The effect of the Cold War on African-American civil rights: America and the world audience, 1945-1968

Theory and Society

Volumn 27, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 237-285

  Skrentny, John David ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0032382073     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1006875732319     Document Type: Review

References (190)

1. Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984).
2. Paul Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
3. Among civil rights scholars who focus on the politics of civil rights, the tendency has been to equate political context with national context. Thus, Hugh Davis Graham's outstanding book, The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990) as well as more focused accounts such as Steven A. Shull's The President and Civil Rights Policy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1989) have made important contributions but have also not explored the international context and its effects.
4. Among civil rights scholars who focus on the politics of civil rights, the tendency has been to equate political context with national context. Thus, Hugh Davis Graham's outstanding book, The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990) as well as more focused accounts such as Steven A. Shull's The President and Civil Rights Policy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1989) have made important contributions but have also not explored the international context and its effects.
5. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
6. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
7. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
8. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
9. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
10. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
11. See, for example, Lewis M. Killian, The Impossible Revolution? Black Power and the American Dream (New York: Random House, 1968), 39; Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 193; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 78; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), 152; Gerald N. Nosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 163; Mark Stern, Calculating Visions: Kennedy, Johnson and Civil Rights (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 4; Aldon Morris, "Centuries of Black Protest: Its Significance for America and the World," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., editors, Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 45.
12. Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1978).
13. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
14. Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
15. Political-process scholars were not the first to explain how geopolitics affected domestic politics, social movements, and revolutions. See, for example, Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: Vintage, 1990 [1945] and Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
16. Political-process scholars were not the first to explain how geopolitics affected domestic politics, social movements, and revolutions. See, for example, Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: Vintage, 1990 [1945] and Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
17. As this article was going to press, McAdam was preparing for publication new work giving greater attention to the international pressures that helped facilitate the rise of the civil rights movement. See Doug McAdam, "On the International Origins of Domestic Political Opportunities," in Anne Costain and Andrew McFarland, editors, Social Movements and American Political Institutions (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, forthcoming).
18. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, 82-83, 158-159.
19. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, 158-159; Tarrow, Power in Movement, 98.
20. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, 158-159; Tarrow, Power in Movement, 98.
21. McAdam argues that "wars, industrialization, political realignments, prolonged unemployment, and widespread demographic changes" can all lead to "improved bargaining positions" for an excluded group, making it more difficult to repress them and more likely that the excluded group will see some improvement in position. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, 41-43.
22. John W. Meyer, John Boli, and George Thomas, "Ontology and Rationalization in the Western Cultural Account," in George Thomas, John Meyer, Francisco Ramirez, and John Boli, editors, Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1987), 12-37; Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, "Introduction," in Walter Powell and Paul DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 1-38.
23. John W. Meyer, John Boli, and George Thomas, "Ontology and Rationalization in the Western Cultural Account," in George Thomas, John Meyer, Francisco Ramirez, and John Boli, editors, Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1987), 12-37; Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Powell, "Introduction," in Walter Powell and Paul DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 1-38.
24. The approach is to be contrasted with theories that assume social actors who are guided by universal notions of rational choice or by naturally arising power or material interests. For an especially lucid discussion, see Frank Dobbin, Forging Industrial Policy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994) and Frank Dobbin, "Cultural Models of Organization: The Social Construction of Rational Organizing Principles," in Diana Crane, editor, The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspectives (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994), 117-153.
25. The approach is to be contrasted with theories that assume social actors who are guided by universal notions of rational choice or by naturally arising power or material interests. For an especially lucid discussion, see Frank Dobbin, Forging Industrial Policy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994) and Frank Dobbin, "Cultural Models of Organization: The Social Construction of Rational Organizing Principles," in Diana Crane, editor, The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspectives (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994), 117-153.
26. DiMaggio and Powell, "Introduction," 13.
27. See, for example, Yasemin Soysal, The Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Post-national Membership in Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) and John Boli, New Citizens for a New Society: The Institutional Origins of Mass Schooling in Sweden (New York: Pergamon Press, 1989).
