Migration and opportunity: An antipodean perspective

International Review of Social History

Volumn 43, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 235-263

  Haines, Robin ^a   Kleinig, Margrette ^a   Oxley, Deborah ^a   Richards, Eric ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032366338     PISSN: 00208590     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020859098000121     Document Type: Article

References (138)

1. Deborah Oxley takes responsibility for the section on convicts; Robin Haines is responsible for the section on the mid-nineteenth century; Margrette Kleinig contributed the section on the early twentieth century; and Eric Richards provided the frame and drew the threads together. All four authors wish to thank the Labour History Conference, Adelaide, September 1995, for offering us a forum which to air our views.
2. See, as a perfect example, the recent collection edited by Timothy J. Hatton and Jeffrey G. Williamson, Migration and the International Labor Market, 1850-1939 (London, 1994).
3. The most substantial corpus of this type of work is by Charlotte Erickson, especially Invisible Immigrants (London, 1972) and her essays Leaving England (Ithaca, 1994).
4. The most substantial corpus of this type of work is by Charlotte Erickson, especially Invisible Immigrants (London, 1972) and her essays Leaving England (Ithaca, 1994).
5. See especially David Fitzpatrick, Oceans of Consolation: Personal Accounts of Irish Migration to Australia (Melbourne, Cork and Ithaca, 1995).
6. For example, in 1831 62 per cent of Irish emigrants travelled to the USA, while 4.5 per cent went to Australasia: Charlotte Erickson, "Emigration from the British Isles to the U.S.A. in 1831", Population Studies, 35 (1981), p. 181.
7. Robin Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There': Poverty, the New Poor Law and Nineteenth Century Government-Assisted Emigration to Australia from the United Kingdom", Australian Historical Studies, 28, 108 (April 1997).
8. Stephen Nicholas and Peter Shergold, "Human Capital and the Pre-famine Irish Emigration to England", Explorations in Economic History, 14 (1987), p. 159.
9. John Mannion, "Migration and Upward Mobility: The Meagher Family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830", Irish Economic and Social History, XV (1988), p. 69.
10. "Great Britain census 1841. Report from the Commissioners", British Parliamentary Papers (hereafter PP) 1843 (496) XXII, pp. 14-16 (IUP Population 3).
11. Thomas Carlyle, Chartism (London, 1839).
12. Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England (Oxford, 1971), p. 107.
13. Quoted in Roger Swift, "The Outcast Irish in the British Victorian City: Problems and Perspectives", Irish Historical Studies, 25, 99 (May 1987), p. 266.
14. Arthur Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester, 1926).
15. Lynn Hollen Lees, Exiles of Erin: Irish Migrants in Victorian London (Manchester, 1979).
16. Jeffrey Williamson, "The Impact of the Irish on British Labour Markets During the Industrial Revolution", Journal of Economic History, 46, 3 (September 1986), p. 720.
17. Swift, "Outcast Irish", pp. 265-266.
18. For the Australian literature see Robert Bowden Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia (Sydney, 1937); Raymond Maxwell Crawford, Australia (London, 1952); Geoffrey Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia (Melbourne, 1994); Paula Hamilton, "'Tipperarifying the Moral Atmosphere': Irish Catholic Immigration and the State 1840-1860", in Sydney Labour History Group, What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History (Sydney, 1982).
19. For the Australian literature see Robert Bowden Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia (Sydney, 1937); Raymond Maxwell Crawford, Australia (London, 1952); Geoffrey Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia (Melbourne, 1994); Paula Hamilton, "'Tipperarifying the Moral Atmosphere': Irish Catholic Immigration and the State 1840-1860", in Sydney Labour History Group, What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History (Sydney, 1982).
20. For the Australian literature see Robert Bowden Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia (Sydney, 1937); Raymond Maxwell Crawford, Australia (London, 1952); Geoffrey Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia (Melbourne, 1994); Paula Hamilton, "'Tipperarifying the Moral Atmosphere': Irish Catholic Immigration and the State 1840-1860", in Sydney Labour History Group, What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History (Sydney, 1982).
