler, Americas Greatest Depression, 1929-1941 (New York: Harper &Row,1970), chap.3.
74. U.S. Congress, Senate Special Commitee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Unemployment and Relief: Report (76th Congress, 1st Session, January 14, 1939), 3-6; May, From New Deal to New Economics; Macmahon et.al., Federal Work Relief,140-42; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 4; Sherwood, Hopkins and Roosevelt, 91-99.
75. U.S. Congress, Senate Special Commitee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Unemployment and Relief: Report (76th Congress, 1st Session, January 14, 1939), 3-6; May, From New Deal to New Economics; Macmahon et.al., Federal Work Relief,140-42; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 4; Sherwood, Hopkins and Roosevelt, 91-99.
76. U.S. Congress, Senate Special Commitee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Unemployment and Relief: Report (76th Congress, 1st Session, January 14, 1939), 3-6; May, From New Deal to New Economics; Macmahon et.al., Federal Work Relief,140-42; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 4; Sherwood, Hopkins and Roosevelt, 91-99.
77. U.S. Congress, Senate Special Commitee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Unemployment and Relief: Report (76th Congress, 1st Session, January 14, 1939), 3-6; May, From New Deal to New Economics; Macmahon et.al., Federal Work Relief,140-42; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 4; Sherwood, Hopkins and Roosevelt, 91-99.
78. U.S. Congress, Senate Special Commitee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Unemployment and Relief: Report (76th Congress, 1st Session, January 14, 1939), 3-6; May, From New Deal to New Economics; Macmahon et.al., Federal Work Relief,140-42; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 4; Sherwood, Hopkins and Roosevelt, 91-99.
79. All reorganization plans submitted by the president, under the new law, would go into unless explicitly rejected by both houses of Congress. The following account is drawn from Barry Dean Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the Neat Deal: The Genesis of Administrative Management, 1900-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963); Richard Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government, 1936-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1966), chap. 9; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 5; and Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System since the New Deal ( New York Oxford University Press, 1993), chaps. 5-6.
80. All reorganization plans submitted by the president, under the new law, would go into unless explicitly rejected by both houses of Congress. The following account is drawn from Barry Dean Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the Neat Deal: The Genesis of Administrative Management, 1900-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963); Richard Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government, 1936-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1966), chap. 9; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 5; and Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System since the New Deal ( New York Oxford University Press, 1993), chaps. 5-6.
81. All reorganization plans submitted by the president, under the new law, would go into unless explicitly rejected by both houses of Congress. The following account is drawn from Barry Dean Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the Neat Deal: The Genesis of Administrative Management, 1900-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963); Richard Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government, 1936-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1966), chap. 9; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 5; and Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System since the New Deal ( New York Oxford University Press, 1993), chaps. 5-6.
82. All reorganization plans submitted by the president, under the new law, would go into unless explicitly rejected by both houses of Congress. The following account is drawn from Barry Dean Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the Neat Deal: The Genesis of Administrative Management, 1900-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963); Richard Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government, 1936-1939 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1966), chap. 9; Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, chap. 5; and Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System since the New Deal ( New York Oxford University Press, 1993), chaps. 5-6.
83. "The Annual Budget Message" (January 5, 1989), Public Papers of Franklin Roosevelt 8:36-53; Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 6; Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America, 124; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 6,
84. "The Annual Budget Message" (January 5, 1989), Public Papers of Franklin Roosevelt 8:36-53; Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 6; Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America, 124; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 6,
85. "The Annual Budget Message" (January 5, 1989), Public Papers of Franklin Roosevelt 8:36-53; Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 6; Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America, 124; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 6,
86. "The Annual Budget Message" (January 5, 1989), Public Papers of Franklin Roosevelt 8:36-53; Milkis, The President and the Parties, chap. 6; Stein, The Fiscal Revolution in America, 124; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, chap. 6,
87. The WPA was handling the certification process by itself in eleven states and the District of Columbia. U.S. NRPB Committee on Long-Range Work and Relief Policies, Security, Work and Relief Policies (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 407; U.S. National. Federal Works Agency, Final Report. 8, 19; Howard, The WPA, 361-68.
88. The WPA was handling the certification process by itself in eleven states and the District of Columbia. U.S. NRPB Committee on Long-Range Work and Relief Policies, Security, Work and Relief Policies (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 407; U.S. National. Federal Works Agency, Final Report. 8, 19; Howard, The WPA, 361-68.
89. The WPA was handling the certification process by itself in eleven states and the District of Columbia. U.S. NRPB Committee on Long-Range Work and Relief Policies, Security, Work and Relief Policies (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), 407; U.S. National. Federal Works Agency, Final Report. 8, 19; Howard, The WPA, 361-68.
90. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief, 558, 561. Social spending for the calendar year is taken by the NRPB committee's definition of public aid, excluding earnings of persons employed on federal construction projects. The GNP is taken from Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, series F1, p. 224. The GNP was $90.5 billion in 1939. These definitions figures are used in the following paragraphs. See also Howard, The WPA, 854-57; Chandler, America's Greatest Depression, chap. 3.
91. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief, 558, 561. Social spending for the calendar year is taken by the NRPB committee's definition of public aid, excluding earnings of persons employed on federal construction projects. The GNP is taken from Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, series F1, p. 224. The GNP was $90.5 billion in 1939. These definitions figures are used in the following paragraphs. See also Howard, The WPA, 854-57; Chandler, America's Greatest Depression, chap. 3.
92. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief, 558, 561. Social spending for the calendar year is taken by the NRPB committee's definition of public aid, excluding earnings of persons employed on federal construction projects. The GNP is taken from Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, series F1, p. 224. The GNP was $90.5 billion in 1939. These definitions figures are used in the following paragraphs. See also Howard, The WPA, 854-57; Chandler, America's Greatest Depression, chap. 3.
93. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief, 558, 561. Social spending for the calendar year is taken by the NRPB committee's definition of public aid, excluding earnings of persons employed on federal construction projects. The GNP is taken from Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, series F1, p. 224. The GNP was $90.5 billion in 1939. These definitions figures are used in the following paragraphs. See also Howard, The WPA, 854-57; Chandler, America's Greatest Depression, chap. 3.
94. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 558. Howard, The WPA, 854-57; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States From Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), 357.
95. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 558. Howard, The WPA, 854-57; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States From Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), 357.
96. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 558. Howard, The WPA, 854-57; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States From Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975), 357.
97. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 560-61; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1975, Historical Statistics, 224; Brown, Public Relief, chap. 14.
98. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 560-61; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1975, Historical Statistics, 224; Brown, Public Relief, chap. 14.