28. See, for example, Yasemin Soysal, The Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Post-national Membership in Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) and John Boli, New Citizens for a New Society: The Institutional Origins of Mass Schooling in Sweden (New York: Pergamon Press, 1989).
29. Paul J. DiMaggio, "Interest and Agency in Institutional Theory," in Lynne Zucker, editor, Institutional Patterns and Organizations (Cambridge: Ballinger, 1988), 3-22; 4.
30. Roger Friedland and Robert R. Alford, "Bringing Society Back In: Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contradictions," in Powell and DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism, 232-263. For a similar argument, also see William H. Sewell, Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 1-29.
31. Roger Friedland and Robert R. Alford, "Bringing Society Back In: Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contradictions," in Powell and DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism, 232-263. For a similar argument, also see William H. Sewell, Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1993): 1-29.
32. Robin Stryker, "Rules, Resources, and Legitimacy Processes: Some Implications for Social Conflict, Order, and Change," American Journal of Sociology 99 (1994): 847-910, 857-858.
33. Soysal, Limits of Citizenship, Boli, New Citizens for a New Society.
34. Soysal, Limits of Citizenship, Boli, New Citizens for a New Society.
35. The idea that legitimacy is dependent upon audience expectations has been implicit in some neoinstitutionalist studies of organizations, though put forth with terminology lacking in the precision adequate for understanding the Cold War impact on African-American civil rights. Most crucially, no distinction is made between sub-audiences within an "institutional environment." For example, Meyer and Rowan argued that "By designing a formal structure that adheres to myths in the institutional environment, an organization demonstrates that it is acting on collectively valued purposes in a proper and adequate manner." John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, "Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony [1977]," in Powell and DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism, 41-62, 50. Similarly, Dobbin et al. have argued that "public visibility" and proximity to the public sphere are important factors in understanding why organizations incorporated formal due-process procedures. Frank Dobbin, et al., "The Expansion of Due Process in Organizations," in Zucker, editor, Institutional Patterns and Organizations, 71-98. This work tends to reduce potential legitimacy standards to two - "internal" and "external" (see also Stryker, "Rules, Resources and Legitimacy Processes," 885) - and, as mentioned above, locates these standards in abstract spatial entities or metaphors rather than in human audiences.
36. The idea that legitimacy is dependent upon audience expectations has been implicit in some neoinstitutionalist studies of organizations, though put forth with terminology lacking in the precision adequate for understanding the Cold War impact on African-American civil rights. Most crucially, no distinction is made between sub-audiences within an "institutional environment." For example, Meyer and Rowan argued that "By designing a formal structure that adheres to myths in the institutional environment, an organization demonstrates that it is acting on collectively valued purposes in a proper and adequate manner." John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, "Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony [1977]," in Powell and DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism, 41-62, 50. Similarly, Dobbin et al. have argued that "public visibility" and proximity to the public sphere are important factors in understanding why organizations incorporated formal due-process procedures. Frank Dobbin, et al., "The Expansion of Due Process in Organizations," in Zucker, editor, Institutional Patterns and Organizations, 71-98. This work tends to reduce potential legitimacy standards to two - "internal" and "external" (see also Stryker, "Rules, Resources and Legitimacy Processes," 885) - and, as mentioned above, locates these standards in abstract spatial entities or metaphors rather than in human audiences.
37. The idea that legitimacy is dependent upon audience expectations has been implicit in some neoinstitutionalist studies of organizations, though put forth with terminology lacking in the precision adequate for understanding the Cold War impact on African-American civil rights. Most crucially, no distinction is made between sub-audiences within an "institutional environment." For example, Meyer and Rowan argued that "By designing a formal structure that adheres to myths in the institutional environment, an organization demonstrates that it is acting on collectively valued purposes in a proper and adequate manner." John W. Meyer and Brian Rowan, "Institutionalized Organizations: Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony [1977]," in Powell and DiMaggio, editors, The New Institutionalism, 41-62, 50. Similarly, Dobbin et al. have argued that "public visibility" and proximity to the public sphere are important factors in understanding why organizations incorporated formal due-process procedures. Frank Dobbin, et al., "The Expansion of Due Process in Organizations," in Zucker, editor, Institutional Patterns and Organizations, 71-98. This work tends to reduce potential legitimacy standards to two - "internal" and "external" (see also Stryker, "Rules, Resources and Legitimacy Processes," 885) - and, as mentioned above, locates these standards in abstract spatial entities or metaphors rather than in human audiences.
