The godfathers of 'truth': Max Weber and Carl Schmitt in Morgenthau's theory of power politics

Review of International Studies

Volumn 24, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 185-200

  Pichler, Hans Karl ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032367467     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210598001855     Document Type: Article

References (80)

1. Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 3rd edn (New York, 1960), p. 4 (my emphasis). Unless otherwise indicated, all subsequent quotations are from this edition.
2. Max Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York, 1949). See also Wissenschaft als Beruf, Politik als Beruf (Science as a Vocation, Politics as a Vocation), ed. W. J. Mommsen and W. Schluchter (Tübingen, 1992). I refer to this German edition since it was important for me to read Weber's original text. Quotations in English are my own translations.
3. Max Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York, 1949). See also Wissenschaft als Beruf, Politik als Beruf (Science as a Vocation, Politics as a Vocation), ed. W. J. Mommsen and W. Schluchter (Tübingen, 1992). I refer to this German edition since it was important for me to read Weber's original text. Quotations in English are my own translations.
4. Hans J. Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography: 1904-1932', in Kenneth Thompson and Robert J. Myers, Truth and Tragedy: A Tribute to Hans J. Morgenthau (New Brunswick, NJ, and London, 1984), p. 7. The article was written in 1976 and first published in 1977.
5. See, e.g., Morgenthau's first book in the USA, Scientific Man vs. Power Polities (Chicago, 1946), and his article 'The Purpose of Political Science', in James C. Charlesworth (ed.), A Design for Political Science: Scope. Objectives and Methods (Philadelphia, PA, 1966), pp. 63-79.
6. See, e.g., Morgenthau's first book in the USA, Scientific Man vs. Power Polities (Chicago, 1946), and his article 'The Purpose of Political Science', in James C. Charlesworth (ed.), A Design for Political Science: Scope. Objectives and Methods (Philadelphia, PA, 1966), pp. 63-79.
7. Morgenthau writes about his meeting with Schmitt in 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography'. Moreover, Christoph Frei, in his excellent intellectual biography on Morgenthau, has scrutinized Morgenthau's unpublished diaries and articles and discovered several manuscripts in which he talks about Schmitt. See Christoph Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau: Eine intellektuelle Biographie, 2nd edn (Bern, Stuttgart and Vienna, 1994). Frei argues that Nietzsche also had a strong influence on Morgenthau's thinking. Among the influences he attributes to Nietzsche are Morgenthau's conception of the 'tragic' in life, and the idea that politics, just like life in general, is a permanent struggle either for survival or for recognition. As Frei reveals, Morgenthau's diaries contain several references to Nietzsche. On one occasion Morgenthau writes: 'One should make it a duty for oneself to read Nietzsche three times a day. Perhaps then one would live in a greater way and achieve greater and higher things'. Quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 102 (my translation).
8. Morgenthau writes about his meeting with Schmitt in 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography'. Moreover, Christoph Frei, in his excellent intellectual biography on Morgenthau, has scrutinized Morgenthau's unpublished diaries and articles and discovered several manuscripts in which he talks about Schmitt. See Christoph Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau: Eine intellektuelle Biographie, 2nd edn (Bern, Stuttgart and Vienna, 1994). Frei argues that Nietzsche also had a strong influence on Morgenthau's thinking. Among the influences he attributes to Nietzsche are Morgenthau's conception of the 'tragic' in life, and the idea that politics, just like life in general, is a permanent struggle either for survival or for recognition. As Frei reveals, Morgenthau's diaries contain several references to Nietzsche. On one occasion Morgenthau writes: 'One should make it a duty for oneself to read Nietzsche three times a day. Perhaps then one would live in a greater way and achieve greater and higher things'. Quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 102 (my translation).
9. Hans J. Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, ihr Wesen und ihre Grenzen (The Nature and Limits of International Law) (Leipzig, 1929).
10. For a discussion see Alfons Söllner, 'German Conservatism in America: Morgenthau's Political Realism', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), pp. 161-77. For Weber and Morgenthau see Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (Boulder, CO, 1994), Stephen P. Turner and Regis A. Factor, Max Weber and the Dispute over Reason and Value (Tampa, FL, 1984); and Michael J. Smith. Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge, LA, and London, 1986), pp. 134-65.
11. For a discussion see Alfons Söllner, 'German Conservatism in America: Morgenthau's Political Realism', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), pp. 161-77. For Weber and Morgenthau see Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (Boulder, CO, 1994), Stephen P. Turner and Regis A. Factor, Max Weber and the Dispute over Reason and Value (Tampa, FL, 1984); and Michael J. Smith. Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge, LA, and London, 1986), pp. 134-65.
