Sex, social hygiene, and the state: The double-edged sword of social reform

Theory and Society

Volumn 27, Issue 5, 1998, Pages 601-634

  Luker, Kristin ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0032333432     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1006875928287     Document Type: Review

References (170)

1. For example, books such as Theda Skocpol's Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992) and Linda Gordon's Women, The State, And Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990) make the point that theorizing about welfare, an essential function of modern states, is typically written as if gender did not matter, although the welfare schemes of virtually all modern states assume a gendered division of labor.
2. For example, books such as Theda Skocpol's Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992) and Linda Gordon's Women, The State, And Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990) make the point that theorizing about welfare, an essential function of modern states, is typically written as if gender did not matter, although the welfare schemes of virtually all modern states assume a gendered division of labor.
3. For an overview of this literature, see R. W. Connell, "The State, Gender, and Sexual Politics," Theory and Society, 19 (1990): 507-544, especially 508-519.
4. See, for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967) or Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities 1877-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
5. See, for example, Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967) or Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities 1877-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
6. Jane Ursel, Private Lives, Public Policy: One Hundred Years of State Intervention in the Family (Toronto: Women's Press, 1992).
7. In this context it is worth noting Ruth Rosen's point that while it is conventional to think of prostitution as the "oldest profession," commercial sex in its modern form is a product of the Industrial Revolution. "Prostitutes" in earlier eras were typically women who traded sexual - and often housekeeping - favors in exchange for temporary male provision and protection, the typical case being the camp followers of the middle ages. See Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982).
8. For two vivid examples of how the state constitutes gender as the outcome of processes that seem to grow "naturally" out of facially neutral categories, see Catherine MacKinnon, Sexual Harassment of Working Women: A Case of Sex Discrimination (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979) and Susan Estrich, Real Rape (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987).
9. For two vivid examples of how the state constitutes gender as the outcome of processes that seem to grow "naturally" out of facially neutral categories, see Catherine MacKinnon, Sexual Harassment of Working Women: A Case of Sex Discrimination (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979) and Susan Estrich, Real Rape (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987).
10. Originally in both Catholic and Protestant countries offenses involving "private life" - bastardy, fornication, adultery, and "deviant" sexuality - were routinely judged by Church courts, which had jurisdiction until well into the nineteenth century. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, however, church courts began gradually to cede their authority to secular courts, and sexual offenses became a matter to be regulated on behalf of civil society by the state. For illustrative material on the role of canon law in the regulation of sexual offenses in England, see Ronald A. Marchant, The Church under the Law: Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969); on the Kirk (Church) Sessions in Scotland, see Linda Mahood, The Magdalens: Prostitution in the 19th Century (London: Routledge, 1990), 21-26; on the more general role of canon law in the regulation of sexuality and family life, see Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
11. Originally in both Catholic and Protestant countries offenses involving "private life" - bastardy, fornication, adultery, and "deviant" sexuality - were routinely judged by Church courts, which had jurisdiction until well into the nineteenth century. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, however, church courts began gradually to cede their authority to secular courts, and sexual offenses became a matter to be regulated on behalf of civil society by the state. For illustrative material on the role of canon law in the regulation of sexual offenses in England, see Ronald A. Marchant, The Church under the Law: Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969); on the Kirk (Church) Sessions in Scotland, see Linda Mahood, The Magdalens: Prostitution in the 19th Century (London: Routledge, 1990), 21-26; on the more general role of canon law in the regulation of sexuality and family life, see Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
12. Originally in both Catholic and Protestant countries offenses involving "private life" - bastardy, fornication, adultery, and "deviant" sexuality - were routinely judged by Church courts, which had jurisdiction until well into the nineteenth century. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, however, church courts began gradually to cede their authority to secular courts, and sexual offenses became a matter to be regulated on behalf of civil society by the state. For illustrative material on the role of canon law in the regulation of sexual offenses in England, see Ronald A. Marchant, The Church under the Law: Justice, Administration and Discipline in the Diocese of York, 1560-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969); on the Kirk (Church) Sessions in Scotland, see Linda Mahood, The Magdalens: Prostitution in the 19th Century (London: Routledge, 1990), 21-26; on the more general role of canon law in the regulation of sexuality and family life, see Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
13. Thomas Laqueur, "The Social Evil, The Solitary Vice and Pouring Tea," in Michel Feher, editor, Fragments for a History of the Human Body, Part Three, (New York: Zone Press, 1989), 339.
14. On the role of prostitution in both reflecting and constituting the relationship between men and women, see Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 189-218.
15. On the attempts of modernizing states to close down bawdy houses, see William Sanger, History of Prostitution: Its Extent, Causes and Effects Throughout the World (New York: Eugenics Publishing, 1939), 119-121; M. Sabatier, Histoire de la Legislation sur les femmes publiques et les lieux de debauche (Paris: Gagniard, 1830), 199-200, 206; T. E. James, Prostitution and the Law (London: William Heinemann, 1951).
16. On the attempts of modernizing states to close down bawdy houses, see William Sanger, History of Prostitution: Its Extent, Causes and Effects Throughout the World (New York: Eugenics Publishing, 1939), 119-121; M. Sabatier, Histoire de la Legislation sur les femmes publiques et les lieux de debauche (Paris: Gagniard, 1830), 199-200, 206; T. E. James, Prostitution and the Law (London: William Heinemann, 1951).
17. On the attempts of modernizing states to close down bawdy houses, see William Sanger, History of Prostitution: Its Extent, Causes and Effects Throughout the World (New York: Eugenics Publishing, 1939), 119-121; M. Sabatier, Histoire de la Legislation sur les femmes publiques et les lieux de debauche (Paris: Gagniard, 1830), 199-200, 206; T. E. James, Prostitution and the Law (London: William Heinemann, 1951).
18. As Mary Gibson notes, laws regulating prostitution were central to the state-building process in Italy: "That Prime Minister Camillo di Cavour promulgated the first legislation on prostitution in the midst of the wars of unification demonstrates its importance to his vision of the new kingdom ... the Risorgimiento sought not only territorial unity, but the making of a new Italian citizenry imbued with a homogenous moral and social vision." Mary Gibson, Prostitution and the State in Italy, 1860-1915, (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1986).
19. Jill Harsin, Policing Prostitution in 19th Century Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985). While the Bureau des Moeurs strictly speaking covered only the jurisdiction of Paris, it was widely copied throughout France. A 1908 survey found that 445 communes in France had one or more regulations covering prostitution, and many of these had bureaucracies modeled on the Bureau.
20. 25 Geo II, C. 36 (1751); 5 Geo c.83 s.3 (1824); 10 and 11 Victoria, c.47 (1839); 48 and 49 Victoria, c. 69. See T. E. James, Prostitution and the Law, 144-147.
21. Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 1-2.
22. "Lock hospitals" (the name is thought to be a corruption of the French word loques [rags] which earlier connoted leprosaria) often had de facto power of confinement, and in England after the passage of the Contagious Diseases Acts, had official power to keep women confined against their will. See Walkowitz, Prostitution, 57-63.
23. See, for example, David Flaherty, "Law and the Enforcement of Morals in Early America," Perspectives in American History, 5 (1971): 225-226.
24. John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 22-34; John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 152; Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England, 1650-1750 (New York: Knopf, 1982).
25. John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 22-34; John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 152; Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England, 1650-1750 (New York: Knopf, 1982).
26. John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 22-34; John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 152; Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England, 1650-1750 (New York: Knopf, 1982).
27. Eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century brothels in such cities as Boston and New York were sufficiently visible that enraged citizens often sought to close them down by vigilante justice. There were "whorehouse riots" in New York in 1793 and 1799, and in Boston in 1734, 1737, and 1825. See David Pivar, Purity Crusade: Sexual Morality and Social Control, 1868-1900 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973); Richard Hofstader and Michael Wallace, editors, American Violence: A Documentary History (New York: Knopf, 1970), 447-450.
28. Eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century brothels in such cities as Boston and New York were sufficiently visible that enraged citizens often sought to close them down by vigilante justice. There were "whorehouse riots" in New York in 1793 and 1799, and in Boston in 1734, 1737, and 1825. See David Pivar, Purity Crusade: Sexual Morality and Social Control, 1868-1900 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973); Richard Hofstader and Michael Wallace, editors, American Violence: A Documentary History (New York: Knopf, 1970), 447-450.
29. Michael Grossberg, Governing the Hearth: Law and the Family in Nineteenth Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985). "Irregular" marriages were those that did not meet the full legal requirements for official matrimony.
30. Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State.
31. Thomas Mackey, Red Lights Out: A Legal History of Prostitution, Disorderly Houses, and Vice Districts, 1870-1917 (New York: Garland, 1987), 28-92.
32. As new theories of the state and gender would predict, such calls were not specifically made by men in the service of returning women to their [pre-industrial] place. Indeed, one of the ironies of the "crisis" tendencies in gender regimes is the extent to which women as well as men have vested interests in the ancient regime. Subgroups of women, much more often than the working class and ethnic minorities, are in the structural position of the peasant of the Vendee - new gender regimes often seem to threaten the dismantling of traditional protections more than they promise the creation of new rights. See Charles Tilly, The Vendee (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968). For a flavor of the nineteenth-century concern about shifts in gender relations, shared by women and men alike, see Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family From Colonial Times to the Present, Vol. 3 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1919).
33. As new theories of the state and gender would predict, such calls were not specifically made by men in the service of returning women to their [pre-industrial] place. Indeed, one of the ironies of the "crisis" tendencies in gender regimes is the extent to which women as well as men have vested interests in the ancient regime. Subgroups of women, much more often than the working class and ethnic minorities, are in the structural position of the peasant of the Vendee - new gender regimes often seem to threaten the dismantling of traditional protections more than they promise the creation of new rights. See Charles Tilly, The Vendee (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968). For a flavor of the nineteenth-century concern about shifts in gender relations, shared by women and men alike, see Arthur W. Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family From Colonial Times to the Present, Vol. 3 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark, 1919).
34. Only one locality - St. Louis, Missouri - ever established a formal, "regulated" red light district, and then only for a short period. See John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes in the Nineteenth Century: The St. Louis Experiment and its Sequel," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 45 (1971): 203-218. For the WCTU's response to reglementation, see David Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-203. See also Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982) and Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1987).
35. Only one locality - St. Louis, Missouri - ever established a formal, "regulated" red light district, and then only for a short period. See John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes in the Nineteenth Century: The St. Louis Experiment and its Sequel," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 45 (1971): 203-218. For the WCTU's response to reglementation, see David Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-203. See also Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982) and Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1987).
36. Only one locality - St. Louis, Missouri - ever established a formal, "regulated" red light district, and then only for a short period. See John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes in the Nineteenth Century: The St. Louis Experiment and its Sequel," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 45 (1971): 203-218. For the WCTU's response to reglementation, see David Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-203. See also Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982) and Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1987).
37. Only one locality - St. Louis, Missouri - ever established a formal, "regulated" red light district, and then only for a short period. See John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes in the Nineteenth Century: The St. Louis Experiment and its Sequel," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 45 (1971): 203-218. For the WCTU's response to reglementation, see David Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-203. See also Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982) and Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1987).
38. As Grossberg notes, this "zone of protection" around marital and reproductive behavior was not absolute, in that the courts tolerated both anti-miscegenation legislation and the prosecution of Mormons for polygamy. See Michael Grossberg, Governing the Hearth: Law and the Family in Nineteenth Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 103-152.
39. On the growth of the state, see: Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State, on the social dislocation characteristic of this period, see Weibe, The Search for Order.
40. On the growth of the state, see: Stephen Skowronek, Building A New American State, on the social dislocation characteristic of this period, see Weibe, The Search for Order.
41. The present study draws on historical work done for a larger examination of sex education in America. This work includes an analysis of the first thirty years of the organization's publications, and unpublished archival material located at the Social Welfare Archives at the University of Minnesota. No formal history of ASHA has been published to date, although the social hygiene movement is an actor of some note in Allan Brandt's No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), the best and most thoughtful scholarly history to date on the social control of venereal diseases in America. For unpublished material on the social hygiene movement: see Irving Kassoy, "A History of the Work of the American Social Hygiene Association in Sex Education, 1876-1930," (Master's Thesis, CCNY, 1931); James Gardner, "Microbes and Morality: The Social Hygiene Crusade in New York City, 1892-1917," (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1974); Michael Imber, "Analysis of a Curricular Reform Movement: The American Social Hygiene Association's Campaign for Sex Education," (Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford, 1980).
42. The present study draws on historical work done for a larger examination of sex education in America. This work includes an analysis of the first thirty years of the organization's publications, and unpublished archival material located at the Social Welfare Archives at the University of Minnesota. No formal history of ASHA has been published to date, although the social hygiene movement is an actor of some note in Allan Brandt's No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), the best and most thoughtful scholarly history to date on the social control of venereal diseases in America. For unpublished material on the social hygiene movement: see Irving Kassoy, "A History of the Work of the American Social Hygiene Association in Sex Education, 1876-1930," (Master's Thesis, CCNY, 1931); James Gardner, "Microbes and Morality: The Social Hygiene Crusade in New York City, 1892-1917," (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1974); Michael Imber, "Analysis of a Curricular Reform Movement: The American Social Hygiene Association's Campaign for Sex Education," (Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford, 1980).
43. The present study draws on historical work done for a larger examination of sex education in America. This work includes an analysis of the first thirty years of the organization's publications, and unpublished archival material located at the Social Welfare Archives at the University of Minnesota. No formal history of ASHA has been published to date, although the social hygiene movement is an actor of some note in Allan Brandt's No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), the best and most thoughtful scholarly history to date on the social control of venereal diseases in America. For unpublished material on the social hygiene movement: see Irving Kassoy, "A History of the Work of the American Social Hygiene Association in Sex Education, 1876-1930," (Master's Thesis, CCNY, 1931); James Gardner, "Microbes and Morality: The Social Hygiene Crusade in New York City, 1892-1917," (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1974); Michael Imber, "Analysis of a Curricular Reform Movement: The American Social Hygiene Association's Campaign for Sex Education," (Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford, 1980).
44. The present study draws on historical work done for a larger examination of sex education in America. This work includes an analysis of the first thirty years of the organization's publications, and unpublished archival material located at the Social Welfare Archives at the University of Minnesota. No formal history of ASHA has been published to date, although the social hygiene movement is an actor of some note in Allan Brandt's No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), the best and most thoughtful scholarly history to date on the social control of venereal diseases in America. For unpublished material on the social hygiene movement: see Irving Kassoy, "A History of the Work of the American Social Hygiene Association in Sex Education, 1876-1930," (Master's Thesis, CCNY, 1931); James Gardner, "Microbes and Morality: The Social Hygiene Crusade in New York City, 1892-1917," (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1974); Michael Imber, "Analysis of a Curricular Reform Movement: The American Social Hygiene Association's Campaign for Sex Education," (Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford, 1980).
45. On the St. Louis case, see John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 203-218. For an excellent overview of the purity movement, see John d'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988). The classic treatment of the purity crusade is David Pivar's already-cited Purity Crusade. While only St. Louis had official reglementation, a 1902 vice survey found 32 cities with de facto reglementation and 33 with "segregated" or "tolerated" red-light districts. See E. R. A. Seligman, The Social Evil of Protected Prostitution: Three Investigations (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902).
46. On the St. Louis case, see John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 203-218. For an excellent overview of the purity movement, see John d'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988). The classic treatment of the purity crusade is David Pivar's already-cited Purity Crusade. While only St. Louis had official reglementation, a 1902 vice survey found 32 cities with de facto reglementation and 33 with "segregated" or "tolerated" red-light districts. See E. R. A. Seligman, The Social Evil of Protected Prostitution: Three Investigations (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902).
47. On the St. Louis case, see John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 203-218. For an excellent overview of the purity movement, see John d'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988). The classic treatment of the purity crusade is David Pivar's already-cited Purity Crusade. While only St. Louis had official reglementation, a 1902 vice survey found 32 cities with de facto reglementation and 33 with "segregated" or "tolerated" red-light districts. See E. R. A. Seligman, The Social Evil of Protected Prostitution: Three Investigations (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902).
48. On the St. Louis case, see John C. Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 203-218. For an excellent overview of the purity movement, see John d'Emilio and Estelle Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988). The classic treatment of the purity crusade is David Pivar's already-cited Purity Crusade. While only St. Louis had official reglementation, a 1902 vice survey found 32 cities with de facto reglementation and 33 with "segregated" or "tolerated" red-light districts. See E. R. A. Seligman, The Social Evil of Protected Prostitution: Three Investigations (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1902).
49. Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality: A Manual for Nurses and Others, Giving and Outline of the Medical, Social and Legal Aspects of the Venereal Diseases (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1910), 60-62.