38. John Kingdon, "Agendas, Ideas and Policy Change," in Lawrence C. Dodd and Calvin Jillson, editors, New Perspectives on American Politics (Washington: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1994), 215-229.
39. Paul Lauren, Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Dis-crimination (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), 48; Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order: 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 247-248.
40. Paul Lauren, Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Dis-crimination (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), 48; Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order: 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 247-248.
41. James Frederick Green, The United Nations and Human Rights (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1959), 9; see also Louis Henkin, The Age of Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 15.
42. James Frederick Green, The United Nations and Human Rights (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1959), 9; see also Louis Henkin, The Age of Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 15.
43. Green, United Nations and Human Rights, 14.
44. Green, United Nations and Human Rights, 17.
45. Soysal, Limits of Citizenship, 43.
46. Alonzo L Hamby, Beyond the New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 115.
47. Lee Nichols, Breakthrough on the Color Front (New York: Random House, 1954), 9.
48. Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), 807. The bombing of a black-owned motel and the home of Martin Luther King's brother were the immediate causes of the riot, though racial tensions had been building for several weeks.
49. Shull, The President and Civil Rights Policy, 189-190. Also see Milton Morris, Immigration - The Beleagured Bureaucracy (Washington, DC.: The Brookings Institution, 1985), 35-42, which notes the domestic orientation of Congress and the international orientation of the executive in the area of immigration policy. In making this point, I do not mean to suggest that isolationism was the direct reason for Congress's civil rights conservatism. Obviously, the power of Southern congressmen in congressional committees was crucial. This is explicable in the neo-institutionalist framework, as these congressmen were focused on the cultural rules of their constituencies - parochial audiences - and were not engaged with the world audience. In addition, I do not mean to suggest that engagement with the world audience explains all acceptance of African-American rights claims. The courts made landmark rights decisions, and the courts are not institutionally engaged with the people in other countries. However, as I show, the Truman administration encouraged the Supreme Court's racial progressivism with amicus briefs that emphasized the world audience of American racial practices.
50. Shull, The President and Civil Rights Policy, 189-190. Also see Milton Morris, Immigration - The Beleagured Bureaucracy (Washington, DC.: The Brookings Institution, 1985), 35-42, which notes the domestic orientation of Congress and the international orientation of the executive in the area of immigration policy. In making this point, I do not mean to suggest that isolationism was the direct reason for Congress's civil rights conservatism. Obviously, the power of Southern congressmen in congressional committees was crucial. This is explicable in the neo-institutionalist framework, as these congressmen were focused on the cultural rules of their constituencies - parochial audiences - and were not engaged with the world audience. In addition, I do not mean to suggest that engagement with the world audience explains all acceptance of African-American rights claims. The courts made landmark rights decisions, and the courts are not institutionally engaged with the people in other countries. However, as I show, the Truman administration encouraged the Supreme Court's racial progressivism with amicus briefs that emphasized the world audience of American racial practices.
51. President's Committee on Civil Rights, To Secure These Rights (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office 1947), 146.
52. Hearings before a Special Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 1949: Hearings on H.R. 4453 and Companion Bills (Federal Fair Employment Practice Act). 81st Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office), 114.
53. Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 164.
54. See the superb study by Mary L. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," Stanford Law Review 41 (1988): 61-120, 94.
55. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," 83-93.
56. Donald R. McCoy and Richard T. Ruetten, Quest and Response: Minority Rights and the Truman Administration (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1973), 258-259.
57. Kenneth O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano: Presidents and Racial Politics from Washington to Clinton (New York: Free Press, 1995), 168, 199.
58. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," 99-100.
59. Nichols, Breakthrough on the Color Front, 175-179.
60. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1965), 140.
61. Carl Brauer, John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 77.
62. A Report to the President and the Cabinet of the Work of the President's Committee on Government Employment Policy, March 25, 1960, in Michal R. Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 4: Employment of Blacks by the Federal Government (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 132.
63. Minutes of the First Meeting of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, April 11, 1961, in Michal R. Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 5: Equal Employment Opportunity (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 49 , 51; see also Statement by the Vice President to Group of Defense Contractors, May, 1961, in ibid., 62.
64. Minutes of the First Meeting of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, April 11, 1961, in Michal R. Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 5: Equal Employment Opportunity (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 49 , 51; see also Statement by the Vice President to Group of Defense Contractors, May, 1961, in ibid., 62.
65. White House Meeting of Civil Rights Subcabinet Group, April 14, 1961, in Michal R. Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 1: Attitudes, Goals and Priorities (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 301.
66. Shelley v. Kraemer 334 U.S. 1 (1948).
67. Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae, Shelley v. Kraemer, in Michal R. Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 18: Justice Department Briefs in Crucial Civil Rights Cases, 1948-1968 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), Part I, 92-100.
68. Henderson v. United States (339 U.S. 816) (1950).
69. Brief for the U.S., Henderson v. United States, in Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 18, Pt. I, 184-186.
70. William C. Herman, The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1970), 232; McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 342; see also Jack Greenberg, Crusaders in the Courts (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 73.
71. William C. Herman, The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1970), 232; McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 342; see also Jack Greenberg, Crusaders in the Courts (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 73.
72. William C. Herman, The Politics of Civil Rights in the Truman Administration (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1970), 232; McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 342; see also Jack Greenberg, Crusaders in the Courts (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 73.
73. Walter White, A Man Called White: The Autobiography of Walter White (New York: The Viking Press, 1969), 348.
74. Harry S. Truman, "Civil Rights Message," in David Horton, editor, Freedom and Equality: Addresses by Harry S. Truman (Columbia: University of Columbia Press, 1960), 9-18.
75. Memorandum from David K. Niles to the President, February 16, 1948, and Attachment, in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 34-40.
76. O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano, 163.
77. See the thoughtful Letter from Dwight D. Eisenhower to E. E. Hazlett, July 22, 1957, in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 256-259; see also Arthur Larson, Eisenhower: the President Nobody Knew (New York: Scribner, 1968), 126 and Herbert S. Parmet, Eisenhower and the American Crusades ( New York: Macmillan, 1972), 439.
78. See the thoughtful Letter from Dwight D. Eisenhower to E. E. Hazlett, July 22, 1957, in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 256-259; see also Arthur Larson, Eisenhower: the President Nobody Knew (New York: Scribner, 1968), 126 and Herbert S. Parmet, Eisenhower and the American Crusades ( New York: Macmillan, 1972), 439.
79. See the thoughtful Letter from Dwight D. Eisenhower to E. E. Hazlett, July 22, 1957, in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 256-259; see also Arthur Larson, Eisenhower: the President Nobody Knew (New York: Scribner, 1968), 126 and Herbert S. Parmet, Eisenhower and the American Crusades ( New York: Macmillan, 1972), 439.
80. Telephone conversation between the President and Attorney General, August 19, 1956; in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 242-243.
81. Parmet, Eisenhower, 277-280.
82. Robert F. Burk, The Eisenhower Administration and Black Civil Rights (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984), 23-24.
83. Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 23-24; Nichols, Breakthrough on the Color Front, 174.
84. Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 23-24; Nichols, Breakthrough on the Color Front, 174.
85. Nichols, Breakthrough on the Color Front, 127.
86. Dwight D Eisenhower, The White House Years: Waging Peace, 1956-1961 (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1965), 136; see also John W. Henderson, The United States Information Agency (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 52.
87. Dwight D Eisenhower, The White House Years: Waging Peace, 1956-1961 (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1965), 136; see also John W. Henderson, The United States Information Agency (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 52.