21. For the Australian literature see Robert Bowden Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia (Sydney, 1937); Raymond Maxwell Crawford, Australia (London, 1952); Geoffrey Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia (Melbourne, 1994); Paula Hamilton, "'Tipperarifying the Moral Atmosphere': Irish Catholic Immigration and the State 1840-1860", in Sydney Labour History Group, What Rough Beast? The State and Social Order in Australian History (Sydney, 1982).
22. Joel Mokyr and Cormac Ó Gráda, "Emigration and Poverty in Prefamine Ireland", Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982), pp. 377-378. Also see Cormac Ó Gráda, Ireland Before and After the Famine: Explorations in Economic History 1800-1925 (Manchester, 1988), p. 35.
23. Joel Mokyr and Cormac Ó Gráda, "Emigration and Poverty in Prefamine Ireland", Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982), pp. 377-378. Also see Cormac Ó Gráda, Ireland Before and After the Famine: Explorations in Economic History 1800-1925 (Manchester, 1988), p. 35.
24. Nicholas and Shergold, "Human Capital", p. 173.
25. This research is reported in Swift, "Outcast Irish", pp. 267-268.
26. Also see shipping lists for assisted immigrants.
27. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
28. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
29. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
30. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
31. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
32. For a discussion of how these records were generated in the nineteenth century, and how they have been tested, see Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge, 1996) and Stephen Nicholas (ed.), Convict Workers: Reinterpreting Australia's Past (Cambridge, 1988). For the class origins of criminals also see Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh and Edward P. Thompson, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975); David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1982); David Philips, Crime and Authority in Victorian England: The Black Country 1835-1860 (London, 1977); George Rudé, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford, 1985).
33. Walter A. Armstrong, "The Use of Information About Occupation", in E.A. Wrigley (ed.), Nineteenth-Century Society: Essays in the Use of Quantitative Methods for the Study of Social Data (Cambridge, 1972).
34. On this topic see David Fitzpatrick, "'A Share of the Honeycomb': Education, Emigration and Irishwomen", Continuity and Change, 1, 2 (1986).
35. "Report from the Commissioners Appointed to Take the Census of Ireland for the Year 1841", PP 1843 (504) XXIV.
36. Michael Anderson, "Urban Migration in Nineteenth Century Lancashire: Some Insights into Two Competing Hypotheses", in Michael Drake (ed.), Historical Demography: Problems and Projects (Milton Keynes, 1974), pp. 131-144.
37. Robert Kennedy, The Irish: Emigration, Marriage, and Fertility (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 70, 85.
38. David Ricardo, quoted in Nicholas and Shergold, "Human Capital", pp. 158-159.
39. Mokyr and Ó Gráda, "Emigration and Poverty", pp. 377-378.
40. For a discussion see ibid. and Nicholas and Shergold, "Human Capital", p. 159.
41. Eric L. Almquist, "Mayo and Beyond: Land, Domestic Industry and Rural Transformation in the Irish West", Irish Economic and Social History, 5 (1978), p. 517; Roy F. Foster, Modern Ireland 1600-1972 (London, 1988), pp. 322, 371-372.
42. Eric L. Almquist, "Mayo and Beyond: Land, Domestic Industry and Rural Transformation in the Irish West", Irish Economic and Social History, 5 (1978), p. 517; Roy F. Foster, Modern Ireland 1600-1972 (London, 1988), pp. 322, 371-372.
43. Steerage fares fluctuated between £11 and £20 during the nineteenth century, rising dramatically during times of crisis like the Crimean War. See John McDonald and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Passenger Fares on Sailing Vessels to Australia in the Nineteenth Century", Explorations in Economic History, 28 (1991), pp. 192-207.
44. Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Immigration from the United Kingdom to Colonial Australia: A Statistical Analysis", Journal of Australian Studies, 34 (1992), pp. 43-52; idem, "Nineteenth Century Government-Assisted and Total Immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia: Quinquennial Estimates by Colony", Journal of the Australian Population Association, 8, 1 (1991). pp. 50-61. Each colonial government financed assisted emigration mainly from the sale of crown land, and each formulated its own selection regulations and conditions. Recruitment of emigrants fluctuated in tune with fluctuating colonial funds and economic conditions but, in some years, the colonies (including New Zealand and South Africa) competed for assisted emigrants. See Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Emigration from Europe to Colonial Destinations: Some Nineteenth Century Australian and South African Perspectives", Itinerario, 20, 1 (1996), pp. 133-151.
45. Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Immigration from the United Kingdom to Colonial Australia: A Statistical Analysis", Journal of Australian Studies, 34 (1992), pp. 43-52; idem, "Nineteenth Century Government-Assisted and Total Immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia: Quinquennial Estimates by Colony", Journal of the Australian Population Association, 8, 1 (1991). pp. 50-61. Each colonial government financed assisted emigration mainly from the sale of crown land, and each formulated its own selection regulations and conditions. Recruitment of emigrants fluctuated in tune with fluctuating colonial funds and economic conditions but, in some years, the colonies (including New Zealand and South Africa) competed for assisted emigrants. See Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Emigration from Europe to Colonial Destinations: Some Nineteenth Century Australian and South African Perspectives", Itinerario, 20, 1 (1996), pp. 133-151.
46. Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Immigration from the United Kingdom to Colonial Australia: A Statistical Analysis", Journal of Australian Studies, 34 (1992), pp. 43-52; idem, "Nineteenth Century Government-Assisted and Total Immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia: Quinquennial Estimates by Colony", Journal of the Australian Population Association, 8, 1 (1991). pp. 50-61. Each colonial government financed assisted emigration mainly from the sale of crown land, and each formulated its own selection regulations and conditions. Recruitment of emigrants fluctuated in tune with fluctuating colonial funds and economic conditions but, in some years, the colonies (including New Zealand and South Africa) competed for assisted emigrants. See Robin Haines and Ralph Shlomowitz, "Emigration from Europe to Colonial Destinations: Some Nineteenth Century Australian and South African Perspectives", Itinerario, 20, 1 (1996), pp. 133-151.
47. For details, see Robin Haines, Emigration and the Labouring Poor: Recruitment in Britain and Ireland, 1831-1860 (London, forthcoming).
48. See Robin Haines, "'Shovelling Out Paupers'? Parish-Assisted Emigration from England to Australia, 1834-1847", in Eric Richards (ed.), Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century: Visible Immigrants Two (Canberra, 1991); idem, "Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators? Government-Assisted Emigrants from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1831-1860", Population Studies, 48 (1994), pp. 223-247; idem, "Workhouse to Gangplank: The Mobilization of Irish Pauper Women and Girls Bound for Australia in the Mid 19th Century", Irish-Australian Studies (forthcoming).
49. See Robin Haines, "'Shovelling Out Paupers'? Parish-Assisted Emigration from England to Australia, 1834-1847", in Eric Richards (ed.), Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century: Visible Immigrants Two (Canberra, 1991); idem, "Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators? Government-Assisted Emigrants from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1831-1860", Population Studies, 48 (1994), pp. 223-247; idem, "Workhouse to Gangplank: The Mobilization of Irish Pauper Women and Girls Bound for Australia in the Mid 19th Century", Irish-Australian Studies (forthcoming).
50. See Robin Haines, "'Shovelling Out Paupers'? Parish-Assisted Emigration from England to Australia, 1834-1847", in Eric Richards (ed.), Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century: Visible Immigrants Two (Canberra, 1991); idem, "Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators? Government-Assisted Emigrants from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1831-1860", Population Studies, 48 (1994), pp. 223-247; idem, "Workhouse to Gangplank: The Mobilization of Irish Pauper Women and Girls Bound for Australia in the Mid 19th Century", Irish-Australian Studies (forthcoming).
51. For example, Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia, pp. 188-206, 215, 248 passim; Crawford, Australia; Noel G. Butlin, Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850 (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 9, 18-19, 26, 27; Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia, p. 52 passim. For an evaluation of current literature on this theme see Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There'".
52. For example, Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia, pp. 188-206, 215, 248 passim; Crawford, Australia; Noel G. Butlin, Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850 (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 9, 18-19, 26, 27; Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia, p. 52 passim. For an evaluation of current literature on this theme see Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There'".
53. For example, Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia, pp. 188-206, 215, 248 passim; Crawford, Australia; Noel G. Butlin, Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850 (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 9, 18-19, 26, 27; Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia, p. 52 passim. For an evaluation of current literature on this theme see Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There'".