12. For a discussion see Alfons Söllner, 'German Conservatism in America: Morgenthau's Political Realism', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), pp. 161-77. For Weber and Morgenthau see Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (Boulder, CO, 1994), Stephen P. Turner and Regis A. Factor, Max Weber and the Dispute over Reason and Value (Tampa, FL, 1984); and Michael J. Smith. Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge, LA, and London, 1986), pp. 134-65.
13. For a discussion see Alfons Söllner, 'German Conservatism in America: Morgenthau's Political Realism', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), pp. 161-77. For Weber and Morgenthau see Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations (Boulder, CO, 1994), Stephen P. Turner and Regis A. Factor, Max Weber and the Dispute over Reason and Value (Tampa, FL, 1984); and Michael J. Smith. Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge, LA, and London, 1986), pp. 134-65.
14. I am indebted to Christoph Frei's biography of Morgenthau for most of the evidence on the relationship between the two men.
15. Although the six principles do not appear until the second edition of Politics among Nations (1954), they constitute a summary of the epistemological and ontological assumptions on which Morsenthau's work is based. Excerpts from the six principles, taken from the second edition of Politics among Nations, pp. 4-14, are listed below. 1st principle: 'Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective scientific laws that have their roots in human nature.' 2nd principle: 'The main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power.' 3rd principle: 'Realism does not endow its key concept of interest defined as power with a meaning that is fixed once and for all. The idea of interest is indeed of the essence of politics and is unaffected by the circumstances of time and space'. 4th principle: 'Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action. It is also aware of the ineluctable tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action.' 5th principle: 'Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe. As it distinguishes between truth and opinion, so it distinguishes between truth and idolatry'. 6th principle: 'Intellectually, the political realist maintains the autonomy of the political sphere, as the economist, the lawyer, the moralist maintain theirs.'
16. Although the six principles do not appear until the second edition of Politics among Nations (1954), they constitute a summary of the epistemological and ontological assumptions on which Morsenthau's work is based. Excerpts from the six principles, taken from the second edition of Politics among Nations, pp. 4-14, are listed below. 1st principle: 'Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective scientific laws that have their roots in human nature.' 2nd principle: 'The main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power.' 3rd principle: 'Realism does not endow its key concept of interest defined as power with a meaning that is fixed once and for all. The idea of interest is indeed of the essence of politics and is unaffected by the circumstances of time and space'. 4th principle: 'Political realism is aware of the moral significance of political action. It is also aware of the ineluctable tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action.' 5th principle: 'Political realism refuses to identify the moral aspirations of a particular nation with the moral laws that govern the universe. As it distinguishes between truth and opinion, so it distinguishes between truth and idolatry'. 6th principle: 'Intellectually, the political realist maintains the autonomy of the political sphere, as the economist, the lawyer, the moralist maintain theirs.'
17. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, p. 4.
18. Ibid.
19. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, p. 5.
20. Ibid., pp. 5-6.
21. Ibid., p. 6.
22. Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography', p. 7.
23. Weber, Wissenschaft als Beruf, Politik als Beruf, p. 87.
24. Ibid., p. 92.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., p. 94.
27. Ibid., pp. 97, 98.
28. Ibid., p. 103.
29. Ibid., p. 96.
30. W. Schluchter, Wertfreiheit und Verantwortungsethik: Zum Verhältnis von Wissenschaft und Politik bei Max Weber (Tübingen, 1971), p. 26.
31. Max Weber, Methodology, p. 110.
32. Ibid., p. 111.
33. Ibid.
34. Ibid.
35. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, p. 4 (my emphasis).
36. Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 130.
37. Hans J. Morgenthau, 'Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?', unpublished ms., Geneva, 1937, p. 114, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 187 (my translation).
38. Hans J. Morgenthau, 'Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?', unpublished ms., Geneva, 1937, p. 114, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 187 (my translation).
39. Morgenthau, 'Purpose of Political Science', p. 68.
40. Ibid., p. 75.
41. Morgenthau, Scientific Man vs. Power Politics, p. 130.
42. Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 2nd edn (New York, 1954), p. 5 (my emphasis).
43. See Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography'. Further remarks on Schmitt are contained in unpublished manuscripts. Among them are Morgenthau's inauguration speech at Geneva University, 'Der Kampf der deutschen Staatslehre um die Wirklichkeit des Staates' (The Struggle of German Political Science for the Reality of the State) (Geneva, 1932), and 'Über den Sinn der Wissenschaft in dieser Zeit und über die Bestimmung des Menschen' (On the Meaning of Science Today and the Vocation of the Human Being) (Geneva, 1934). All these are cited in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau.