88. Dwight D Eisenhower, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1955 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1959), 131.
89. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, 159.
90. Harry S. Truman, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Harry S. Truman, 1947 (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1963), 91; McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 92-94.
91. Harry S. Truman, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Harry S. Truman, 1947 (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1963), 91; McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 92-94.
92. Minutes of President Truman's Committee on Civil Rights, February 5, 1947, in Michal R. Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, vol. 2: Presidential Committees and White House Conferences (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 8. In hearings in April, Committee member and civil-rights leader Channing Tobias discussed how discrimination made impossible international dialogue on the workings of the American system "particularly when we have in mind certain governments of different ideology," and admitted that his "whole enthusiasm for the work of this Committee is that it shall lift American prestige in the world"
93. (Proceedings of the President's Committee on Civil Rights, April 3, 1947, in Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol. 2, 66).
94. Dwight D. Eisenhower, The White House Years: Mandate for Change, 1953-1956 (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1963), 234.
95. Eisenhower, Waging Peace, 1956-1961, 148.
96. Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 45-46.
97. Policy Order of the District of Columbia Government Regarding Non-Discrimination, November 25, 1953, in Belknap, editor. Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, vol 4, 118.
98. Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 50; Sherman Adams, Firsthand Report: The Story of the Eisenhower Administration (New York: Harper, 1961), 333-334.
99. Letter from Dean Rusk to Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, in Michal R. Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, the White House and the Justice Department, 1945-1968: vol. 9: The Drive to Desegretate Places of Public Accommodation (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 37.
100. Brauer, Second Reconstruction, 77-79; Harris Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings: Making Sense of the Sixties (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1980), 126-127.
101. Brauer, Second Reconstruction, 77-79; Harris Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings: Making Sense of the Sixties (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1980), 126-127.
102. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, 148.
103. Gerald Home, Black and Red: W. E. B Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944-1963 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), 36.
104. Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935-1960 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 132, 139, 152.
105. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, 154.
106. Plummer, Rising Wind, 171-172; Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 163.
107. Plummer, Rising Wind, 171-172; Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 163.
108. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," 94-95; Plummer, Rising Wind, 179-183.
109. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," 94-95; Plummer, Rising Wind, 179-183.
110. White, Man Called White, 359
111. McCoy and Ruetten, Quest and Response, 67.
112. Civil Rights Congress, William L. Patterson, editor. We Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the United Nations for Relief from a Crime of the United States Government Against the Negro People (New York: Civil Rights Congress, 1951), 5.
113. Civil Rights Congress, We Charge Genocide, xiii.
114. Dudziak, "Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative," 98.
115. Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 163-164.
116. Lawrence H. Fuchs, The American Kaleidoscope: Race, Ethnicity, and the Civil Culture (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1990), 188, 243.
117. Plummer, Rising Wind, 218.
118. David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: Vintage, 1986), 91.
119. David J. Garrow, Protest at Selma (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), 52-53.
120. This ad, which offended Southern authorities, raised much money but became the basis of an important decision on libel law by the Supreme Court, Sullivan v. New York Times. Branch, Parting the Waters, 288-289 , 579-583. Parting the Waters reprints the ad in its entirety.
121. This ad, which offended Southern authorities, raised much money but became the basis of an important decision on libel law by the Supreme Court, Sullivan v. New York Times. Branch, Parting the Waters, 288-289 , 579-583. Parting the Waters reprints the ad in its entirety.
122. Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality. 1954-1980 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1981), 79.
123. Richard M. Freeland, The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthyism (New York: New York University Press, 1985), 95.
124. President's Committee on Civil Rights, To Secure These Rights, 146-148.
125. Memorandum from Clark M. Clifford to the President, August 17, 1948, in Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, The White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 64-71.
126. Memorandum from David K. Niles to the President, February 16, 1948, and Attachment, in Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, The White House and the Justice Department, vol. 1, 34-40.