99. NRPB Committee, Security, Work and Relief Policies, 560-61; U.S. Bureau of the Census 1975, Historical Statistics, 224; Brown, Public Relief, chap. 14.
100. Monthly or semi-monthly quotas were given by the WPA to state WPA offices. In March 1936, for instance, WPA quotas specified the maximum number of workers to be employed for each half-month through June (U.S. Works Progress Administration, WPA Progress Report, April 15, 1936 [Washington, DC: U.S, Government Printing Office, 1936]). The evidence suggests that a state's share of overall "man-years" of WPA employment closely reflected that states population a* a share of overall population (Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 36-37). See also, Howard, The WPA, 595-604.
101. Monthly or semi-monthly quotas were given by the WPA to state WPA offices. In March 1936, for instance, WPA quotas specified the maximum number of workers to be employed for each half-month through June (U.S. Works Progress Administration, WPA Progress Report, April 15, 1936 [Washington, DC: U.S, Government Printing Office, 1936]). The evidence suggests that a state's share of overall "man-years" of WPA employment closely reflected that states population a* a share of overall population (Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 36-37). See also, Howard, The WPA, 595-604.
102. Monthly or semi-monthly quotas were given by the WPA to state WPA offices. In March 1936, for instance, WPA quotas specified the maximum number of workers to be employed for each half-month through June (U.S. Works Progress Administration, WPA Progress Report, April 15, 1936 [Washington, DC: U.S, Government Printing Office, 1936]). The evidence suggests that a state's share of overall "man-years" of WPA employment closely reflected that states population a* a share of overall population (Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 36-37). See also, Howard, The WPA, 595-604.
103. The variation in wages across regions was not as great as the variation across wage classes. For the breakdowns, see Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 25. For an analysis of difference in average wages across states, see Edwin Amenta and Jane D, Poulsen, "Social Politics to Context: The Institutional Politics Theory and State-Level U.S. Social Spending Policies at the End of the New Deal," Social Forces 75 (1996): 38-60.
104. The variation in wages across regions was not as great as the variation across wage classes. For the breakdowns, see Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 25. For an analysis of difference in average wages across states, see Edwin Amenta and Jane D, Poulsen, "Social Politics to Context: The Institutional Politics Theory and State-Level U.S. Social Spending Policies at the End of the New Deal," Social Forces 75 (1996): 38-60.
105. For a discussion of the NRPB and its committee, see Marion Clawson, New Deal Planning: The National Resources Planning Board (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University 1981); and Philip W. Warken, A History of the National Resources Planning Board (New York Garland Publishing, 1979). For the significance of the planning board for postwar American liberalism, see Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform, 245-53, See also, Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," in Politics of Social Policy, 81-122.
106. For a discussion of the NRPB and its committee, see Marion Clawson, New Deal Planning: The National Resources Planning Board (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University 1981); and Philip W. Warken, A History of the National Resources Planning Board (New York Garland Publishing, 1979). For the significance of the planning board for postwar American liberalism, see Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform, 245-53, See also, Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," in Politics of Social Policy, 81-122.
107. For a discussion of the NRPB and its committee, see Marion Clawson, New Deal Planning: The National Resources Planning Board (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University 1981); and Philip W. Warken, A History of the National Resources Planning Board (New York Garland Publishing, 1979). For the significance of the planning board for postwar American liberalism, see Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform, 245-53, See also, Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," in Politics of Social Policy, 81-122.
108. For a discussion of the NRPB and its committee, see Marion Clawson, New Deal Planning: The National Resources Planning Board (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University 1981); and Philip W. Warken, A History of the National Resources Planning Board (New York Garland Publishing, 1979). For the significance of the planning board for postwar American liberalism, see Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform, 245-53, See also, Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," in Politics of Social Policy, 81-122.
109. U.S. NRPB Committee, Security, Work, and Relief Policies, 514-15.
110. Ibid., 523-24
111. Michael K. Brown, "Sate Capacity and Political Choice: Interpreting the Failure of the Third New Deal," Studies in American Political Development 9 (1995): 187-212.
112. See, Federal Works Agency, Final Report, v,
113. CoØsta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1990), 26-29, builds on the famous distinction between "institutional" "residual" welfare states first proposed by Richard Titmuss in Social Policy (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974). Esping-Andersen sees the conservative corporatist regime as standing between the social democratic and liberal regimes. For an analysis of his model, see Charles Ragin, "A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Pension Systems," in Methodological Advances Comparative Political Economy, ed. Thomas Janoski and Alexander Hicks (New York: Cambridges University Press, 1994), 320-45.
114. CoØsta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1990), 26-29, builds on the famous distinction between "institutional" "residual" welfare states first proposed by Richard Titmuss in Social Policy (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974). Esping-Andersen sees the conservative corporatist regime as standing between the social democratic and liberal regimes. For an analysis of his model, see Charles Ragin, "A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Pension Systems," in Methodological Advances Comparative Political Economy, ed. Thomas Janoski and Alexander Hicks (New York: Cambridges University Press, 1994), 320-45.
115. CoØsta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1990), 26-29, builds on the famous distinction between "institutional" "residual" welfare states first proposed by Richard Titmuss in Social Policy (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974). Esping-Andersen sees the conservative corporatist regime as standing between the social democratic and liberal regimes. For an analysis of his model, see Charles Ragin, "A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Pension Systems," in Methodological Advances Comparative Political Economy, ed. Thomas Janoski and Alexander Hicks (New York: Cambridges University Press, 1994), 320-45.
116. Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States," American Sociological Review 58 ( 1993) : 303-28. Her critique implies a more negative evaluation of the conservative corporatist regime, insofar as it discourages the participation of women in the paid labor force. See also, Orloff, "Gender in the Welfare State" Annual Review of Sociology 22 (1996): 51-78. On decommodification, see Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 2.
117. Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States," American Sociological Review 58 ( 1993) : 303-28. Her critique implies a more negative evaluation of the conservative corporatist regime, insofar as it discourages the participation of women in the paid labor force. See also, Orloff, "Gender in the Welfare State" Annual Review of Sociology 22 (1996): 51-78. On decommodification, see Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 2.
118. Ann Shola Orloff, "Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States," American Sociological Review 58 ( 1993) : 303-28. Her critique implies a more negative evaluation of the conservative corporatist regime, insofar as it discourages the participation of women in the paid labor force. See also, Orloff, "Gender in the Welfare State" Annual Review of Sociology 22 (1996): 51-78. On decommodification, see Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 2.
119. Ira Katznelson and Bruce Pietrykowski, "Rebuilding the American State: Evidence from the 1940s," Studies in American Political Development 5 (1991): 301-99.