54. For example, Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia, pp. 188-206, 215, 248 passim; Crawford, Australia; Noel G. Butlin, Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850 (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 9, 18-19, 26, 27; Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia, p. 52 passim. For an evaluation of current literature on this theme see Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There'".
55. For example, Madgwick, Immigration into Eastern Australia, pp. 188-206, 215, 248 passim; Crawford, Australia; Noel G. Butlin, Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850 (Melbourne, 1994), pp. 9, 18-19, 26, 27; Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia, p. 52 passim. For an evaluation of current literature on this theme see Haines, "'The Idle and the Drunken Won't Do There'".
56. Wiltshire Emigration Society Record Book, Savernake 9, Wiltshire Record Office (also reproduced on AJCP Microfilm M935).
57. Jacob Baker's letter, dated 15 February 1852, was printed in full in the Wiltshire and Devizes Gazette, 22 July 1852, and in The Scotsman, 15 September 1852. See also Mark Baker, "Aspects of the Life of the Wiltshire Agricultural Labourer, c. 1850", Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine, 74/75 (1981).
58. Jacob Baker's letter, dated 15 February 1852, was printed in full in the Wiltshire and Devizes Gazette, 22 July 1852, and in The Scotsman, 15 September 1852. See also Mark Baker, "Aspects of the Life of the Wiltshire Agricultural Labourer, c. 1850", Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine, 74/75 (1981).
59. Jacob Baker's letter, dated 15 February 1852, was printed in full in the Wiltshire and Devizes Gazette, 22 July 1852, and in The Scotsman, 15 September 1852. See also Mark Baker, "Aspects of the Life of the Wiltshire Agricultural Labourer, c. 1850", Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine, 74/75 (1981).
60. On wages, see Keith D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor. Social Change and Agrarian England 1660-1900 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 129-130. On the complex debates over the effects on farmers of the repeal of corn laws, see William Van Vugt, "Running from Ruin? The Emigration of British Farmers to the U.S.A. in the Wake of the Repeal of the Corn Laws", The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XLI, 3 (August 1988), pp. 411-428, who shows that Wiltshire farmers were among the least affected by repeal: see esp. p. 422. See also Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the Modern State: Early Industrial Britain 1783-1870 (London, 1983), pp. 264-271.
61. On wages, see Keith D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor. Social Change and Agrarian England 1660-1900 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 129-130. On the complex debates over the effects on farmers of the repeal of corn laws, see William Van Vugt, "Running from Ruin? The Emigration of British Farmers to the U.S.A. in the Wake of the Repeal of the Corn Laws", The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XLI, 3 (August 1988), pp. 411-428, who shows that Wiltshire farmers were among the least affected by repeal: see esp. p. 422. See also Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the Modern State: Early Industrial Britain 1783-1870 (London, 1983), pp. 264-271.
62. On wages, see Keith D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor. Social Change and Agrarian England 1660-1900 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 129-130. On the complex debates over the effects on farmers of the repeal of corn laws, see William Van Vugt, "Running from Ruin? The Emigration of British Farmers to the U.S.A. in the Wake of the Repeal of the Corn Laws", The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XLI, 3 (August 1988), pp. 411-428, who shows that Wiltshire farmers were among the least affected by repeal: see esp. p. 422. See also Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the Modern State: Early Industrial Britain 1783-1870 (London, 1983), pp. 264-271.
63. "Threatened Disturbance Among Labourers at West Lavington", Devizes and Wiltshire Gazette, 21 February 1850.
64. See Van Vugt, "Running from Ruin?", esp. p. 421.
65. "Swindon Protection Meeting: A Poor Man's Speech", Devizes and Wiltshire Gazette, 14 February 1850.
66. See "Wilts Emigration Association Form of Recommendation", Wiltshire Record Office, Savernake 9. See also Mark Baker, "A Migration of Wiltshire Agricultural Labourers to Australia in 1851", Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia, 14 (1986), pp. 67-82.
67. See "Wilts Emigration Association Form of Recommendation", Wiltshire Record Office, Savernake 9. See also Mark Baker, "A Migration of Wiltshire Agricultural Labourers to Australia in 1851", Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia, 14 (1986), pp. 67-82.