127. Bruce Miroff, Pragmatic Illusions: The Presidential Politics of John F. Kennedy (New York: David McKay, 1976), 229; Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1960 (New York: Athenum Publishers, 1961), 202-203.
128. Bruce Miroff, Pragmatic Illusions: The Presidential Politics of John F. Kennedy (New York: David McKay, 1976), 229; Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1960 (New York: Athenum Publishers, 1961), 202-203.
129. Richard M. Nixon, The Challenges We Face (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960), 186-188; Brauer, Second Reconstruction, 44.
130. Richard M. Nixon, The Challenges We Face (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960), 186-188; Brauer, Second Reconstruction, 44.
131. O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano, 197.
132. Hubert H. Humphrey, Beyond Civil Rights: A New Day of Equality (New York: Random House, 1968), 37.
133. O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano, 181.
134. Eisenhower, Waging Peace, 168-172. Also see Eisenhower's 1957 letter to his brother in David Henry, "Eisenhower and Sputnik: The Irony of Failed Leadership," in Martin J. Medhurst, editor, Eisenhower's War of Words: Rhetoric and Leadership (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1994), 223-249.
135. Eisenhower, Waging Peace, 168-172. Also see Eisenhower's 1957 letter to his brother in David Henry, "Eisenhower and Sputnik: The Irony of Failed Leadership," in Martin J. Medhurst, editor, Eisenhower's War of Words: Rhetoric and Leadership (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1994), 223-249.
136. James A. Morone, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limits of American Government (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 204.
137. Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 186.
138. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, 125 , 153. See also O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano, 212.
139. Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings, 125 , 153. See also O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano, 212.
140. Memorandum to Members of the Business Council and Cover Note by L.F.O., in Belknap, editor, Civil Rights, The White House and the Justice Department, vol. 5, 195-202.
141. Media Reaction Analysis Report: Riots in U.S. Cities, Office of Policy Research, and attached memo to Johnson from Leonard H. Marks (July 26, 1967), in Stephen F. Lawson, editor, Civil Rights During the Johnson Administration (Frederick, Md.: University Publications of America, 1984), Part 1, Reel 3, frames 0647-0650.
142. Lyndon B. Johnson, The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963-1969 (New York: Holt, Rinehard and Winston, 1971), 170.
143. See testimony of Edward L. Bernays and George Gallup in Hearings Before the Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Ninetieth Congress, Second Session; reprinted in Edward L. Bernays, and Burnet Hershey, editors, The Case for Reappraisal of U.S. Overseas Information Policies and Programs (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970), 124, 129.
144. See testimony of Edward L. Bernays and George Gallup in Hearings Before the Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Ninetieth Congress, Second Session; reprinted in Edward L. Bernays, and Burnet Hershey, editors, The Case for Reappraisal of U.S. Overseas Information Policies and Programs (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970), 124, 129.
145. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), Chapter 4 . See also James W. Button, Black Violence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978) on federal responses to the riots.
146. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), Chapter 4 . See also James W. Button, Black Violence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978) on federal responses to the riots.
147. Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, chapter 4.
148. E. Frederic Morrow, Black Man in the White House: A Diary of the Eisenhower Years by the Administrative Officer for Special Projects, 1955-1961 (New York: Coward-McCann, 1963), 125-156 , 221, 267; Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 70 , 84; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, 236.
149. E. Frederic Morrow, Black Man in the White House: A Diary of the Eisenhower Years by the Administrative Officer for Special Projects, 1955-1961 (New York: Coward-McCann, 1963), 125-156 , 221, 267; Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 70 , 84; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, 236.
150. E. Frederic Morrow, Black Man in the White House: A Diary of the Eisenhower Years by the Administrative Officer for Special Projects, 1955-1961 (New York: Coward-McCann, 1963), 125-156 , 221, 267; Burk, Eisenhower and Civil Rights, 70 , 84; Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, 236.
151. Telegram to State Department, April, 1968, in Lawson, editor, Civil Rights During the Johnson Administration, Part 1, Reel 3, frames 0083-84; Skrentny, Ironies, 109.