120. Workers began to feel as though the provision of work was a right. See Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press 1980), chap. 6.
121. This act reinstated the initial 1936 federal regulations, which had been diluted some-what by the Emergency Relief Act of 1937. Job access was also mitigated by the 1939 act's that those working more than eighteen months continuously were to be automatically dismissed and not reinstated for thirty days. See Howard, The WPA, 491, 517-20. For the wage rates and employment by wage classes, see Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-25, 37-41.
122. This act reinstated the initial 1936 federal regulations, which had been diluted some-what by the Emergency Relief Act of 1937. Job access was also mitigated by the 1939 act's that those working more than eighteen months continuously were to be automatically dismissed and not reinstated for thirty days. See Howard, The WPA, 491, 517-20. For the wage rates and employment by wage classes, see Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 23-25, 37-41.
123. See, for instance, Mirra Komarovsky, The Unemployed Man and His Family: The Effects of Unemployment upon the Status of the Man in Fifty-Nine Families (New York: Dryden Press, 1940); and E. Wight Bakke, The Unemployed Worker: A Study of the Task of Making a Living without a Job (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1940),
124. See, for instance, Mirra Komarovsky, The Unemployed Man and His Family: The Effects of Unemployment upon the Status of the Man in Fifty-Nine Families (New York: Dryden Press, 1940); and E. Wight Bakke, The Unemployed Worker: A Study of the Task of Making a Living without a Job (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1940),
125. Howard, TAe WPA, 285-86, 803-6, 325-31.
126. Federal Works Agency, Final Report of the WPA, 42-43; Howard, The WPA, 429-34. The median age of men on the WPA rose as war-related employment hired away younger men.
127. Federal Works Agency, Final Report of the WPA, 42-43; Howard, The WPA, 429-34. The median age of men on the WPA rose as war-related employment hired away younger men.
128. The WPA did not keep separate statistics concerning women with children and without husbands in the home, but admitted its policy openly. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 44-45,67-71; Howard, The WPA, 429-34.
129. The WPA did not keep separate statistics concerning women with children and without husbands in the home, but admitted its policy openly. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 44-45,67-71; Howard, The WPA, 429-34.
130. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 45. Richard Sterner, The Negro's Share: A Study of Income, Consumption, Housing, and Public Assistance (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943), chap. 13.
131. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 45. Richard Sterner, The Negro's Share: A Study of Income, Consumption, Housing, and Public Assistance (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943), chap. 13.
132. Sterner, The Negro's Share, chap, 13.
133. See Christopher Letnan, "Patterns of Policy Development: Social Security in the United States and Canada," Public Policy 25 (1977): 261-91; and Fred Block, "The Ruling Class Does Not Rule," Socialist Revolution 33 (1977): 6-28. For cross-national evidence, see Peter Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Response to International Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), For a comparison of the United States and Great Britain in the adoption of Keynesianism deficit-spending techniques, see Margaret Weir, "Ideas and Politics: The Acceptance of Keynesianism in Britain and the United States," in The Political Power of Economics Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations, ed. Peter A. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 53-86.
134. See Christopher Letnan, "Patterns of Policy Development: Social Security in the United States and Canada," Public Policy 25 (1977): 261-91; and Fred Block, "The Ruling Class Does Not Rule," Socialist Revolution 33 (1977): 6-28. For cross-national evidence, see Peter Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Response to International Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), For a comparison of the United States and Great Britain in the adoption of Keynesianism deficit-spending techniques, see Margaret Weir, "Ideas and Politics: The Acceptance of Keynesianism in Britain and the United States," in The Political Power of Economics Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations, ed. Peter A. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 53-86.
135. See Christopher Letnan, "Patterns of Policy Development: Social Security in the United States and Canada," Public Policy 25 (1977): 261-91; and Fred Block, "The Ruling Class Does Not Rule," Socialist Revolution 33 (1977): 6-28. For cross-national evidence, see Peter Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Response to International Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), For a comparison of the United States and Great Britain in the adoption of Keynesianism deficit-spending techniques, see Margaret Weir, "Ideas and Politics: The Acceptance of Keynesianism in Britain and the United States," in The Political Power of Economics Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations, ed. Peter A. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 53-86.
136. See Christopher Letnan, "Patterns of Policy Development: Social Security in the United States and Canada," Public Policy 25 (1977): 261-91; and Fred Block, "The Ruling Class Does Not Rule," Socialist Revolution 33 (1977): 6-28. For cross-national evidence, see Peter Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Response to International Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), For a comparison of the United States and Great Britain in the adoption of Keynesianism deficit-spending techniques, see Margaret Weir, "Ideas and Politics: The Acceptance of Keynesianism in Britain and the United States," in The Political Power of Economics Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations, ed. Peter A. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 53-86.
137. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
138. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
139. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
140. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
141. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
142. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
143. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
144. The classic statement about the role of protest on politics can be found in Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Random House, 1977), chap. 1. For analyses of the influences of the Townsend Movement and Share our Wealth, see Edwin Amenta, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Yvonne Zylan, "A Hero For the Aged? The Townsend Movement, The Political Mediation Model, and U.S. Old-Age Policy, 1934-1950," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 308-39; Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, and Mary Bernstein, "Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, and the Second New Deal," American Sociological Review 59 (1994) : 678-702. On the unemployed workers' movement, see, Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37 (1990): 191-205. On organized labor, see the "Statement of William Green," U.S. Senate, Committee on Appropriations, Supplemental Hearings, Emergency Relief Appropriation, February 12, 1935, 27-46. Schwartz, The Civil Works Administration, chap. 4; Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 52-53; Howard, The WPA, 215-16.
145. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
146. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
147. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
148. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
149. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
150. See, for instance, James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism; Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (1984): 734-49; and Theda Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschmeyer, and Theda Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1969), first analyzed the impact of American political and administrative decentralization. For its impact on social politics, see Ellen Immergut, The Political Construction of Interests: National Health Insurance Politics in Switzerland, France, and Sweden (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Sven Steinmo, Taxation and Democracy: Swedish, British, and American Approaches to Financing the Modern State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993); and Huber et al., "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
151. For the classic statement about the division of authority in the U.S. political system, see Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), chap. 2. On the horizontal and vertical dimensions of federalism, see Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 32-35.
152. For the classic statement about the division of authority in the U.S. political system, see Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), chap. 2. On the horizontal and vertical dimensions of federalism, see Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 32-35.