68. Letter, dated 15 February 1852, Wiltshire and Devizes Gazette, 22 July 1852.
69. Mark Baker, "Some Early Wiltshire Emigrants to Australia", The Hatcher Review, 2, 17 (1984), p. 333.
70. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
71. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
72. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
73. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
74. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
75. Patrick Joyce, "Work", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain 1750-1950, vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 133-145. See also Francis M.L. Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Britain 1830-1900 (London, 1988), on the multifunctional nature of labour in the countryside, p. 26 passim; Alun Howkins, "Labour History and the Rural Poor", Rural History, 1, 1 (1990), p. 116, and idem, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History 1850-1925 (London, 1991). Walter A. Armstrong emphasizes that although insufficiently recognized by their peers and social surperiors, the agricultural workers required a greater range of skills for which they were not adequately rewarded: see his "The Flight From the Land", in Gordon Edmund Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, vol. 1 (London, 1981), p. 124. See also Evans, Forging of the Modern State, p. 169 passim.
76. Noel G. Butlin, "White Human Capital in Australia, 1788-1850", Working Papers in Economic History, 32, Australian National University (1985), p. 33.
77. Non-writers with adequate, or even highly developed, reading skills, are invisible in studies which test only for the ability to write. But emigrants were asked if they could "read and write", "read only" or "neither". Thus the Australian immigration data is highly specific. The literacy of immigrants was significantly higher than has been assessed from evaluations of Anglican parish registers which only record the ability to write a signature. See Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235. See also Roger S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750-1850", Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973), p. 124, who showed that by about 1840 the ability to sign English marriage registers averaged 67 per cent for men, and 51 per cent for women, and David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 24, who found that between 1839 and 1854 the ability to sign the register by brides and grooms belonging to the "unskilled labourer class" was evenly balanced in his sample, at 31.4 per cent and 31.6 per cent respectively. See also Gillian Sutherland, "Education", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1850-1950, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1990). See also Thomas Laqueur's debate with Michael Sanderson in "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England", Past and Present, 64 (August 1974), esp. p. 105.
78. Non-writers with adequate, or even highly developed, reading skills, are invisible in studies which test only for the ability to write. But emigrants were asked if they could "read and write", "read only" or "neither". Thus the Australian immigration data is highly specific. The literacy of immigrants was significantly higher than has been assessed from evaluations of Anglican parish registers which only record the ability to write a signature. See Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235. See also Roger S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750-1850", Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973), p. 124, who showed that by about 1840 the ability to sign English marriage registers averaged 67 per cent for men, and 51 per cent for women, and David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 24, who found that between 1839 and 1854 the ability to sign the register by brides and grooms belonging to the "unskilled labourer class" was evenly balanced in his sample, at 31.4 per cent and 31.6 per cent respectively. See also Gillian Sutherland, "Education", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1850-1950, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1990). See also Thomas Laqueur's debate with Michael Sanderson in "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England", Past and Present, 64 (August 1974), esp. p. 105.
79. Non-writers with adequate, or even highly developed, reading skills, are invisible in studies which test only for the ability to write. But emigrants were asked if they could "read and write", "read only" or "neither". Thus the Australian immigration data is highly specific. The literacy of immigrants was significantly higher than has been assessed from evaluations of Anglican parish registers which only record the ability to write a signature. See Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235. See also Roger S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750-1850", Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973), p. 124, who showed that by about 1840 the ability to sign English marriage registers averaged 67 per cent for men, and 51 per cent for women, and David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 24, who found that between 1839 and 1854 the ability to sign the register by brides and grooms belonging to the "unskilled labourer class" was evenly balanced in his sample, at 31.4 per cent and 31.6 per cent respectively. See also Gillian Sutherland, "Education", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1850-1950, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1990). See also Thomas Laqueur's debate with Michael Sanderson in "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England", Past and Present, 64 (August 1974), esp. p. 105.