50. Anna Garlin Spencer, "The Double Standard of Morals: The Last Refuge of Human Slavery," Vigilance 25/9, (September, 1912): 9.
51. Ibid., 5-6.
52. The critique of the double standard had a long history among American women reformers. See Mary Ryan, "The Power of Women's Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Ante-bellum America," Feminist Studies 5 (Spring, 1979): 82-104; and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the Beast and the Militant Woman: A Case Study of Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," American Quarterly 23 (1971): 562-584. For an eloquent statement of the feminist position, see Antoinette Blackwell, "The Immorality of the Regulation System," The National Purity Congress, Its Papers, Addresses and Portraits (New York: 1896), 26. For the Maine Federation of Women's Clubs, see Karin Blair, "The Clubwoman as Feminist," (Ph.D. dissertation, California Institute of Technology). Ruth Rosen's chapter four of The Lost Sisterhood is an excellent overview of the commitment to the single standard on the part of female reformers.
53. The critique of the double standard had a long history among American women reformers. See Mary Ryan, "The Power of Women's Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Ante-bellum America," Feminist Studies 5 (Spring, 1979): 82-104; and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the Beast and the Militant Woman: A Case Study of Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," American Quarterly 23 (1971): 562-584. For an eloquent statement of the feminist position, see Antoinette Blackwell, "The Immorality of the Regulation System," The National Purity Congress, Its Papers, Addresses and Portraits (New York: 1896), 26. For the Maine Federation of Women's Clubs, see Karin Blair, "The Clubwoman as Feminist," (Ph.D. dissertation, California Institute of Technology). Ruth Rosen's chapter four of The Lost Sisterhood is an excellent overview of the commitment to the single standard on the part of female reformers.
54. The critique of the double standard had a long history among American women reformers. See Mary Ryan, "The Power of Women's Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Ante-bellum America," Feminist Studies 5 (Spring, 1979): 82-104; and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the Beast and the Militant Woman: A Case Study of Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," American Quarterly 23 (1971): 562-584. For an eloquent statement of the feminist position, see Antoinette Blackwell, "The Immorality of the Regulation System," The National Purity Congress, Its Papers, Addresses and Portraits (New York: 1896), 26. For the Maine Federation of Women's Clubs, see Karin Blair, "The Clubwoman as Feminist," (Ph.D. dissertation, California Institute of Technology). Ruth Rosen's chapter four of The Lost Sisterhood is an excellent overview of the commitment to the single standard on the part of female reformers.
55. The critique of the double standard had a long history among American women reformers. See Mary Ryan, "The Power of Women's Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Ante-bellum America," Feminist Studies 5 (Spring, 1979): 82-104; and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the Beast and the Militant Woman: A Case Study of Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," American Quarterly 23 (1971): 562-584. For an eloquent statement of the feminist position, see Antoinette Blackwell, "The Immorality of the Regulation System," The National Purity Congress, Its Papers, Addresses and Portraits (New York: 1896), 26. For the Maine Federation of Women's Clubs, see Karin Blair, "The Clubwoman as Feminist," (Ph.D. dissertation, California Institute of Technology). Ruth Rosen's chapter four of The Lost Sisterhood is an excellent overview of the commitment to the single standard on the part of female reformers.
56. The critique of the double standard had a long history among American women reformers. See Mary Ryan, "The Power of Women's Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Ante-bellum America," Feminist Studies 5 (Spring, 1979): 82-104; and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, the Beast and the Militant Woman: A Case Study of Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian America," American Quarterly 23 (1971): 562-584. For an eloquent statement of the feminist position, see Antoinette Blackwell, "The Immorality of the Regulation System," The National Purity Congress, Its Papers, Addresses and Portraits (New York: 1896), 26. For the Maine Federation of Women's Clubs, see Karin Blair, "The Clubwoman as Feminist," (Ph.D. dissertation, California Institute of Technology). Ruth Rosen's chapter four of The Lost Sisterhood is an excellent overview of the commitment to the single standard on the part of female reformers.
57. On the size of the WCTU, see Barbara Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth Century America (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1981), 115; Ruth Bordin, Women and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), xvi. On the effectiveness of the purity departments, Bordin notes: "In 1886 there were 34 social purity departments in states and territories, and 185 district, county and local [Women's Christian Temperance] unions had superintendents who made formal reports to the national superintendent, a record that compares favorably with any other department" (111).
58. On the size of the WCTU, see Barbara Epstein, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth Century America (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1981), 115; Ruth Bordin, Women and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), xvi. On the effectiveness of the purity departments, Bordin notes: "In 1886 there were 34 social purity departments in states and territories, and 185 district, county and local [Women's Christian Temperance] unions had superintendents who made formal reports to the national superintendent, a record that compares favorably with any other department" (111).
59. Davic Pivar, Purity Crusade, 114.
60. Annual Minutes of the WCTU, 21st Meeting, 1894, 85; Bordin, Women and Temperance, notes that in 1886 the age of consent was 10 in twenty states, and as low as 7 in one state. Bordin, 110.
61. Annual Minutes of the WCTU, 21st Meeting, 1894, 85; Bordin, Women and Temperance, notes that in 1886 the age of consent was 10 in twenty states, and as low as 7 in one state. Bordin, 110.
62. Annual Minutes of the WCTU, 21st Meeting, 1894, 85; Bordin, Women and Temperance, notes that in 1886 the age of consent was 10 in twenty states, and as low as 7 in one state. Bordin, 110.
63. See Pivar, Purity Crusade, 141-143.
64. See Barbara Rosenkrantz, Public Health and the State; Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936, (Cambridge, Harvard Univesity Press, 1972).
65. Harry F. Dowling, Fighting Infection: Conquests of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), 11-22. For the growing self-consciousness of this group as a class, see both Wiebe, and Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: the Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York: Norton, 1976).
66. Harry F. Dowling, Fighting Infection: Conquests of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), 11-22. For the growing self-consciousness of this group as a class, see both Wiebe, and Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: the Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York: Norton, 1976).
67. Bigelow, an educator and founding member of ASHA, notes that "social hygiene" means the "improvement of the conditions of life in all lines in which there is social ill health or need of social reform...." Maurice Bigelow, Sex-Education: A Series of Lectures Concerning Knowledge of Sex in its Relation to Human Life (New York: Macmillan, 1916), 3, and goes on to suggest that "social hygiene" was a more acceptable term than the previously used "sex hygiene."
68. Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 11-15; American Purity Alliance, Report of 19th Annual Meeting. As Pivar has shown, "interlocking directorates" between the purity movement and the WCTU (and later the social hygiene movement) were common. Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-190.
69. Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 11-15; American Purity Alliance, Report of 19th Annual Meeting. As Pivar has shown, "interlocking directorates" between the purity movement and the WCTU (and later the social hygiene movement) were common. Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-190.
70. Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 11-15; American Purity Alliance, Report of 19th Annual Meeting. As Pivar has shown, "interlocking directorates" between the purity movement and the WCTU (and later the social hygiene movement) were common. Pivar, Purity Crusade, 131-190.
71. In fact, this represented something of a shift in the position of American male physicians. A number - perhaps even the majority - of physicians were sympathetic toward reglementation, and only gradually became convinced of its ineffectiveness. (See Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 207-209). Hobson argues that American physicians in general avoided the entire topic of the social control of prostitution, in part because their professional status was much more precarious than that of European physicians. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 152. For the process by which physicians were won over, see Pivar, Purity Crusade, 85-88.
72. In fact, this represented something of a shift in the position of American male physicians. A number - perhaps even the majority - of physicians were sympathetic toward reglementation, and only gradually became convinced of its ineffectiveness. (See Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 207-209). Hobson argues that American physicians in general avoided the entire topic of the social control of prostitution, in part because their professional status was much more precarious than that of European physicians. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 152. For the process by which physicians were won over, see Pivar, Purity Crusade, 85-88.
73. In fact, this represented something of a shift in the position of American male physicians. A number - perhaps even the majority - of physicians were sympathetic toward reglementation, and only gradually became convinced of its ineffectiveness. (See Burnham, "The Medical Inspection of Prostitutes," 207-209). Hobson argues that American physicians in general avoided the entire topic of the social control of prostitution, in part because their professional status was much more precarious than that of European physicians. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, 152. For the process by which physicians were won over, see Pivar, Purity Crusade, 85-88.
74. "Constitution," in Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 1, 1907, 14, and Vol. 3, 1920, vi-xxiv. This was in marked contrast to previous attacks on prostitution led by Vice Commissions, which explicitly discouraged women's participation in the "unseemly" business of outlawing prostitution. See Gardner, "Microbes and Morals," 109.