153. As Stephen Skowronek argues, the presidency is in part an order-shattering institution, Skowronek also argues that the presidency is order-affirming and order creating. See Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), chap. 2. We argue that to create national social policy, presidents must work to create national bureaucratic authority and to wrest power or potential power from the Congress and state and local governments. On the conflict between the president and the party organizations that typically control Congress, see Milkis, The President and the Parties.
154. As Stephen Skowronek argues, the presidency is in part an order-shattering institution, Skowronek also argues that the presidency is order-affirming and order creating. See Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), chap. 2. We argue that to create national social policy, presidents must work to create national bureaucratic authority and to wrest power or potential power from the Congress and state and local governments. On the conflict between the president and the party organizations that typically control Congress, see Milkis, The President and the Parties.
155. V.O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949), chap, 14. Key argued especially that disorganized, one-party politics was unlikely to produce public policy serving the interests of "have-nots," but also addressed the exclusion issue, (307-8). For a cross-national analysis of the role of democratic institutions in the adoption of core social insurance programs, see Hicks et al., "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State."
156. V.O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949), chap, 14. Key argued especially that disorganized, one-party politics was unlikely to produce public policy serving the interests of "have-nots," but also addressed the exclusion issue, (307-8). For a cross-national analysis of the role of democratic institutions in the adoption of core social insurance programs, see Hicks et al., "The Programmatic Emergence of the Social Security State."
157. J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880-1910 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974); Walter Dean Burnham, Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: Norton, 1970), chap. 4; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Why Americans Don't Vote (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), esp. chaps. 2 and 3.
158. J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880-1910 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974); Walter Dean Burnham, Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: Norton, 1970), chap. 4; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Why Americans Don't Vote (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), esp. chaps. 2 and 3.
159. J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880-1910 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974); Walter Dean Burnham, Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: Norton, 1970), chap. 4; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Why Americans Don't Vote (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), esp. chaps. 2 and 3.
160. Burnham, Critical Elections; Kristi Andersen, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979). The sheer number of people participating in the presidential election lept from 36.8 million in 1928 to 45.6 million in 1936 (Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, 1076, 1078). The switching of parties was not negligible, however, especially among African American voters, who went from strongly pro-Republican to strongly pro-Democratic in the North after the elections of 1932. Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue, Vol 1; The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford, 1978), chap. 4; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983).
161. Burnham, Critical Elections; Kristi Andersen, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979). The sheer number of people participating in the presidential election lept from 36.8 million in 1928 to 45.6 million in 1936 (Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, 1076, 1078). The switching of parties was not negligible, however, especially among African American voters, who went from strongly pro-Republican to strongly pro-Democratic in the North after the elections of 1932. Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue, Vol 1; The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford, 1978), chap. 4; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983).
162. Burnham, Critical Elections; Kristi Andersen, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979). The sheer number of people participating in the presidential election lept from 36.8 million in 1928 to 45.6 million in 1936 (Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, 1076, 1078). The switching of parties was not negligible, however, especially among African American voters, who went from strongly pro-Republican to strongly pro-Democratic in the North after the elections of 1932. Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue, Vol 1; The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford, 1978), chap. 4; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983).
163. Burnham, Critical Elections; Kristi Andersen, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979). The sheer number of people participating in the presidential election lept from 36.8 million in 1928 to 45.6 million in 1936 (Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, 1076, 1078). The switching of parties was not negligible, however, especially among African American voters, who went from strongly pro-Republican to strongly pro-Democratic in the North after the elections of 1932. Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue, Vol 1; The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford, 1978), chap. 4; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983).
164. Theodore J. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice," Public Administration Review 32 (1972): 298-310; Theda Skocpol, "Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal," Politics and Society 10 (1980): 155-201. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. For a discussion of "political learning," see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics: in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 6. More generally, statist arguments typically hold that states can have their own functions, missions, and interests. Their independence or autonomy is usually defined as the ability of state actors to create independent strategies of action. In democratic and capitalist societies the state can be considered autonomous when it can create strategies independent from capitalists and organized business groups, political parties, interest groups, movement organizations, and public opinion (see Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In").
165. Theodore J. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice," Public Administration Review 32 (1972): 298-310; Theda Skocpol, "Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal," Politics and Society 10 (1980): 155-201. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. For a discussion of "political learning," see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics: in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 6. More generally, statist arguments typically hold that states can have their own functions, missions, and interests. Their independence or autonomy is usually defined as the ability of state actors to create independent strategies of action. In democratic and capitalist societies the state can be considered autonomous when it can create strategies independent from capitalists and organized business groups, political parties, interest groups, movement organizations, and public opinion (see Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In").
166. Theodore J. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice," Public Administration Review 32 (1972): 298-310; Theda Skocpol, "Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal," Politics and Society 10 (1980): 155-201. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. For a discussion of "political learning," see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics: in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 6. More generally, statist arguments typically hold that states can have their own functions, missions, and interests. Their independence or autonomy is usually defined as the ability of state actors to create independent strategies of action. In democratic and capitalist societies the state can be considered autonomous when it can create strategies independent from capitalists and organized business groups, political parties, interest groups, movement organizations, and public opinion (see Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In").
167. Theodore J. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice," Public Administration Review 32 (1972): 298-310; Theda Skocpol, "Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal," Politics and Society 10 (1980): 155-201. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. For a discussion of "political learning," see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics: in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 6. More generally, statist arguments typically hold that states can have their own functions, missions, and interests. Their independence or autonomy is usually defined as the ability of state actors to create independent strategies of action. In democratic and capitalist societies the state can be considered autonomous when it can create strategies independent from capitalists and organized business groups, political parties, interest groups, movement organizations, and public opinion (see Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In").
168. Theodore J. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice," Public Administration Review 32 (1972): 298-310; Theda Skocpol, "Political Response to Capitalist Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the Case of the New Deal," Politics and Society 10 (1980): 155-201. Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. For a discussion of "political learning," see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics: in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 6. More generally, statist arguments typically hold that states can have their own functions, missions, and interests. Their independence or autonomy is usually defined as the ability of state actors to create independent strategies of action. In democratic and capitalist societies the state can be considered autonomous when it can create strategies independent from capitalists and organized business groups, political parties, interest groups, movement organizations, and public opinion (see Skocpol, "Bringing the State Back In").
169. For the CES, see Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act. For the early deliberations on the work program, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 25-28, 57, Some memos important to the story of the creation of the WPA can be found in "Records of the Work Projects Administration," National Archives, Record Group 69 (hereafter abbreviated NA, RG).
170. For the CES, see Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act. For the early deliberations on the work program, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 25-28, 57, Some memos important to the story of the creation of the WPA can be found in "Records of the Work Projects Administration," National Archives, Record Group 69 (hereafter abbreviated NA, RG).