44. Morgenthau, 'Fragment of an Intellectual Autobiography', p. 16. It needs to be kept in mind, however, that this strongly negative judgment is most certainly conditioned by Morgenthau's attempt to distance himself from German acquaintances that had been involved with the Nazi regime. Schmitt was one of them, as he was nominated 'Staatsrat' (counsellor of the state) by Goering in 1933.
45. Carl Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen (The Concept of the Political) (Berlin, 1963), p. 36. All quotes made from this text are my own translations.
46. Ibid., p. 26.
47. Ibid., pp. 27, 28.
48. Ibid., p. 61.
49. Ibid., p. 64.
50. Ibid., p. 35.
51. Paul Hirst, 'Schmitt: Enemy or Foe?', Telos, 72 (Summer 1987), p. 21.
52. Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen, pp. 70, 45.
53. Ibid., p. 37.
54. Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, pp. 59-60.
55. Hans J. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen aus dem Wesen des Menschen, p. 10, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, pp. 132-3 (my translation).
56. Hans J. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen aus dem Wesen des Menschen, p. 10, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, pp. 132-3 (my translation).
57. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, p. 33.
58. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 10, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, pp. 132-3 (my translation).
59. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 10, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, pp. 132-3 (my translation).
60. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 9, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 132 (my translation).
61. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 9, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 132 (my translation).
62. Hans J. Morgenthau, Science: Servant or Master? (New York, 1972), p. 31.
63. Hans J. Morgenthau, diary entry, 31 May 1930, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 180 (my translation).
64. Hans J. Morgenthau, diary entry, 31 May 1930, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 180 (my translation).
65. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 25, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 124 (my translation).
66. Morgenthau, Über die Herkunft des Politischen, p. 25, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 124 (my translation).
67. Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, pp. 70-1.
68. Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 169.
69. Der Begriff des Politischen, p. 76, Schmitt writes, '[the fact] that economic differences have become political . . . shows that the political can be reached from economics as well as from any other field'.
70. Hans J. Morgenthau, The Restoration of American Politics (Chicago and London, 1962), p. 90.
71. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, p. 35.
72. Morgenthau, Die internationale Rechtspflege, p. 77.
73. Hans J. Morgenthau, Dilemmas of Politics (Chicago and London, 1958), p. 66.
74. For this logic to work it must be assumed that power maximization is a straightforward process and that all actions of state-leaders during their public function are directed towards this goal at all times. Morgenthau is silent on this point. However, if the possibility is conceded that not all acts of the state-leaders in international politics are directed towards the goal of power-maximization, the question arises how the social scientist can distinguish between those that are and those that are not. This dilemma poses a serious threat to the unity of Morgenthau's theory of international politics and to his claims to analytical objectivity. It seems peculiar to me that Morgenthau does not expand on this point. However, it is not within the scope of this article to investigate this question.
75. The reference to Politics among Nations is important here, as the state-centric nature of Morgenthau's theories weakens in his later work. Already in Dilemmas of Politics, written in 1958, he makes clear that the institution of the state is a not eternal but a particular historical manifestation of political organization: 'As long as the world is politically organized into nations, the national interest is indeed the last word in international politics' (p. 66, my emphasis). In 'The Intellectual and Political Functions of Theory', written in 1970, Morgenthau even adopts a radical critique of the state as an institution. In the nuclear age, he argues, the state is no longer able to protect its citizens adequately. Therefore, a new form of political organization needs to be found. See Hans J. Morgenthau, 'The Intellectual and Political Functions of Theory', in James Der Derian (ed.), International Theory: Critical Investigations (London, 1995).
76. Morgenthau, 'Kann in unserer Zeit eine objektive Moralordnung aufgestellt werden?', p. 114, quoted in Frei, Hans J. Morgenthau, p. 187 (my translation).
77. Quoted in Söllner, 'German Conservatism in America', p. 171.
78. Morgenthau, Restoration of American Politics, p. 66 (my emphasis).
79. See, e.g., George, Discourses of Global Politics, and Justin Rosenberg, The Empire of Civil Society: A Critique of the Realist Theory of International Relations (London, 1994).
80. See, e.g., George, Discourses of Global Politics, and Justin Rosenberg, The Empire of Civil Society: A Critique of the Realist Theory of International Relations (London, 1994).