75. "Constitution," in Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 1, 1907, 14, and Vol. 3, 1920, vi-xxiv. This was in marked contrast to previous attacks on prostitution led by Vice Commissions, which explicitly discouraged women's participation in the "unseemly" business of outlawing prostitution. See Gardner, "Microbes and Morals," 109.
76. "Constitution," in Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 1, 1907, 14, and Vol. 3, 1920, vi-xxiv. This was in marked contrast to previous attacks on prostitution led by Vice Commissions, which explicitly discouraged women's participation in the "unseemly" business of outlawing prostitution. See Gardner, "Microbes and Morals," 109.
77. See Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 1-2; Social Diseases 1/3 (July, 1910): 1-4; For an overview, see M. Cavins, National Health Agencies: A Survey with Especial Reference to Voluntary Associations (Washington: Public Affairs Press; 1945). For the vantage point of the American Social Hygiene Association, see William F. Snow, "Progress 1900-1915" in Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 37-48.
78. See Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 1-2; Social Diseases 1/3 (July, 1910): 1-4; For an overview, see M. Cavins, National Health Agencies: A Survey with Especial Reference to Voluntary Associations (Washington: Public Affairs Press; 1945). For the vantage point of the American Social Hygiene Association, see William F. Snow, "Progress 1900-1915" in Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 37-48.
79. See Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 1-2; Social Diseases 1/3 (July, 1910): 1-4; For an overview, see M. Cavins, National Health Agencies: A Survey with Especial Reference to Voluntary Associations (Washington: Public Affairs Press; 1945). For the vantage point of the American Social Hygiene Association, see William F. Snow, "Progress 1900-1915" in Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 37-48.
80. See Vigilance 25/3 (March 1912): 1-2; Social Diseases 1/3 (July, 1910): 1-4; For an overview, see M. Cavins, National Health Agencies: A Survey with Especial Reference to Voluntary Associations (Washington: Public Affairs Press; 1945). For the vantage point of the American Social Hygiene Association, see William F. Snow, "Progress 1900-1915" in Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 37-48.
81. To be sure, women reformers themselves were professionalizing, and at times ambivalent about their organizational heritage of moral suasion. For example, women physicians were often at the intersection between the two visions of reform. While less than 10 percent of all physicians nationally in 1910, women physicians made up 20 percent of ASSMP members in that year, and preliminary investigation of the ASHA membership makes clear that women physicians were substantially over-represented in its ranks as well. For women physicians of the era, see Mary Walsh, Doctors Needed, No Women Need Apply: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press). For ASSMP membership, see Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 3, 1910, pp. vi-xxiv. For ASHA membership, see Social Welfare Archive, University of Minnesota, American Social Hygiene Association papers, Box 5, folder 3. In the crisis represented by medical propylaxis, however, women physicians - to the extent we have data - subscribed to the "moral" (female) view of the problem, rather than the "sanitary" (male) view. See below. For another view of women reformers who were more decidedly ambivalent about their predecessors in the purity movement, see Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Professionalization of Social Work, 1890-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
82. To be sure, women reformers themselves were professionalizing, and at times ambivalent about their organizational heritage of moral suasion. For example, women physicians were often at the intersection between the two visions of reform. While less than 10 percent of all physicians nationally in 1910, women physicians made up 20 percent of ASSMP members in that year, and preliminary investigation of the ASHA membership makes clear that women physicians were substantially over-represented in its ranks as well. For women physicians of the era, see Mary Walsh, Doctors Needed, No Women Need Apply: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press). For ASSMP membership, see Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 3, 1910, pp. vi-xxiv. For ASHA membership, see Social Welfare Archive, University of Minnesota, American Social Hygiene Association papers, Box 5, folder 3. In the crisis represented by medical propylaxis, however, women physicians - to the extent we have data - subscribed to the "moral" (female) view of the problem, rather than the "sanitary" (male) view. See below. For another view of women reformers who were more decidedly ambivalent about their predecessors in the purity movement, see Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Professionalization of Social Work, 1890-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
83. To be sure, women reformers themselves were professionalizing, and at times ambivalent about their organizational heritage of moral suasion. For example, women physicians were often at the intersection between the two visions of reform. While less than 10 percent of all physicians nationally in 1910, women physicians made up 20 percent of ASSMP members in that year, and preliminary investigation of the ASHA membership makes clear that women physicians were substantially over-represented in its ranks as well. For women physicians of the era, see Mary Walsh, Doctors Needed, No Women Need Apply: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press). For ASSMP membership, see Transactions of the American Society of Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis, Vol. 3, 1910, pp. vi-xxiv. For ASHA membership, see Social Welfare Archive, University of Minnesota, American Social Hygiene Association papers, Box 5, folder 3. In the crisis represented by medical propylaxis, however, women physicians - to the extent we have data - subscribed to the "moral" (female) view of the problem, rather than the "sanitary" (male) view. See below. For another view of women reformers who were more decidedly ambivalent about their predecessors in the purity movement, see Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Professionalization of Social Work, 1890-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
84. Dowling, Fighting Infection, 91-95. Ironically, less success attended the war on gonorrhea. The major advance there was the advent of the "complement deviation test," which permitted the differentiation of gonorrhea from other reproductive tract infections in both men and women. Treatment, however, was more limited than that of syphilis, and may have even been counterproductive, particularly for women. See Dowling, Fighting Infection, 86-91, and William P. Snow, "Clinics for Venereal Diseases, Why We Need Them, How To Develop Them" Social Hygiene 3/1 (January 1916): 11-25.
85. Dowling, Fighting Infection, 91-95. Ironically, less success attended the war on gonorrhea. The major advance there was the advent of the "complement deviation test," which permitted the differentiation of gonorrhea from other reproductive tract infections in both men and women. Treatment, however, was more limited than that of syphilis, and may have even been counterproductive, particularly for women. See Dowling, Fighting Infection, 86-91, and William P. Snow, "Clinics for Venereal Diseases, Why We Need Them, How To Develop Them" Social Hygiene 3/1 (January 1916): 11-25.
86. Dowling, Fighting Infection, 91-95. Ironically, less success attended the war on gonorrhea. The major advance there was the advent of the "complement deviation test," which permitted the differentiation of gonorrhea from other reproductive tract infections in both men and women. Treatment, however, was more limited than that of syphilis, and may have even been counterproductive, particularly for women. See Dowling, Fighting Infection, 86-91, and William P. Snow, "Clinics for Venereal Diseases, Why We Need Them, How To Develop Them" Social Hygiene 3/1 (January 1916): 11-25.
87. American Journal of Public Health, 3/10 (1913); See also "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Diseased? A Symposium under the Auspices of the American Social Hygiene Association, the Chicago City Club, the Women's City Club and the Chicago Women's Club" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 351-365.
88. American Journal of Public Health, 3/10 (1913); See also "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Diseased? A Symposium under the Auspices of the American Social Hygiene Association, the Chicago City Club, the Women's City Club and the Chicago Women's Club" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 351-365.
89. For the 10-15 percent figure, see "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Deseased"; for similar figures see Michael M. Davis, "Evening Clinics for Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 331-343 (11 percent cured); B. S. Barringer, "A Survey of Venereal Clinics in New York City and a Statistical Efficiency Test," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 344-357, (9 percent cured); and Mazyck P. Ravenel, "The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 185-195. (Ravenel cites figures of 8 percent discharged as cured in New York clinics, 11.4 percent in Boston, and 12 percent in Cleveland.) Patient reluctance to continue treatment may have been exacerbated by the fact that Salvarsan (and to a lesser extent Neo-Salvarsan), when injected into the body often led to nausea, vomiting, and headaches, as well as to the death of surrounding tissues, which in turn created open, ulcerated areas that were both painful and slow to heal. In a minority of cases, even more serious side effects occurred. See Isadore Rosen and Nathan Sobel, "Fifty Years Progress in the Treatment of Syphilis" New York State Medical Journal, 50 (Nov. 15 1950): 2694-2696.
90. For the 10-15 percent figure, see "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Deseased"; for similar figures see Michael M. Davis, "Evening Clinics for Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 331-343 (11 percent cured); B. S. Barringer, "A Survey of Venereal Clinics in New York City and a Statistical Efficiency Test," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 344-357, (9 percent cured); and Mazyck P. Ravenel, "The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 185-195. (Ravenel cites figures of 8 percent discharged as cured in New York clinics, 11.4 percent in Boston, and 12 percent in Cleveland.) Patient reluctance to continue treatment may have been exacerbated by the fact that Salvarsan (and to a lesser extent Neo-Salvarsan), when injected into the body often led to nausea, vomiting, and headaches, as well as to the death of surrounding tissues, which in turn created open, ulcerated areas that were both painful and slow to heal. In a minority of cases, even more serious side effects occurred. See Isadore Rosen and Nathan Sobel, "Fifty Years Progress in the Treatment of Syphilis" New York State Medical Journal, 50 (Nov. 15 1950): 2694-2696.