152. Telegram to State Department, April, 1968, in Lawson, editor, Civil Rights During the Johnson Administration, Part 1, Reel 3, frames 0083-84; Skrentny, Ironies, 109.
153. Fred Powledge, Black Power, White Resistance (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971 [1967]), 26-32; Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 158.
154. Fred Powledge, Black Power, White Resistance (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971 [1967]), 26-32; Rosenberg, Hollow Hope, 158.
155. Garrow, Bearing the Cross, 151.
156. Branch, Parting the Waters, 395-396. For poll data comparing Southern and Northern attitudes, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985). The difference between North and the South at this time is striking. For example, in 1958 approximately 60 percent of Northern respondents would not object to "sending your children to a school where half of the children are black," while only 20 percent of Southerners would not object. Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo, Racial Attitudes, 64.
157. Branch, Parting the Waters, 395-396. For poll data comparing Southern and Northern attitudes, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985). The difference between North and the South at this time is striking. For example, in 1958 approximately 60 percent of Northern respondents would not object to "sending your children to a school where half of the children are black," while only 20 percent of Southerners would not object. Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo, Racial Attitudes, 64.
158. Branch, Parting the Waters, 395-396. For poll data comparing Southern and Northern attitudes, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985). The difference between North and the South at this time is striking. For example, in 1958 approximately 60 percent of Northern respondents would not object to "sending your children to a school where half of the children are black," while only 20 percent of Southerners would not object. Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo, Racial Attitudes, 64.
159. Branch, Parting the Waters, 395-396. For poll data comparing Southern and Northern attitudes, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985). The difference between North and the South at this time is striking. For example, in 1958 approximately 60 percent of Northern respondents would not object to "sending your children to a school where half of the children are black," while only 20 percent of Southerners would not object. Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo, Racial Attitudes, 64.
160. This interpretation does not preclude other factors, such as the electoral importance of civil-rights movement allies, shaping state strategies for dealing with the racial violence.
161. Kenneth O'Reilly, "Racial Matters": The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960-1972 (New York: The Free Press, 1989), 122-123.
162. O'Reilly, Racial Matters, 137, 145.
163. O'Reilly, Racial Matters, 7, 132-133.
164. See Hearings before the Subcommittee on Oversight of the Permanent Committee on Intelligence, House of Representatives, 96th Congress, Second Session, February 6, 19, 1980. For examples relating to civil rights, see 207, 208, 224; also see Richard Schultz and Ray Godson, Dezinformatsia: Active Measures in Soviet Strategy (Washington: Pergamon, 1984).
165. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, 191.
166. Khrushchev was the leader of the strategy to appeal to the developing world through racial equality and human rights. For example, he told the Indian parliament in 1955 of the equal rights given to Soviet citizens "regardless of nationality" and that rights violations committed on the grounds of "race or nationality" were "punished by law." In Indonesia, Khrushchev invited students to "come to the Soviet Union and see . . . how our country lives and develops," emphasizing that "more than one hundred nationalities and peoples live as one family" (this was clearly an invitation no American president could make). During a 1960 visit to Indonesia, Khrushchev again trumpeted the equal rights in the fifteen republics and, following a strategy practiced by the United States, pointed out that his entourage contained Russians, Byelorussians, and representatives of the Ukraine, Azerbaidzhan, Tadzhikistan, Georgia, Armenia, "and others." Frederick C. Barghoorn, Soviet Foreign Propaganda (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 148-153. For a review of Soviet strategies along these lines see John David Skrentny and Paul Frymer, "Playing By the Rules: The United States, the Soviet Union and the Cold War Human Rights Culture," paper presented at the meetings of the American Sociological Association, August, 1996.