80. Non-writers with adequate, or even highly developed, reading skills, are invisible in studies which test only for the ability to write. But emigrants were asked if they could "read and write", "read only" or "neither". Thus the Australian immigration data is highly specific. The literacy of immigrants was significantly higher than has been assessed from evaluations of Anglican parish registers which only record the ability to write a signature. See Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235. See also Roger S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750-1850", Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973), p. 124, who showed that by about 1840 the ability to sign English marriage registers averaged 67 per cent for men, and 51 per cent for women, and David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 24, who found that between 1839 and 1854 the ability to sign the register by brides and grooms belonging to the "unskilled labourer class" was evenly balanced in his sample, at 31.4 per cent and 31.6 per cent respectively. See also Gillian Sutherland, "Education", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1850-1950, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1990). See also Thomas Laqueur's debate with Michael Sanderson in "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England", Past and Present, 64 (August 1974), esp. p. 105.
81. Non-writers with adequate, or even highly developed, reading skills, are invisible in studies which test only for the ability to write. But emigrants were asked if they could "read and write", "read only" or "neither". Thus the Australian immigration data is highly specific. The literacy of immigrants was significantly higher than has been assessed from evaluations of Anglican parish registers which only record the ability to write a signature. See Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235. See also Roger S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750-1850", Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973), p. 124, who showed that by about 1840 the ability to sign English marriage registers averaged 67 per cent for men, and 51 per cent for women, and David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 24, who found that between 1839 and 1854 the ability to sign the register by brides and grooms belonging to the "unskilled labourer class" was evenly balanced in his sample, at 31.4 per cent and 31.6 per cent respectively. See also Gillian Sutherland, "Education", in Francis M.L. Thompson (ed.), The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1850-1950, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1990). See also Thomas Laqueur's debate with Michael Sanderson in "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England", Past and Present, 64 (August 1974), esp. p. 105.
82. Eighty-eight per cent of males and females arriving in New South Wales (NSW) over the age seven from England could read, 71 per cent from Ireland and 92 per cent from Scotland, averaging 81 per cent for the UK. Extracted from the annual reports of the NSW, Victorian and South Australian Immigration Agents published in their respective Parliamentary Papers.
83. Colin S. Holt, "Family, Kinship, Community and Friendship Ties in Assisted Emigration from Cambridgeshire to Port Phillip District and Victoria 1840-1867" (unpublished M.A. thesis, LaTrobe University, 1987). The ratio of "read and write", "read only" and "neither", as rounded percentages, are Church of England, 67:21:12; Wesleyan 70:23:7; Independent 79:14:8; Baptist 79:12:8: p. 227. See also p. 109 and Appendix 14, p. 225.
84. Robert J. Shultz, "Assisted Immigration into New South Wales and Port Phillip District 1837-1850" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1971).
85. Ibid., Table XXIV, p. 402. The English marriage register sample was about 31 per cent for unskilled labourers and their wives: see Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture, p. 30. Schultz also found wide regional variations in male literacy rates within England. Still, such comparisons should be viewed with caution given the problems with marriage register sampling and our incomplete understanding of immigrant data collection methods: see Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235.
86. Ibid., Table XXIV, p. 402. The English marriage register sample was about 31 per cent for unskilled labourers and their wives: see Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture, p. 30. Schultz also found wide regional variations in male literacy rates within England. Still, such comparisons should be viewed with caution given the problems with marriage register sampling and our incomplete understanding of immigrant data collection methods: see Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235.
87. Ibid., Table XXIV, p. 402. The English marriage register sample was about 31 per cent for unskilled labourers and their wives: see Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture, p. 30. Schultz also found wide regional variations in male literacy rates within England. Still, such comparisons should be viewed with caution given the problems with marriage register sampling and our incomplete understanding of immigrant data collection methods: see Haines, "Indigent Misfits", pp. 232-235.
88. Letter from Hugh Watson to his parents in Scotland, 9 September 1839, Mortlock Library of South Austratiana, D6075(L), and accompanying family notes.
89. Letter dated 2 July 1856, from Isabella Wyly to her sister-in-law in Ireland, in Fitzpatrick, "These Golden Shores: Isabella Wyly, 1856-77", in his Oceans of Consolation, p. 97.
90. Ibid.
91. Ibid., letter dated December 1857.
92. Ibid., letter dated 2 October 1877, p. 136.
93. Ibid., p. 96.
94. Helen Wilson, State Records (of South Australia) (SR, formerly PROSA) GRG 7/8/131.
95. Government-assisted immigration during these years covers two periods: 1911-1914 and 1921-1939. Between 1931 and 1938 state-assisted immigration all but ceased because of the international economic recession.