91. For the 10-15 percent figure, see "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Deseased"; for similar figures see Michael M. Davis, "Evening Clinics for Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 331-343 (11 percent cured); B. S. Barringer, "A Survey of Venereal Clinics in New York City and a Statistical Efficiency Test," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 344-357, (9 percent cured); and Mazyck P. Ravenel, "The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 185-195. (Ravenel cites figures of 8 percent discharged as cured in New York clinics, 11.4 percent in Boston, and 12 percent in Cleveland.) Patient reluctance to continue treatment may have been exacerbated by the fact that Salvarsan (and to a lesser extent Neo-Salvarsan), when injected into the body often led to nausea, vomiting, and headaches, as well as to the death of surrounding tissues, which in turn created open, ulcerated areas that were both painful and slow to heal. In a minority of cases, even more serious side effects occurred. See Isadore Rosen and Nathan Sobel, "Fifty Years Progress in the Treatment of Syphilis" New York State Medical Journal, 50 (Nov. 15 1950): 2694-2696.
92. For the 10-15 percent figure, see "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Deseased"; for similar figures see Michael M. Davis, "Evening Clinics for Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 331-343 (11 percent cured); B. S. Barringer, "A Survey of Venereal Clinics in New York City and a Statistical Efficiency Test," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 344-357, (9 percent cured); and Mazyck P. Ravenel, "The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 185-195. (Ravenel cites figures of 8 percent discharged as cured in New York clinics, 11.4 percent in Boston, and 12 percent in Cleveland.) Patient reluctance to continue treatment may have been exacerbated by the fact that Salvarsan (and to a lesser extent Neo-Salvarsan), when injected into the body often led to nausea, vomiting, and headaches, as well as to the death of surrounding tissues, which in turn created open, ulcerated areas that were both painful and slow to heal. In a minority of cases, even more serious side effects occurred. See Isadore Rosen and Nathan Sobel, "Fifty Years Progress in the Treatment of Syphilis" New York State Medical Journal, 50 (Nov. 15 1950): 2694-2696.
93. For the 10-15 percent figure, see "What is Chicago Doing for the Venereally Deseased"; for similar figures see Michael M. Davis, "Evening Clinics for Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 331-343 (11 percent cured); B. S. Barringer, "A Survey of Venereal Clinics in New York City and a Statistical Efficiency Test," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 344-357, (9 percent cured); and Mazyck P. Ravenel, "The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 185-195. (Ravenel cites figures of 8 percent discharged as cured in New York clinics, 11.4 percent in Boston, and 12 percent in Cleveland.) Patient reluctance to continue treatment may have been exacerbated by the fact that Salvarsan (and to a lesser extent Neo-Salvarsan), when injected into the body often led to nausea, vomiting, and headaches, as well as to the death of surrounding tissues, which in turn created open, ulcerated areas that were both painful and slow to heal. In a minority of cases, even more serious side effects occurred. See Isadore Rosen and Nathan Sobel, "Fifty Years Progress in the Treatment of Syphilis" New York State Medical Journal, 50 (Nov. 15 1950): 2694-2696.
94. Rosenkrantz, 97-127.
95. W. C. Gorgas, "Venereal Diseases and the War" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 3-8. Gorgas, however, supported medical prophylaxis, discussed below.
96. M. J. Exner, M.D. "Sex Education by the YMCA in Universities and Colleges" Social Hygiene 1/4 (September 1915): 570-580.
97. Social Hygiene Legislation Manual (New York: Association Press, 1921), 48.
98. Mabel MacCoy Irwin, letter to Mary S. Cobb, March 4th, 1909, Social Welfare Archive, University of Minnesota, American Social Hygiene Association papers, Box 1, folder 4. (ASSMP, it will be recalled, was the predecessor organization to ASHA; see above.)
99. Samuel Haber, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964).
100. Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee on Social Hygiene of the National Conference of Charities and Correction" Social Hygiene, 1/4 (September 1915): 523-524.
101. See Robyn Muncy, Creating a female dominion in American reform, 1890-1935 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
102. Harrol B. Ayres, "Democracy at Work: San Antonio Being Reborn" Social Hygiene 4/2 (April 1918): 211-217; Chloe Owings, Women Police: A Study of the Development and Status of the Woman Police Movement (New York: Frederick Hitchock, 1925). Martha Falconer made the point to the readers of Social Hygiene that male police officers, being male, would suffer from a belief in the double standard. Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 526.
103. Harrol B. Ayres, "Democracy at Work: San Antonio Being Reborn" Social Hygiene 4/2 (April 1918): 211-217; Chloe Owings, Women Police: A Study of the Development and Status of the Woman Police Movement (New York: Frederick Hitchock, 1925). Martha Falconer made the point to the readers of Social Hygiene that male police officers, being male, would suffer from a belief in the double standard. Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 526.
104. Harrol B. Ayres, "Democracy at Work: San Antonio Being Reborn" Social Hygiene 4/2 (April 1918): 211-217; Chloe Owings, Women Police: A Study of the Development and Status of the Woman Police Movement (New York: Frederick Hitchock, 1925). Martha Falconer made the point to the readers of Social Hygiene that male police officers, being male, would suffer from a belief in the double standard. Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 526.
105. Harrol B. Ayres, "Democracy at Work: San Antonio Being Reborn" Social Hygiene 4/2 (April 1918): 211-217; Chloe Owings, Women Police: A Study of
106. American Social Hygiene Association, Second Annual Report, 1914-1916 (New York: Association Press, 1916), 7-8, 21-22.
107. Social Hygiene Legislative Manual, 1921, 52. By the mid-nineteenth century, the notion of "indiscriminate sexual intercourse" had achieved some standing in court (and especially appellate courts) as part of the definition of the crime of prostitution (see Commonwealth v. Cook 12 Met (53 Mass) 1846; and State v. Stovell, 54 Me 24, 1866) and at times as a sufficient definition of prostitution (see State v. Clark 78 Iowa 492, 43 NW 273, 1889). But this latter interpretation was the topic of heated debate (see State v. Max Thuna, 59 Wash 689, 109 Pac.331, 1910, where the four justices in the minority held that prostitution must be "for gain," and U.S. v. Bitty 208 U.S., 1908, which disagreed). Thus the ASHA proposal to make indiscriminate sexual intercourse with or without gain the formal (statute) definition of prostitution was indeed a new step in legal regulation.
108. Social Hygiene Legislative Manual, 1921, 52.
109. For an overview of states that had adopted such laws, see Social Hygiene Legislative Manual, 1921, Appendix one.
110. Bascom Johnson, "The Injunction and Abatement Law" Social Hygiene 1/2 (March, 1915): 231-256; (18 states had such laws in 1915, according to Johnson); Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation" Social Hygiene 3/ 1 (January 1917): 51-73.
111. Bascom Johnson, "The Injunction and Abatement Law" Social Hygiene 1/2 (March, 1915): 231-256; (18 states had such laws in 1915, according to Johnson); Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation" Social Hygiene 3/ 1 (January 1917): 51-73.
112. Ibid., 52-53.
113. Ibid., 52-53. In a portent of things to come, at least some male hygienists did not see gender neutrality as creating exact parallels: "The act of the man in accepting the offer of the woman's body is certainly offensive to public decency, even if not in the same degree as the act involved in the woman's offer," Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 57.
114. Ibid., 52-53. In a portent of things to come, at least some male hygienists did not see gender neutrality as creating exact parallels: "The act of the man in accepting the offer of the woman's body is certainly offensive to public decency, even if not in the same degree as the act involved in the woman's offer," Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 57.
115. For an overview of these new ideologies, see David J. Rothman, Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980); and David Garland, Punishment and Welfare: A History of Penal Strategies (London: Grower, 1985).
116. For an overview of these new ideologies, see David J. Rothman, Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and its Alternatives in Progressive America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980); and David Garland, Punishment and Welfare: A History of Penal Strategies (London: Grower, 1985).
117. Estelle Freedman, Their Sisters' Keepers: Women's Prison Reform in America, 1830-1930 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 144-145.
118. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, "Summary and Comparative Study of the Specialized Courts in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston and New York" Social Hygiene 9/6 (June 1923): 348-375; Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 55. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, Specialized Courts Dealing With Sex Delinquency (New York: Frederick Hitchcock, 1921). Social hygienists, confronted with the dilemma of women who seemingly engaged in prostitution voluntarily, concluded that such behavior was more often than not the product of an inability to make proper moral choices, and was therefore a product of "feeble-mindedness." Their on-going flirtation with eugenics led them to use the new Binet intelligence test to confirm that "the great majority" of prostitutes were indeed feeble-minded, and should therefore for their own good, and the good of society, be confined in institutions until the end of their childbearing years. See Walter Clarke, "Prostitution and Mental Deficiency," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 364-387; Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 522.
119. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, "Summary and Comparative Study of the Specialized Courts in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston and New York" Social Hygiene 9/6 (June 1923): 348-375; Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 55. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, Specialized Courts Dealing With Sex Delinquency (New York: Frederick Hitchcock, 1921). Social hygienists, confronted with the dilemma of women who seemingly engaged in prostitution voluntarily, concluded that such behavior was more often than not the product of an inability to make proper moral choices, and was therefore a product of "feeble-mindedness." Their on-going flirtation with eugenics led them to use the new Binet intelligence test to confirm that "the great majority" of prostitutes were indeed feeble-minded, and should therefore for their own good, and the good of society, be confined in institutions until the end of their childbearing years. See Walter Clarke, "Prostitution and Mental Deficiency," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 364-387; Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 522.
120. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, "Summary and Comparative Study of the Specialized Courts in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston and New York" Social Hygiene 9/6 (June 1923): 348-375; Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 55. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, Specialized Courts Dealing With Sex Delinquency (New York: Frederick Hitchcock, 1921). Social hygienists, confronted with the dilemma of women who seemingly engaged in prostitution voluntarily, concluded that such behavior was more often than not the product of an inability to make proper moral choices, and was therefore a product of "feeble-mindedness." Their on-going flirtation with eugenics led them to use the new Binet intelligence test to confirm that "the great majority" of prostitutes were indeed feeble-minded, and should therefore for their own good, and the good of society, be confined in institutions until the end of their childbearing years. See Walter Clarke, "Prostitution and Mental Deficiency," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 364-387; Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 522.
121. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, "Summary and Comparative Study of the Specialized Courts in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston and New York" Social Hygiene 9/6 (June 1923): 348-375; Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 55. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, Specialized Courts Dealing With Sex Delinquency (New York: Frederick Hitchcock, 1921). Social hygienists, confronted with the dilemma of women who seemingly engaged in prostitution voluntarily, concluded that such behavior was more often than not the product of an inability to make proper moral choices, and was therefore a product of "feeble-mindedness." Their on-going flirtation with eugenics led them to use the new Binet intelligence test to confirm that "the great majority" of prostitutes were indeed feeble-minded, and should therefore for their own good, and the good of society, be confined in institutions until the end of their childbearing years. See Walter Clarke, "Prostitution and Mental Deficiency," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 364-387; Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 522.
122. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, "Summary and Comparative Study of the Specialized Courts in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston and New York" Social Hygiene 9/6 (June 1923): 348-375; Timothy Pfeiffer, "The Matter and Method of Social Hygiene Legislation," 55. George E. Worthington and Ruth Topping, Specialized Courts Dealing With Sex Delinquency (New York: Frederick Hitchcock, 1921). Social hygienists, confronted with the dilemma of women who seemingly engaged in prostitution voluntarily, concluded that such behavior was more often than not the product of an inability to make proper moral choices, and was therefore a product of "feeble-mindedness." Their on-going flirtation with eugenics led them to use the new Binet intelligence test to confirm that "the great majority" of prostitutes were indeed feeble-minded, and should therefore for their own good, and the good of society, be confined in institutions until the end of their childbearing years. See Walter Clarke, "Prostitution and Mental Deficiency," Social Hygiene 1/3 (June 1915): 364-387; Martha Falconer, "Report of the Committee," 522.
123. Steven Schlossman and Stephanie Wallach, "The Crime of Precocious Sexuality: Female Juvenile Delinquency in the Progressive Era" Harvard Educational Review 48/1 (February 1987): 70.
124. For evidence that social hygienists advocated this, see Martha Falconer, "Industrial Schools for Girls and Women" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 323-330. Evidence as to how systematically courts actually did this will await further research beyond the scope of this article, but there is a growing body of data that suggests that such decisions were in fact made. The classic work on female juvenile delinquency, W. I. Thomas's The Unadjusted Girl: With Cases and Standpoint for Behavior Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923), written in the wake of the social hygiene campaign, found that most girls arrested in Cook County, Illinois were in fact arrested for sexual crimes. For similar findings, see Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime of Precocious Sexuality"; and Mary Odem, "Delinquent Daughters: The Sexual Regulation of Female Minors in the United States, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C. Berkeley, 1989).
125. For evidence that social hygienists advocated this, see Martha Falconer, "Industrial Schools for Girls and Women" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 323-330. Evidence as to how systematically courts actually did this will await further research beyond the scope of this article, but there is a growing body of data that suggests that such decisions were in fact made. The classic work on female juvenile delinquency, W. I. Thomas's The Unadjusted Girl: With Cases and Standpoint for Behavior Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923), written in the wake of the social hygiene campaign, found that most girls arrested in Cook County, Illinois were in fact arrested for sexual crimes. For similar findings, see Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime of Precocious Sexuality"; and Mary Odem, "Delinquent Daughters: The Sexual Regulation of Female Minors in the United States, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C. Berkeley, 1989).
126. For evidence that social hygienists advocated this, see Martha Falconer, "Industrial Schools for Girls and Women" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 323-330. Evidence as to how systematically courts actually did this will await further research beyond the scope of this article, but there is a growing body of data that suggests that such decisions were in fact made. The classic work on female juvenile delinquency, W. I. Thomas's The Unadjusted Girl: With Cases and Standpoint for Behavior Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923), written in the wake of the social hygiene campaign, found that most girls arrested in Cook County, Illinois were in fact arrested for sexual crimes. For similar findings, see Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime of Precocious Sexuality"; and Mary Odem, "Delinquent Daughters: The Sexual Regulation of Female Minors in the United States, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C. Berkeley, 1989).
127. For evidence that social hygienists advocated this, see Martha Falconer, "Industrial Schools for Girls and Women" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917): 323-330. Evidence as to how systematically courts actually did this will await further research beyond the scope of this article, but there is a growing body of data that suggests that such decisions were in fact made. The classic work on female juvenile delinquency, W. I. Thomas's The Unadjusted Girl: With Cases and Standpoint for Behavior Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1923), written in the wake of the social hygiene campaign, found that most girls arrested in Cook County, Illinois were in fact arrested for sexual crimes. For similar findings, see Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime of Precocious Sexuality"; and Mary Odem, "Delinquent Daughters: The Sexual Regulation of Female Minors in the United States, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, U.C. Berkeley, 1989).
128. Selective Draft Act of May 18, 1917, (extended to the Navy by the Act of October 6, 1917). See John G. Buchanan, "War Legislation Against Alcoholic Liquor and Prostitution" Journal of the American Institution of Criminal Law and Criminology 9 (February, 1919): 520-529. The Chamberlain-Kahn Act was part of the Army Appropriations Act of July 9, 1918 (U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 40, 1918), 886-887.
129. Selective Draft Act of May 18, 1917, (extended to the Navy by the Act of October 6, 1917). See John G. Buchanan, "War Legislation Against Alcoholic Liquor and Prostitution" Journal of the American Institution of Criminal Law and Criminology 9 (February, 1919): 520-529. The Chamberlain-Kahn Act was part of the Army Appropriations Act of July 9, 1918 (U.S. Statutes at Large, Vol. 40, 1918), 886-887.
130. Or as Walter C. Clarke (later executive secretary of ASHA) put it, "...the entire male professional staff was commissioned as Army or Navy officers to help implement [the social hygiene] program." "Male professional staff" were, of course, the sanitarians. Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1961), 80.
131. The government allocated over five million dollars to this task. Buchanan, "War Legislation," 527. Estimates vary, depending on how the accounting was made.
132. R. C. Holcomb, "Have we Devised an Effective Medical Propaganda of Venereal Prophylaxis?" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January, 1918): 68-69.