171. The other two approaches were "social insurance" and "annuity," see Witte's "Possible General Approaches to the Problem of Economic Security," (Aug. 16, 1934) . NA, RG 47, box 1, file 8. For the reports of the Committee on Public Employment and Relief, see NA, RG 47, box 1, file 2. Emerson Ross's initial report "Relief, Employment, and Retraining in Relation to Economic Security" is dated August 13, 1934, NA, RG 47, box 21. For the breaking away of the public employment and relief group from the CES, see Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 11-12, 31. Aubrey Williams, an assistant administrator of the FERA, was named the chairman of the Technical Board committee on public employment and assistance. Also included were Corrington Gill, another assistant administrator of the FERA, and Howard B. Meyers, of the FERA's Division of Research and Statistics. FERA Assistant Administrator Jacob Baker also made a number of proposals for a work program. His memos are housed at the Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) Library, Hopkins papers, container 49, "Mr. Jacob Baker's Memoranda on 'A National Work Program.'" The FERA's Ross was placed in charge of staff studies, was aided in turn by a considerable FERA-financed staff, and produced a report entitled, "A Permanent Program of Public Employment and Relief."
172. The other two approaches were "social insurance" and "annuity," see Witte's "Possible General Approaches to the Problem of Economic Security," (Aug. 16, 1934) . NA, RG 47, box 1, file 8. For the reports of the Committee on Public Employment and Relief, see NA, RG 47, box 1, file 2. Emerson Ross's initial report "Relief, Employment, and Retraining in Relation to Economic Security" is dated August 13, 1934, NA, RG 47, box 21. For the breaking away of the public employment and relief group from the CES, see Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act, 11-12, 31. Aubrey Williams, an assistant administrator of the FERA, was named the chairman of the Technical Board committee on public employment and assistance. Also included were Corrington Gill, another assistant administrator of the FERA, and Howard B. Meyers, of the FERA's Division of Research and Statistics. FERA Assistant Administrator Jacob Baker also made a number of proposals for a work program. His memos are housed at the Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) Library, Hopkins papers, container 49, "Mr. Jacob Baker's Memoranda on 'A National Work Program.'" The FERA's Ross was placed in charge of staff studies, was aided in turn by a considerable FERA-financed staff, and produced a report entitled, "A Permanent Program of Public Employment and Relief."
173. Leah Hannah Feder, Unemployment Relief in Periods of Depression: A Study of Measures Adopted in Certain American Cities, 1857-1922 (New York: Sage, 1936). Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum. New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). On the state and local work relief programs, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief. On the fiscal crises of the states, see Irving Bernstein, A History of the American Worker 1920-1933: The Lean Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960),
174. Leah Hannah Feder, Unemployment Relief in Periods of Depression: A Study of Measures Adopted in Certain American Cities, 1857-1922 (New York: Sage, 1936). Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum. New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). On the state and local work relief programs, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief. On the fiscal crises of the states, see Irving Bernstein, A History of the American Worker 1920-1933: The Lean Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960),
175. Leah Hannah Feder, Unemployment Relief in Periods of Depression: A Study of Measures Adopted in Certain American Cities, 1857-1922 (New York: Sage, 1936). Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum. New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). On the state and local work relief programs, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief. On the fiscal crises of the states, see Irving Bernstein, A History of the American Worker 1920-1933: The Lean Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960),
176. Leah Hannah Feder, Unemployment Relief in Periods of Depression: A Study of Measures Adopted in Certain American Cities, 1857-1922 (New York: Sage, 1936). Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum. New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). On the state and local work relief programs, see Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief. On the fiscal crises of the states, see Irving Bernstein, A History of the American Worker 1920-1933: The Lean Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960),
177. Paul P. Van Riper, History of The United States Civil Service (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1958), chap. 13.
178. The social-democratic model, developed by John D. Stephens, has had a particularly powerful influence on thinking about the welfare state. This thesis holds that the earlier and more extensively that industrial workers become organized in centralized unions and in social democratic parties and the more frequently that these parties hold office, the sooner and more extensive the development of the welfare state (John D. Stephens, The Transition From Capitalism to Socialism [London: Macmillan, 1979]). For a review of the research on this thesis, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Kees van Kersbergen. "Contemporary Research on Social Democracy," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 187-208. For partisan characterizations of U.S. political parties and those of other rich capitalist democracies, see Francis G. Castles and Peter Mair, "Left-Right Political Scales: Some 'Expert' Judgments," European Journal of Political Research 12 (1984): 73-88; Alexander Hicks and Joya Misra, "Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare Effort: The Case of Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 668-710; Huber, Ragin, and Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
179. The social-democratic model, developed by John D. Stephens, has had a particularly powerful influence on thinking about the welfare state. This thesis holds that the earlier and more extensively that industrial workers become organized in centralized unions and in social democratic parties and the more frequently that these parties hold office, the sooner and more extensive the development of the welfare state (John D. Stephens, The Transition From Capitalism to Socialism [London: Macmillan, 1979]). For a review of the research on this thesis, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Kees van Kersbergen. "Contemporary Research on Social Democracy," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 187-208. For partisan characterizations of U.S. political parties and those of other rich capitalist democracies, see Francis G. Castles and Peter Mair, "Left-Right Political Scales: Some 'Expert' Judgments," European Journal of Political Research 12 (1984): 73-88; Alexander Hicks and Joya Misra, "Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare Effort: The Case of Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 668-710; Huber, Ragin, and Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
180. The social-democratic model, developed by John D. Stephens, has had a particularly powerful influence on thinking about the welfare state. This thesis holds that the earlier and more extensively that industrial workers become organized in centralized unions and in social democratic parties and the more frequently that these parties hold office, the sooner and more extensive the development of the welfare state (John D. Stephens, The Transition From Capitalism to Socialism [London: Macmillan, 1979]). For a review of the research on this thesis, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Kees van Kersbergen. "Contemporary Research on Social Democracy," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 187-208. For partisan characterizations of U.S. political parties and those of other rich capitalist democracies, see Francis G. Castles and Peter Mair, "Left-Right Political Scales: Some 'Expert' Judgments," European Journal of Political Research 12 (1984): 73-88; Alexander Hicks and Joya Misra, "Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare Effort: The Case of Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 668-710; Huber, Ragin, and Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
181. The social-democratic model, developed by John D. Stephens, has had a particularly powerful influence on thinking about the welfare state. This thesis holds that the earlier and more extensively that industrial workers become organized in centralized unions and in social democratic parties and the more frequently that these parties hold office, the sooner and more extensive the development of the welfare state (John D. Stephens, The Transition From Capitalism to Socialism [London: Macmillan, 1979]). For a review of the research on this thesis, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Kees van Kersbergen. "Contemporary Research on Social Democracy," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 187-208. For partisan characterizations of U.S. political parties and those of other rich capitalist democracies, see Francis G. Castles and Peter Mair, "Left-Right Political Scales: Some 'Expert' Judgments," European Journal of Political Research 12 (1984): 73-88; Alexander Hicks and Joya Misra, "Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare Effort: The Case of Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 668-710; Huber, Ragin, and Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
182. The social-democratic model, developed by John D. Stephens, has had a particularly powerful influence on thinking about the welfare state. This thesis holds that the earlier and more extensively that industrial workers become organized in centralized unions and in social democratic parties and the more frequently that these parties hold office, the sooner and more extensive the development of the welfare state (John D. Stephens, The Transition From Capitalism to Socialism [London: Macmillan, 1979]). For a review of the research on this thesis, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen and Kees van Kersbergen. "Contemporary Research on Social Democracy," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 187-208. For partisan characterizations of U.S. political parties and those of other rich capitalist democracies, see Francis G. Castles and Peter Mair, "Left-Right Political Scales: Some 'Expert' Judgments," European Journal of Political Research 12 (1984): 73-88; Alexander Hicks and Joya Misra, "Political Resources and the Growth of Welfare Effort: The Case of Affluent Capitalist Democracies, 1960-1982," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1993): 668-710; Huber, Ragin, and Stephens, "Social Democracy, Christian Democracy, Constitutional Structure and the Welfare State."