96. PP 1914 CD.7171, XVII, 361, Part 1, Minutes of Evidence of Mr Edgar John Field taken in Australia in 1913, App. IX, p. 83.
97. South Australian Parliamentary Papers (hereafter SAPP), Statistical Registers of South Australia - Population; SAPP, 1929, 1941, vol. 1. This figure includes those nominated by friends, relatives and employers, as well as selected arrivals. Very few immigrants arrived from Europe on assisted passages during this period.
98. Ibid., SR GRG Series 7/8, 7/15.
99. Argus, 11 February 1922, and quoted in David H. Pope, "Contours of Australian Immigration, 1901-1930", Australian Economic History Review, XXI, 1 (March 1981), p. 42. The Argus reported that ten domestic servants were on the ship.
100. Michael Roe, Australia, Britain, and Migration, 1915-1940: A Study of Desperate Hopes (Cambridge, 1995), p. 229.
101. Register, Adelaide, 8 January 1924, p. 5.
102. Selected domestic servants were variously called domestic servants, domestics, domestic helpers, domestic workers, home helps and household workers. Roe, Australia, Britain and Migration, ch. 9, includes a discussion on the selection procedures for all categories of emigrants in the inter-war period.
103. SR, GRG 7/8/131.
104. Ibid.
105. Until the First World War, government-assisted emigrants to Australia were recruited and selected by officials of each individual colony. Following the war (and federation in 1901), the government of the Commonwealth of Australia was responsible for the recruitment and selection of assisted emigrants for all states. Commonwealth officials were to select emigrants according to the policy guidelines for each state.
106. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers (CAPP), 1926-1917-1928, vol. V, Report of the High Commissioner of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom. Report for the Year 1925, p. 26. Australian Archives (AA), Canberra, CP 211/2/1, Bundle 97, Monthly Reports, 1927; Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women (SOSBW), Council Report, 11 January 1928; GRG7/23/1913/135, 8 September 1913, Appendix A.
107. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers (CAPP), 1926-1917-1928, vol. V, Report of the High Commissioner of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom. Report for the Year 1925, p. 26. Australian Archives (AA), Canberra, CP 211/2/1, Bundle 97, Monthly Reports, 1927; Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women (SOSBW), Council Report, 11 January 1928; GRG7/23/1913/135, 8 September 1913, Appendix A.
108. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers (CAPP), 1926-1917-1928, vol. V, Report of the High Commissioner of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom. Report for the Year 1925, p. 26. Australian Archives (AA), Canberra, CP 211/2/1, Bundle 97, Monthly Reports, 1927; Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women (SOSBW), Council Report, 11 January 1928; GRG7/23/1913/135, 8 September 1913, Appendix A.
109. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers (CAPP), 1926-1917-1928, vol. V, Report of the High Commissioner of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom. Report for the Year 1925, p. 26. Australian Archives (AA), Canberra, CP 211/2/1, Bundle 97, Monthly Reports, 1927; Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women (SOSBW), Council Report, 11 January 1928; GRG7/23/1913/135, 8 September 1913, Appendix A.
110. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers (CAPP), 1926-1917-1928, vol. V, Report of the High Commissioner of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom. Report for the Year 1925, p. 26. Australian Archives (AA), Canberra, CP 211/2/1, Bundle 97, Monthly Reports, 1927; Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women (SOSBW), Council Report, 11 January 1928; GRG7/23/1913/135, 8 September 1913, Appendix A.
111. Ministry of Labour, Annual Reports, 1922-1930. Statistics were published from August 1922, but none were included for 1926. Assistance was given to 1,304 out of 3,608 applicants. The Ministry of Labour supplied a minority of the total number of applicants.
112. SR GRG 7/54, 1 December 1911;
113. GRG 7/23/1913/135, 7 January 1914. "Home girls" were those who had been occupied in domestic work in their own or relatives' homes, but had not worked for wages in the occupation.
114. SR GRG 7/23/1921/321; GRG 7/24/1925/43.
115. SR GRG 7/53, 21 September 1911,
116. Ellen Joyce to Agent-General for South Australia, undated letter with correspondence;
117. GRG 7/23/1913/135, October 1913.
118. For a discussion concerning the independence and enterprising behaviour of assisted single women emigrants, see Margrette Kleinig, "Independent Women - South Australia's Assisted Immigrants 1872-1939", in Eric Richards (ed.), Visible Women: Female Immigrants in Colonial Australia: Visible Immigrants Four (Canberra. 1995).