133. Walter Clarke, "Social Hygiene and the War" Social Hygiene 4/2 (March 1918): 293.
134. Ibid., 283-285. For the number of draftees, see U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, "Selected Characteristics of the Armed Forces, By War," Series Y-856-903, 1140.
135. Ibid., 283-285. For the number of draftees, see U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, "Selected Characteristics of the Armed Forces, By War," Series Y-856-903, 1140.
136. This claim had been made since 1910. See Report of the Surgeon General of the U.S. Army, Washington, D.C. 1911; Vernon L. Kellogg, "The Bionomics of War" Social Hygiene 1/1 (December 1914): 51-52.
137. For an early analysis of this treatment, used in the Philippines and in the war with Mexico, see Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality. See also Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene. Ironically, many social hygienists (for example, Prince Morrow himself, founder of the organization) were either opposed to or ambivalent about medical prophylaxis in civilian life, although they supported it in war-time. See, Edward L. Keyes, "Morals and Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 50-54, and William Snow, "Progress 1900-1915," 47; Donald Hooker, "In Defense of Radicalism" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 161.
138. For an early analysis of this treatment, used in the Philippines and in the war with Mexico, see Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality. See also Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene. Ironically, many social hygienists (for example, Prince Morrow himself, founder of the organization) were either opposed to or ambivalent about medical prophylaxis in civilian life, although they supported it in war-time. See, Edward L. Keyes, "Morals and Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 50-54, and William Snow, "Progress 1900-1915," 47; Donald Hooker, "In Defense of Radicalism" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 161.
139. For an early analysis of this treatment, used in the Philippines and in the war with Mexico, see Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality. See also Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene. Ironically, many social hygienists (for example, Prince Morrow himself, founder of the organization) were either opposed to or ambivalent about medical prophylaxis in civilian life, although they supported it in war-time. See, Edward L. Keyes, "Morals and Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 50-54, and William Snow, "Progress 1900-1915," 47; Donald Hooker, "In Defense of Radicalism" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 161.
140. For an early analysis of this treatment, used in the Philippines and in the war with Mexico, see Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality. See also Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene. Ironically, many social hygienists (for example, Prince Morrow himself, founder of the organization) were either opposed to or ambivalent about medical prophylaxis in civilian life, although they supported it in war-time. See, Edward L. Keyes, "Morals and Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 50-54, and William Snow, "Progress 1900-1915," 47; Donald Hooker, "In Defense of Radicalism" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 161.
141. For an early analysis of this treatment, used in the Philippines and in the war with Mexico, see Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality. See also Walter C. Clarke, Taboo: The Story of the Pioneers of Social Hygiene. Ironically, many social hygienists (for example, Prince Morrow himself, founder of the organization) were either opposed to or ambivalent about medical prophylaxis in civilian life, although they supported it in war-time. See, Edward L. Keyes, "Morals and Venereal Disease" Social Hygiene 2/1 (January 1915): 50-54, and William Snow, "Progress 1900-1915," 47; Donald Hooker, "In Defense of Radicalism" Social Hygiene 3/2 (April 1917): 161.
142. In a pattern to be echoed many years later in the debates over AIDS (with respect this time to condoms), advocates of medical prophylaxis stressed its theoretical efficiency, claiming rates of only 1-2 percent infection among exposed men who were promptly treated with medical prophylaxis. (Charles E. Riggs, "A Study of Venereal Prophylaxis in the Navy" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917). Opponents, however stressed the far higher rates of infection occasioned by user failure when men delayed treatment or used it inadequately. The situation was complicated by the fact that not every exposure to sex, was, in fact, an exposure to venereal disease. In practice, figures gathered during the war suggested that between 8 and 10 percent of men exposed without prophylaxis were subsequently diagnosed with venereal disease, in contrast to between 4 and 6.5 percent of treated men. See H. H. Lane, "Venereal Prophylaxis" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 15/4; Hall, "Notes on Venereal Disease in the Army Based on a Study of 10,000 Cases" Military Surgeon (November, 1920); "Notes on Preventative Medicine" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin (Nov. 15, 1921).
143. In a pattern to be echoed many years later in the debates over AIDS (with respect this time to condoms), advocates of medical prophylaxis stressed its theoretical efficiency, claiming rates of only 1-2 percent infection among exposed men who were promptly treated with medical prophylaxis. (Charles E. Riggs, "A Study of Venereal Prophylaxis in the Navy" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917). Opponents, however stressed the far higher rates of infection occasioned by user failure when men delayed treatment or used it inadequately. The situation was complicated by the fact that not every exposure to sex, was, in fact, an exposure to venereal disease. In practice, figures gathered during the war suggested that between 8 and 10 percent of men exposed without prophylaxis were subsequently diagnosed with venereal disease, in contrast to between 4 and 6.5 percent of treated men. See H. H. Lane, "Venereal Prophylaxis" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 15/4; Hall, "Notes on Venereal Disease in the Army Based on a Study of 10,000 Cases" Military Surgeon (November, 1920); "Notes on Preventative Medicine" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin (Nov. 15, 1921).
144. In a pattern to be echoed many years later in the debates over AIDS (with respect this time to condoms), advocates of medical prophylaxis stressed its theoretical efficiency, claiming rates of only 1-2 percent infection among exposed men who were promptly treated with medical prophylaxis. (Charles E. Riggs, "A Study of Venereal Prophylaxis in the Navy" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917). Opponents, however stressed the far higher rates of infection occasioned by user failure when men delayed treatment or used it inadequately. The situation was complicated by the fact that not every exposure to sex, was, in fact, an exposure to venereal disease. In practice, figures gathered during the war suggested that between 8 and 10 percent of men exposed without prophylaxis were subsequently diagnosed with venereal disease, in contrast to between 4 and 6.5 percent of treated men. See H. H. Lane, "Venereal Prophylaxis" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 15/4; Hall, "Notes on Venereal Disease in the Army Based on a Study of 10,000 Cases" Military Surgeon (November, 1920); "Notes on Preventative Medicine" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin (Nov. 15, 1921).
145. In a pattern to be echoed many years later in the debates over AIDS (with respect this time to condoms), advocates of medical prophylaxis stressed its theoretical efficiency, claiming rates of only 1-2 percent infection among exposed men who were promptly treated with medical prophylaxis. (Charles E. Riggs, "A Study of Venereal Prophylaxis in the Navy" Social Hygiene 3/3 (July 1917). Opponents, however stressed the far higher rates of infection occasioned by user failure when men delayed treatment or used it inadequately. The situation was complicated by the fact that not every exposure to sex, was, in fact, an exposure to venereal disease. In practice, figures gathered during the war suggested that between 8 and 10 percent of men exposed without prophylaxis were subsequently diagnosed with venereal disease, in contrast to between 4 and 6.5 percent of treated men. See H. H. Lane, "Venereal Prophylaxis" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 15/4; Hall, "Notes on Venereal Disease in the Army Based on a Study of 10,000 Cases" Military Surgeon (November, 1920); "Notes on Preventative Medicine" U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin (Nov. 15, 1921).
146. Col. F. F. Russell, "The Venereal Diseases in Civil and Military Life" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 43-47.
147. Edith Houghton Hooker, "A Criticism of Venereal Prophylaxis" Social Hygiene 4/2 (March 1918): 193.
148. Edith Houghton Hooker, "The Case Against Prophylaxis" Social Hygiene 5/2 (April 1919): 163-184.
149. In fact, while Hooker was able to air her complaints in the main social hygiene journal, for the most part even prominent feminists were driven to surviving purity journals or to private complaints. See David Pivar, "Cleansing the Nation" Prologue: The Journal of the National Archives 12/1 (Spring, 1980); and Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 86. Pivar makes the interesting point that British feminists were much more publicly critical of social hygiene than were Americans.
150. In fact, while Hooker was able to air her complaints in the main social hygiene journal, for the most part even prominent feminists were driven to surviving purity journals or to private complaints. See David Pivar, "Cleansing the Nation" Prologue: The Journal of the National Archives 12/1 (Spring, 1980); and Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 86. Pivar makes the interesting point that British feminists were much more publicly critical of social hygiene than were Americans.
151. Martha P. Falconer, "The Part of the Reformatory Institution in the Elimination of Prostitution" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919): 3-6.