183. Esping-Andenen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap, 1. Orloff, The Politics of Pensions, chap. 2.
184. Esping-Andenen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap, 1. Orloff, The Politics of Pensions, chap. 2.
185. For notable arguments about "machine" or patronage politics, see Harold Gosnell. Machine Politics: Chicago Model 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), Martin Shefter, "Party and Patronage: Germany, Italy, and England," Politics and Society 7 (1977) 404-51; and Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York: Pantheon, 1981).
186. For notable arguments about "machine" or patronage politics, see Harold Gosnell. Machine Politics: Chicago Model 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), Martin Shefter, "Party and Patronage: Germany, Italy, and England," Politics and Society 7 (1977) 404-51; and Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York: Pantheon, 1981).
187. For notable arguments about "machine" or patronage politics, see Harold Gosnell. Machine Politics: Chicago Model 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), Martin Shefter, "Party and Patronage: Germany, Italy, and England," Politics and Society 7 (1977) 404-51; and Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York: Pantheon, 1981).
188. For notable arguments about "machine" or patronage politics, see Harold Gosnell. Machine Politics: Chicago Model 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), Martin Shefter, "Party and Patronage: Germany, Italy, and England," Politics and Society 7 (1977) 404-51; and Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York: Pantheon, 1981).
189. Mayhew refers to these as "traditional party organizations" and defines them as autonomous, long-lasting, hierarchical, seeking to nominate candidates for a wide range of public offices, and relying substantially on material incentives (Mayhew, Placing Parties in America Politics [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986], 19-20). He also argues (292-94) that the leaders of patronage-oriented party organizations are inclined to avoid programmatic benefits because the kind of person attracted to patronage parties is unlikely to be someone with an urge to build programs, pro-spending groups like the labor movement cannot easily exercise influence in them, and these parties promote issue-less politics and discourage professional bureaucracies, while creating a political culture of pessimism about the utility of government.
190. On the maneuverability of presidents, see Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make.
191. For a discussion of sectionalism in America, see Richard Franklin Bensel, Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880-1980 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984).
192. Udo Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed: Government and Unemployment Before the New Deal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
193. See, for instance, Arthur M, Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Crisis of the Old Order, 1919-1933 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), 390-95; Brock, Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal, chap. 4; Hopkins, Spending to Save, chap. 3; and Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed, 305-13.
194. See, for instance, Arthur M, Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Crisis of the Old Order, 1919-1933 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), 390-95; Brock, Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal, chap. 4; Hopkins, Spending to Save, chap. 3; and Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed, 305-13.
195. See, for instance, Arthur M, Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Crisis of the Old Order, 1919-1933 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), 390-95; Brock, Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal, chap. 4; Hopkins, Spending to Save, chap. 3; and Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed, 305-13.
196. See, for instance, Arthur M, Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Crisis of the Old Order, 1919-1933 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), 390-95; Brock, Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal, chap. 4; Hopkins, Spending to Save, chap. 3; and Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed, 305-13.
197. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics, 1075, 1077.
198. David R. Mayhew, Party Loyalty Among Congressmen: The Difference Between Democrats and Republicans, 1947-1962 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966).
199. See Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), chap. 5.
200. On the Supreme Court and the first New Deal, see Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), chaps. 23-24. On the bid to court, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York, 1963), chap. 10. On the bid to reorganize the executive, see Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the New Deal; Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government; and Brinkley, The End of Reform, chap. 1.
201. On the Supreme Court and the first New Deal, see Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), chaps. 23-24. On the bid to court, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York, 1963), chap. 10. On the bid to reorganize the executive, see Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the New Deal; Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government; and Brinkley, The End of Reform, chap. 1.
202. On the Supreme Court and the first New Deal, see Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), chaps. 23-24. On the bid to court, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York, 1963), chap. 10. On the bid to reorganize the executive, see Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the New Deal; Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government; and Brinkley, The End of Reform, chap. 1.
203. On the Supreme Court and the first New Deal, see Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), chaps. 23-24. On the bid to court, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York, 1963), chap. 10. On the bid to reorganize the executive, see Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the New Deal; Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government; and Brinkley, The End of Reform, chap. 1.
204. On the Supreme Court and the first New Deal, see Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), chaps. 23-24. On the bid to court, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal (New York, 1963), chap. 10. On the bid to reorganize the executive, see Karl, Executive Reorganization and Reform in the New Deal; Polenberg, Reorganizing Roosevelt's Government; and Brinkley, The End of Reform, chap. 1.
205. James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-1939 (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1967).
206. Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State?, chap. 1.
207. Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America ( New York: Basic Books, 1986), 224-34, The two major contemporaneous studies of the WPA - Howard, The WPA and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief-were premised on the organization lasting for the long run and were completed before its demise.
208. Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America ( New York: Basic Books, 1986), 224-34, The two major contemporaneous studies of the WPA -Howard, The WPA and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief-were premised on the organization lasting for the long run and were completed before its demise.
209. Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America ( New York: Basic Books, 1986), 224-34, The two major contemporaneous studies of the WPA - Howard, The WPA and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief-were premised on the organization lasting for the long run and were completed before its demise.
210. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice"; Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State?, 102-3. Pierson also argues that programs an have "information effects" that influence bids to cut them and that mature programs have "lock-in" effects that counter bids to cut them.
211. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice"; Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State?, 102-3. Pierson also argues that programs an have "information effects" that influence bids to cut them and that mature programs have "lock-in" effects that counter bids to cut them.
212. Lowi, "Four Systems of Policy, Politics, and Choice"; Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, intro. Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State?, 102-3. Pierson also argues that programs an have "information effects" that influence bids to cut them and that mature programs have "lock-in" effects that counter bids to cut them.
213. Federal Works Agency, Final Report, 10-13.
214. For a more comprehensive analysis of Senate roll-call votes and state-level differences concerning the WPA, see Edwin Amenta and Drew T. Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and WPA: Voting and State-Level Analyses" (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Toronto, August 1997).
215. Cantril, Public Opinion, 405, George F. Houston, Chairman, Committee on Industial Financing, National Association of Manufacturers, called for the end of the WPA and the reverting of relief to the localities (U.S. Senate Special Committee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Hearings, Volume 2 [February 28 to April 8, 1938] [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1938], 903-17). On capitalist opposition to the Social Security Act, see Edwin Amenta and Sunita Parikh, "Capitalists Did Not Want the Social Security Act: A Critique of the 'Capitalist Dominance' Thesis," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 124-29, See also, Nancy E. Rose, "Work Relief in the 1930s and the Origins of the Social Security Act." Social Service Review xx (1989): 63-91, for complaints by businessmen about work relief before the WPA.
216. Cantril, Public Opinion, 405, George F. Houston, Chairman, Committee on Industial Financing, National Association of Manufacturers, called for the end of the WPA and the reverting of relief to the localities (U.S. Senate Special Committee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Hearings, Volume 2 [February 28 to April 8, 1938] [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1938], 903-17). On capitalist opposition to the Social Security Act, see Edwin Amenta and Sunita Parikh, "Capitalists Did Not Want the Social Security Act: A Critique of the 'Capitalist Dominance' Thesis," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 124-29, See also, Nancy E. Rose, "Work Relief in the 1930s and the Origins of the Social Security Act." Social Service Review xx (1989): 63-91, for complaints by businessmen about work relief before the WPA.
217. Cantril, Public Opinion, 405, George F. Houston, Chairman, Committee on Industial Financing, National Association of Manufacturers, called for the end of the WPA and the reverting of relief to the localities (U.S. Senate Special Committee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Hearings, Volume 2 [February 28 to April 8, 1938] [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1938], 903-17). On capitalist opposition to the Social Security Act, see Edwin Amenta and Sunita Parikh, "Capitalists Did Not Want the Social Security Act: A Critique of the 'Capitalist Dominance' Thesis," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 124-29, See also, Nancy E. Rose, "Work Relief in the 1930s and the Origins of the Social Security Act." Social Service Review xx (1989): 63-91, for complaints by businessmen about work relief before the WPA.
218. Cantril, Public Opinion, 405, George F. Houston, Chairman, Committee on Industial Financing, National Association of Manufacturers, called for the end of the WPA and the reverting of relief to the localities (U.S. Senate Special Committee to Investigate Unemployment and Relief, Hearings, Volume 2 [February 28 to April 8, 1938] [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1938], 903-17). On capitalist opposition to the Social Security Act, see Edwin Amenta and Sunita Parikh, "Capitalists Did Not Want the Social Security Act: A Critique of the 'Capitalist Dominance' Thesis," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 124-29, See also, Nancy E. Rose, "Work Relief in the 1930s and the Origins of the Social Security Act." Social Service Review xx (1989): 63-91, for complaints by businessmen about work relief before the WPA.
219. In this voting analysis, we include non-trivial, significant and representative votes. We selected the most highly contested WPA votes of their legislative session, but also focused on the content of votes -looking for those which appeared to be meaningful indicators of support or opposition to social spending. This resulted in choosing 9 Senate votes from a universe of 70 spread over the duration of the WPA's existence. The vote totals include legislators' indications of support or opposition through pairings and announcements recorded in the Congressional Record. For discussions of the significance of roll-call votes, see William H. Riker, "A Method for Determining The Significance of Roll Calls in Voting Bodies," in legislative Behavior: A Reader in Theory and Research, ed. John C. Wahlke and Heinz Eulau (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1959); Ira Katznelson, Kim Geiger and Daniel Kryder, "Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933-1950," Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 283-306.
220. In this voting analysis, we include non-trivial, significant and representative votes. We selected the most highly contested WPA votes of their legislative session, but also focused on the content of votes -looking for those which appeared to be meaningful indicators of support or opposition to social spending. This resulted in choosing 9 Senate votes from a universe of 70 spread over the duration of the WPA's existence. The vote totals include legislators' indications of support or opposition through pairings and announcements recorded in the Congressional Record. For discussions of the significance of roll-call votes, see William H. Riker, "A Method for Determining The Significance of Roll Calls in Voting Bodies," in legislative Behavior: A Reader in Theory and Research, ed. John C. Wahlke and Heinz Eulau (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1959); Ira Katznelson, Kim Geiger and Daniel Kryder, "Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933-1950," Political Science Quarterly 108 (1993): 283-306.
221. Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR), United States Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991 [Computer file] (Ann Arbor, MI: Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, 1992); Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
222. Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR), United States Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991 [Computer file] (Ann Arbor, MI: Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, 1992); Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
223. Jill S. Quadagno, The Transformation of 0ld-Age Security: Class and Politics in the American Welfare State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
224. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS74, votes 38 and Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
225. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS74, votes 38 and Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
226. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal, 142-43, 170-75. The 40 percent figure was later lowered to 25 percent ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS75, vote 24; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
227. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal, 142-43, 170-75. The 40 percent figure was later lowered to 25 percent ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS75, vote 24; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
228. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal, 142-43, 170-75. The 40 percent figure was later lowered to 25 percent ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS75, vote 24; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
229. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal, 140-41, 234-41; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
230. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal, 140-41, 234-41; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
231. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS76, votes 29, 97, 87; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
232. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS76, votes 29, 97, 87; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
233. New York Times, January 11, 1939, 1.
234. The WPA was investigated by congressional committees in 1938, 1939, and 1940. See Howard, The WPA, 587-95; and Charles, The Minister of Relief, 202.
235. The WPA was investigated by congressional committees in 1938, 1939, and 1940. See Howard, The WPA, 587-95; and Charles, The Minister of Relief, 202.