119. SOSBW, Seventh Annual Report, 1 January to 31 December 1926.
120. Theresa M. McBride, The Domestic Revolution: The Modernisation of Household Service in England and France 1820-1920 (London, 1976), p. 70.
121. AA, A1, 32/7627, Extract from Summary Report No. 15, Miss Jacobs, 30 June 1929;
122. GRG 7/23/1912/50.
123. See, for example, Edward Higgs, "Women, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth Century Censuses", History Workshop Journal, 23 (Spring 1987), pp. 59-80; idem, "Domestic Service and Household Production", in Angela V. John (ed.), Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986); Bridget Hill, "Women, Work and the Census: A Problem for Historians of Women", History Workshop Journal, 35 (Spring 1993), pp. 78-94; Elizabeth Roberts, Women's Work 1840-1940 (Basingstoke, 1988).
124. See, for example, Edward Higgs, "Women, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth Century Censuses", History Workshop Journal, 23 (Spring 1987), pp. 59-80; idem, "Domestic Service and Household Production", in Angela V. John (ed.), Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986); Bridget Hill, "Women, Work and the Census: A Problem for Historians of Women", History Workshop Journal, 35 (Spring 1993), pp. 78-94; Elizabeth Roberts, Women's Work 1840-1940 (Basingstoke, 1988).
125. See, for example, Edward Higgs, "Women, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth Century Censuses", History Workshop Journal, 23 (Spring 1987), pp. 59-80; idem, "Domestic Service and Household Production", in Angela V. John (ed.), Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986); Bridget Hill, "Women, Work and the Census: A Problem for Historians of Women", History Workshop Journal, 35 (Spring 1993), pp. 78-94; Elizabeth Roberts, Women's Work 1840-1940 (Basingstoke, 1988).
126. See, for example, Edward Higgs, "Women, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth Century Censuses", History Workshop Journal, 23 (Spring 1987), pp. 59-80; idem, "Domestic Service and Household Production", in Angela V. John (ed.), Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986); Bridget Hill, "Women, Work and the Census: A Problem for Historians of Women", History Workshop Journal, 35 (Spring 1993), pp. 78-94; Elizabeth Roberts, Women's Work 1840-1940 (Basingstoke, 1988).
127. SR GRG 7/8/584.
128. SR GRG 7/8/430.
129. SR GRG 7/8/46.
130. Roberts, Women's Work, p. 17. See also Jane Lewis, Women in England 1870-1950: Sexual Divisions and Social Change (Brighton, 1984), pp. 156-158.
131. Roberts, Women's Work, p. 17. See also Jane Lewis, Women in England 1870-1950: Sexual Divisions and Social Change (Brighton, 1984), pp. 156-158.
132. SR GRG Series 7/8; 7/9, 7/15. The figure includes ex-servicewomen who accepted "situations" through the Immigration Department and selected Salvation Army and Church Army domestic workers who were granted government-assisted passages. A few Salvation Army women disembarked in Melbourne and travelled on to Adelaide.
133. The figure omits emigrant women who underwent a course in domestic service at the Market Harborough training college in Leicestershire to prepare them for emigration within the domestic helper scheme. Less than fifty in number, they were officially termed "trainees" and comprised a different category in recruitment.
134. The few women who had undertaken domestic science or cooking courses which qualified applicants for a selected passage are classed as experienced domestic servants.
135. The women who had undertaken domestic science courses are tabulated as working in the occupation for less than six months. "Length of service" is not recorded for a number of women and is entered as "unspecified". For a few women information is available from other sources, a referee or ship's matron for example. This alternative source is used in Figure 5. A number of the
136. women who had worked as domestic servants for more than ten years often answered "all my life" or "since leaving school" to this question.
137. Information within this category is not available for all 707 women. The proportion excludes women who recorded that their only alternative occupation was waitressing, but includes women who had been involved in any form of "war work" (munitions, canteens, etc.) and outdoor work, such as gardening and dairy-work.
138. SR GRG 7/8/831.