167. Khrushchev was the leader of the strategy to appeal to the developing world through racial equality and human rights. For example, he told the Indian parliament in 1955 of the equal rights given to Soviet citizens "regardless of nationality" and that rights violations committed on the grounds of "race or nationality" were "punished by law." In Indonesia, Khrushchev invited students to "come to the Soviet Union and see . . . how our country lives and develops," emphasizing that "more than one hundred nationalities and peoples live as one family" (this was clearly an invitation no American president could make). During a 1960 visit to Indonesia, Khrushchev again trumpeted the equal rights in the fifteen republics and, following a strategy practiced by the United States, pointed out that his entourage contained Russians, Byelorussians, and representatives of the Ukraine, Azerbaidzhan, Tadzhikistan, Georgia, Armenia, "and others." Frederick C. Barghoorn, Soviet Foreign Propaganda (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 148-153. For a review of Soviet strategies along these lines see John David Skrentny and Paul Frymer, "Playing By the Rules: The United States, the Soviet Union and the Cold War Human Rights Culture," paper presented at the meetings of the American Sociological Association, August, 1996.
168. See, generally, Howard Tolley, Jr., The U. N. Commission on Human Rights (Boulder: Westview Press, 1987), Chapter 5.
169. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, 207. Also see Plummer, Rising Wind, 176, 239.
170. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, 207. Also see Plummer, Rising Wind, 176, 239.
171. Eisenhower, Waging Peace, 112.
172. McAdam. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 40-43.
173. Neil Fligstein, "Markets as Politics: A Political-Cultural Approach to Market Institutions," American Sociological Review 61 (1996): 656-673.
174. Sewell, "A Theory of Structure."
175. Paul DiMaggio makes a related point. In critiquing prevalent passive voice constructions in neoinstitutionalist claims, such as Meyer and Rowan's notion that organizational, myths "are highly institutionalized" (Meyer and Rowan, "Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony," 44), he argues that researchers need to ask "who has institutionalized the myths (and why)?" (DiMaggio, "Interest and Agency in Institutional Theory," 10).
176. . For the Nixonian perspective, see Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician, 1962-1972 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), chapter 20.
177. McAdam, Political Process and Black Insurgency, chapter eight.
178. Tolley, Jr., The U.N. Commission on Civil Rights, 61-68.
179. For poll data, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics, and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985).
180. For poll data, see Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs and Politics, and Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, and Lawrence Bobo, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985).
181. See, for example, Alfred W. Blumrosen, Modern Law: The Law Transmission System and Equal Employment Opportunity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 270-274; Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 226.
182. See, for example, Alfred W. Blumrosen, Modern Law: The Law Transmission System and Equal Employment Opportunity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 270-274; Skrentny, Ironies of Affirmative Action, 226.
183. The ad is analyzed in Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Dirty Politics: Deception, Distraction and Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 97.
184. Steven A. Shull, A Kinder, Gentler Racism? The Reagan-Bush Civil Rights Legacy (ArmonL N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 90.
185. Shull, Kinder, Gentler Racism? 63-64.
186. Quoted in Shull, Kinder, Gentler Racism? 54.
187. Sowell, an economist, has written several books criticizing affirmative action as illogical and a failure. He argues instead that groups must succeed through hard work. See, for example, Thomas Sowell, Civil Rights; Rhetoric or Reality? (New York: W. Morrow, 1984); Sowell, Preferential Policies: An International Perspective (New York: W. Morrow, 1990); Sowell, Race and Culture: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1994).
188. Sowell, an economist, has written several books criticizing affirmative action as illogical and a failure. He argues instead that groups must succeed through hard work. See, for example, Thomas Sowell, Civil Rights; Rhetoric or Reality? (New York: W. Morrow, 1984); Sowell, Preferential Policies: An International Perspective (New York: W. Morrow, 1990); Sowell, Race and Culture: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1994).
189. Sowell, an economist, has written several books criticizing affirmative action as illogical and a failure. He argues instead that groups must succeed through hard work. See, for example, Thomas Sowell, Civil Rights; Rhetoric or Reality? (New York: W. Morrow, 1984); Sowell, Preferential Policies: An International Perspective (New York: W. Morrow, 1990); Sowell, Race and Culture: A World View (New York: Basic Books, 1994).
190. Glenn Loury, "Going Home," in CommonQuest 1 (Fall, 1996): 11-14.