236. New York Times, January 7, 1939, 1.
237. New York Times, July 7,1939, 1; July 11,1939,7; July 17,1939, 1; July 22,1939,1. Thomas A. Murray, president of the Building and Trades Council, called for the abolition of the WRA activities in the building and construction field and their transfer to the PWA, "where our men would be employed full time without question under union conditions."
238. New York Times, July 7,1939, 1; July 11,1939,7; July 17,1939, 1; July 22,1939,1. Thomas A. Murray, president of the Building and Trades Council, called for the abolition of the WRA activities in the building and construction field and their transfer to the PWA, "where our men would be employed full time without question under union conditions."
239. New York Times, July 7,1939, 1; July 11,1939,7; July 17,1939, 1; July 22,1939,1. Thomas A. Murray, president of the Building and Trades Council, called for the abolition of the WRA activities in the building and construction field and their transfer to the PWA, "where our men would be employed full time without question under union conditions."
240. New York Times, July 7,1939, 1; July 11,1939,7; July 17,1939, 1; July 22,1939,1. Thomas A. Murray, president of the Building and Trades Council, called for the abolition of the WRA activities in the building and construction field and their transfer to the PWA, "where our men would be employed full time without question under union conditions."
241. Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s," 201; Selden Rodman, "Lasser and the Workers' Alliance," The Nation, September 10, 1938, 242-44; New York Times, June 15, 1939, 1; July 22, 1939, 1; and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 291.
242. Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s," 201; Selden Rodman, "Lasser and the Workers' Alliance," The Nation, September 10, 1938, 242-44; New York Times, June 15, 1939, 1; July 22, 1939, 1; and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 291.
243. Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s," 201; Selden Rodman, "Lasser and the Workers' Alliance," The Nation, September 10, 1938, 242-44; New York Times, June 15, 1939, 1; July 22, 1939, 1; and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 291.
244. Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s," 201; Selden Rodman, "Lasser and the Workers' Alliance," The Nation, September 10, 1938, 242-44; New York Times, June 15, 1939, 1; July 22, 1939, 1; and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 291.
245. Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s," 201; Selden Rodman, "Lasser and the Workers' Alliance," The Nation, September 10, 1938, 242-44; New York Times, June 15, 1939, 1; July 22, 1939, 1; and Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 291.
246. Hopkins sought to find WPA heads who were sympathetic to the program - not necessarily Democrats or loyalists of either senator. To dodge senatorial prerogatives Hopkins chose to head the WPA in fourteen states the same person who headed the state emergency relief administration, but this was only a stopgap. The states included a number of southern ones: Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, New Mexico, Ohio, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wyoming. An analysis of twenty-two state WPA appointments revealed that twelve were made for political reasons, and only four of these were competent administrators (Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 270, 271, 274). At the end of 1939, Ae ratio of WPA workers to general assistance recipients was twenty-nine to one in Mississippi, the state with the highest ratio, and more than five to one in seven other Southern states (see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap. 5).
247. Hopkins sought to find WPA heads who were sympathetic to the program - not necessarily Democrats or loyalists of either senator. To dodge senatorial prerogatives Hopkins chose to head the WPA in fourteen states the same person who headed the state emergency relief administration, but this was only a stopgap. The states included a number of southern ones: Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, New Mexico, Ohio, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, and Wyoming. An analysis of twenty-two state WPA appointments revealed that twelve were made for political reasons, and only four of these were competent administrators (Macmahon et al., Federal Work Relief, 270, 271, 274). At the end of 1939, Ae ratio of WPA workers to general assistance recipients was twenty-nine to one in Mississippi, the state with the highest ratio, and more than five to one in seven other Southern states (see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap. 5).
248. Stephen P. Erie, Rainbow's End: Irish Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1945 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), 131-32; Lyle W. Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses (Port Washington, KY: Kennikat Press, 1977), 103-5.
249. Stephen P. Erie, Rainbow's End: Irish Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1945 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), 131-32; Lyle W. Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses (Port Washington, KY: Kennikat Press, 1977), 103-5.
250. To a man seeking WPA employment, Truman wrote: "If you will send us endorsements from the Kansas City Democratic Organization, I shall be glad to do what I can for you," quoted in Lyle W. Dorsett, "Kansas City and the New Deal," in The New Deal: The State and Local Levels, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1975), 407-19; quote on 414,
251. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
252. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
253. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
254. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
255. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
256. Searle F. Charles, Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1963), 41-42; Roger Biles, Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois Press, 1984), 51-52, 74-81, For a discussion of Kelly's claims about how he would aid Roosevelt, see David Plotke, Building A Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 138; Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Big City Bosses, chap. 6, and Erie, Rainbow's End, 131, 134, For other New Deal spending programs in Illinois, see Amenta, Bold Relief, chap, 5.
257. James T. Patterson, The New Deal and the States: Federalism in Transition Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1969), 83.
258. John E. Miller, Philip F. La Follette, The Wisconsin Progressives, and the New Deal (Columbia MO: University of Missouri Press, 1982), chap, 4; Richard M. Valelly, Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).
259. John E. Miller, Philip F. La Follette, The Wisconsin Progressives, and the New Deal (Columbia MO: University of Missouri Press, 1982), chap, 4; Richard M. Valelly, Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).
260. Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the City Bosses, 49-61; Erie, Rainbow's End, 133.
261. Dorsett, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the City Bosses, 49-61; Erie, Rainbow's End, 133.
262. Pattenon, The New Deal and the States, 168; David J. Maurer, "Relief Problems and Politics in Ohio," in New Deal: The State and Local Levels, 77-102.
263. Pattenon, The New Deal and the States, 168; David J. Maurer, "Relief Problems and Politics in Ohio," in New Deal: The State and Local Levels, 77-102.
264. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS75, vote 42; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
265. ICPSR, U.S. Congressional Roll Call Voting Records, 1789-1991, file DARCS75, vote 42; Amenta and Halfmann, "Institutional Politics and the WPA."
266. New York Times, June 29, 1939, 1; July 1, 1989, 1.
267. New York Times, June 29, 1939, 1; July 1, 1989, 1.
268. For a discussion of recent failed efforts at the national level, see David T. Ellwood, "Welfare Reform as I Knew It: When Bad Things Happen to Good Policies." American Prospect (May-June 1996): 22-29. For a call to create a modern WPA, see William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Knopf, 1996), chap. 8.
269. For a discussion of recent failed efforts at the national level, see David T. Ellwood, "Welfare Reform as I Knew It: When Bad Things Happen to Good Policies." American Prospect (May-June 1996): 22-29. For a call to create a modern WPA, see William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Knopf, 1996), chap. 8.