152. Thomas Storey, "Evaluation of Governmental Aid to Detention Houses and Reformatories," in Mary Macey Dietzler, Detention Houses and Reformatories as Protective Social Agencies in the Campaign of the United States Government against Venereal Diseases, The United States Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board (Washington: USGPO, 1922), 3. (Storey notes that for every Federal dollar there were "probably seven or eight dollars supplied through other sources." Ibid., n. 1.) This money was part of a one-million dollar budget allotted to the Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board by the Chamberlain-Kahn Act earmarked for "...caring for civilian persons whose detention, isolation, quarantine or commitment to institutions may be found necessary for the protection of the military and naval forces of the United States against venereal diseases." Ibid., Appendix One. Nowhere in this official account is there any indication whatsoever that males were ever arrested under these regulations.
153. Thomas Storey, "Evaluation of Governmental Aid to Detention Houses and Reformatories," in Mary Macey Dietzler, Detention Houses and Reformatories as Protective Social Agencies in the Campaign of the United States Government against Venereal Diseases, The United States Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board (Washington: USGPO, 1922), 3. (Storey notes that for every Federal dollar there were "probably seven or eight dollars supplied through other sources." Ibid., n. 1.) This money was part of a one-million dollar budget allotted to the Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board by the Chamberlain-Kahn Act earmarked for "...caring for civilian persons whose detention, isolation, quarantine or commitment to institutions may be found necessary for the protection of the military and naval forces of the United States against venereal diseases." Ibid., Appendix One. Nowhere in this official account is there any indication whatsoever that males were ever arrested under these regulations.
154. Thomas Storey, "Evaluation of Governmental Aid to Detention Houses and Reformatories," in Mary Macey Dietzler, Detention Houses and Reformatories as Protective Social Agencies in the Campaign of the United States Government against Venereal Diseases, The United States Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board (Washington: USGPO, 1922), 3. (Storey notes that for every Federal dollar there were "probably seven or eight dollars supplied through other sources." Ibid., n. 1.) This money was part of a one-million dollar budget allotted to the Interdepartmental Social Hygiene Board by the Chamberlain-Kahn Act earmarked for "...caring for civilian persons whose detention, isolation, quarantine or commitment to institutions may be found necessary for the protection of the military and naval forces of the United States against venereal diseases." Ibid., Appendix One. Nowhere in this official account is there any indication whatsoever that males were ever arrested under these regulations.
155. For illustrative purposes, see (among others) Falconer, "The Part of the Reformatory," 3. Note that the rhetoric became one of "protection and control of women and girls" (emphasis added): Bascom Johnson, "What Some Communities of the West and Southwest Have Done for the Protection of Morals and Health of Soldiers and Sailors" Social Hygiene 3/4 (September 1916): 487-503.
156. For illustrative purposes, see (among others) Falconer, "The Part of the Reformatory," 3. Note that the rhetoric became one of "protection and control of women and girls" (emphasis added): Bascom Johnson, "What Some Communities of the West and Southwest Have Done for the Protection of Morals and Health of Soldiers and Sailors" Social Hygiene 3/4 (September 1916): 487-503.
157. Storey in Dietzler, "Evaluation," 3, 9.
158. Ibid., 3, estimates that women sent to a detention home spent an average of 70 days in detention, and women sent to reformatories spent an average of one year.
159. By 1918, 32 states had laws that permitted health departments to hold people under quarantine laws without legal proceedings, and for the most part, courts permitted these laws. Social hygienists favored such laws, as they could be easily added to municipal codes, thus obviating the need for lengthy appeals to state legislatures. See Paul B. Johnson, "Social Hygiene and the War" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 91-137, esp. 133, 135; Gertrude Seymour, "A Year's Progress in Venereal Disease Control" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919), 49-66; and Joseph Mayer, "Social Hygiene Legislation in 1917" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919): 67-82. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 87.
160. By 1918, 32 states had laws that permitted health departments to hold people under quarantine laws without legal proceedings, and for the most part, courts permitted these laws. Social hygienists favored such laws, as they could be easily added to municipal codes, thus obviating the need for lengthy appeals to state legislatures. See Paul B. Johnson, "Social Hygiene and the War" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 91-137, esp. 133, 135; Gertrude Seymour, "A Year's Progress in Venereal Disease Control" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919), 49-66; and Joseph Mayer, "Social Hygiene Legislation in 1917" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919): 67-82. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 87.
161. By 1918, 32 states had laws that permitted health departments to hold people under quarantine laws without legal proceedings, and for the most part, courts permitted these laws. Social hygienists favored such laws, as they could be easily added to municipal codes, thus obviating the need for lengthy appeals to state legislatures. See Paul B. Johnson, "Social Hygiene and the War" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 91-137, esp. 133, 135; Gertrude Seymour, "A Year's Progress in Venereal Disease Control" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919), 49-66; and Joseph Mayer, "Social Hygiene Legislation in 1917" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919): 67-82. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 87.
162. By 1918, 32 states had laws that permitted health departments to hold people under quarantine laws without legal proceedings, and for the most part, courts permitted these laws. Social hygienists favored such laws, as they could be easily added to municipal codes, thus obviating the need for lengthy appeals to state legislatures. See Paul B. Johnson, "Social Hygiene and the War" Social Hygiene 4/1 (January 1918): 91-137, esp. 133, 135; Gertrude Seymour, "A Year's Progress in Venereal Disease Control" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919), 49-66; and Joseph Mayer, "Social Hygiene Legislation in 1917" Social Hygiene 5/1 (January 1919): 67-82. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 87.
163. Dietzler, 69. A full determination will await careful analysis of court (and probation) records of women charged with prostitution. What little additional data we have on young women, however, suggest that many of them, both before and after the war, were merely engaged in what Schlossman and Wallach call "precocious" (and usually unmarried) sexuality. See Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime," and Odem, "Delinquent Daughters."
164. Dietzler, 69. A full determination will await careful analysis of court (and probation) records of women charged with prostitution. What little additional data we have on young women, however, suggest that many of them, both before and after the war, were merely engaged in what Schlossman and Wallach call "precocious" (and usually unmarried) sexuality. See Schlossman and Wallach, "The Crime," and Odem, "Delinquent Daughters."
165. Prostitution, and sexual "deviance" more generally, also came increasingly under the supervision of the medical profession as well. See Estelle Freedman, "Uncontrolled Desires: The Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 1920-1960" Journal of American History 74: 83-106.
166. For example, see Worthington and Topping, Specialized Courts, Paul Tappan, Delinquent Girls in Court (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 33; George Worthington, "Developments in Social Hygiene Legislation from 1917 to September 1, 1920," American Social Hygiene Association Publication no. 313; Maude Miner, The Slavery of Prostitution (New York: Macmillan, 1916); Willoughby Cyrys Waterman, Prostitution in Its Repression in New York City, 1900-1931 (New York: Columbia University Press), 73-75.
167. For example, see Worthington and Topping, Specialized Courts, Paul Tappan, Delinquent Girls in Court (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 33; George Worthington, "Developments in Social Hygiene Legislation from 1917 to September 1, 1920," American Social Hygiene Association Publication no. 313; Maude Miner, The Slavery of Prostitution (New York: Macmillan, 1916); Willoughby Cyrys Waterman, Prostitution in Its Repression in New York City, 1900-1931 (New York: Columbia University Press), 73-75.
168. For example, see Worthington and Topping, Specialized Courts, Paul Tappan, Delinquent Girls in Court (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 33; George Worthington, "Developments in Social Hygiene Legislation from 1917 to September 1, 1920," American Social Hygiene Association Publication no. 313; Maude Miner, The Slavery of Prostitution (New York: Macmillan, 1916); Willoughby Cyrys Waterman, Prostitution in Its Repression in New York City, 1900-1931 (New York: Columbia University Press), 73-75.
169. For example, see Worthington and Topping, Specialized Courts, Paul Tappan, Delinquent Girls in Court (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 33; George Worthington, "Developments in Social Hygiene Legislation from 1917 to September 1, 1920," American Social Hygiene Association Publication no. 313; Maude Miner, The Slavery of Prostitution (New York: Macmillan, 1916); Willoughby Cyrys Waterman, Prostitution in Its Repression in New York City, 1900-1931 (New York: Columbia University Press), 73-75.
170. For example, see Worthington and Topping, Specialized Courts, Paul Tappan, Delinquent Girls in Court (New York: Columbia University Press, 1947), 33; George Worthington, "Developments in Social Hygiene Legislation from 1917 to September 1, 1920," American Social Hygiene Association Publication no. 313; Maude Miner, The Slavery of Prostitution (New York: Macmillan, 1916); Willoughby Cyrys Waterman, Prostitution in Its Repression in New York City, 1900-1931 (New York: Columbia University Press), 73-75.