The marriage of female foundlings in nineteenth-century Italy

Continuity and Change

Volumn 13, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 201-220

  Kertzer, David I ^a   Sigle, Wendy ^b  

^a BROWN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CHILD WELFARE; MARRIAGE; NINETEENTH CENTURY;

ITALY;

EID: 0032313551     PISSN: 02684160     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0268416098003130     Document Type: Article

References (55)

1. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
2. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
3. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
4. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
5. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
6. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
7. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
8. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
9. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
10. On this see D. Kertzer, Sacrificed for honor: Italian infant abandonment and the politics of reproductive control (Boston, 1993). Among the most notable recent works on European infant abandonment are J. Boswell, The kindness of strangers (New York, 1988); M. Capul, Abandon et marginalité (Toulouse, 1989); G. Da Molin, Nati e abbandonati (Bari, 1993); R. Fuchs, Abandoned children (Albany, 1984); V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano (Bologna, 1989); D. Laplaige, Sans famille à Paris (Paris, 1989); D. Ransel, Mothers of misery: child abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988); J. Robins, The lost children: a study of charity children in Ireland, 1700-1900 (Dublin, 1989); and J. Sherwood, Poverty in eighteenth-century Spain: the women and children of the Inclusa (Toronto, 1988).
11. I. Sá is here referring to the foundling hospital of Porto (The circulation of children in eighteenth century southern Europe (Florence, 1992), 61). The major exception to this silence is G. Di Bello, who in Senza nome né famiglia (Florence, 1989) examines marriage as part of a larger study of the famed Innocenti foundling home in Florence.
12. I. Sá is here referring to the foundling hospital of Porto (The circulation of children in eighteenth century southern Europe (Florence, 1992), 61). The major exception to this silence is G. Di Bello, who in Senza nome né famiglia (Florence, 1989) examines marriage as part of a larger study of the famed Innocenti foundling home in Florence.
13. Given the fierce opposition of the Church to Italian unification and the battle between the Church and the new liberal state, the use of parish priests by foundling homes - transformed at the time into lay institutions - often became problematic after 1861. In Bologna, civic committees were formed in each rural locality where foundlings were placed, charged with overseeing their care. See Kertzer, Sacrificed.
14. For a discussion of such institutions in Rome, and more on the diversity of such institutions for poor girls, see E. Sonnino, 'Between the home and the hospice: the plight and fate of girl orphans in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Rome', in J. Henderson and R. Wall eds., Poor women and children in the European past (London, 1994). Sonnino there also addresses the difference between the fate of the girls who had parents and those who did not.
15. However it should be noted that in Bologna, as elsewhere, the women of the conservatorio were put to work, working long hours in the case of Bologna in a textile plant within the conservatorio. Kertzer plans to explore this subject in a future publication.
16. This of course does not mean that her life would be an easy one or that it was without its insecurities. Should her husband die, for example, she had no kin of her own to fall back on and faced a difficult time supporting herself; however, if she had no children, she did have the option of returning to the ospizio. On the dangers of widowhood in an earlier period, see Isabelle Chabot, 'Widowhood and poverty in late medieval Florence', Continuity and Change 3 (1988), 291-311. For the modern period, see Maura Palazzi, Donne sole (Milan, 1997).
17. This of course does not mean that her life would be an easy one or that it was without its insecurities. Should her husband die, for example, she had no kin of her own to fall back on and faced a difficult time supporting herself; however, if she had no children, she did have the option of returning to the ospizio. On the dangers of widowhood in an earlier period, see Isabelle Chabot, 'Widowhood and poverty in late medieval Florence', Continuity and Change 3 (1988), 291-311. For the modern period, see Maura Palazzi, Donne sole (Milan, 1997).
18. On the history of Bologna's foundling home, see F. Giusberti, Materiali per la storia dell'ospedale degli esposti di Bologna (Bologna, 1982); M. Fanti, 'L'ospedale di San Procolo o dei bastardini tra medioevo e Rinascimento', in Amministrazione provinciale di Bologna ed., I bastardini: patrimonio e memoria di un ospedale bolognese (Bologna, 1990), 7-38; A. Bianchi, '"L'elemosina di un bambino": practica e controllo dell'abbandono all'ospedale dei Bastardini (secc. XVI-XVIII)', Sanità e Storia 2 (1989), 35-54; and Bianchi, 'La "famiglia" dell'ospedale tra XVI e XVIII secolo', in I bastardini, 39-52.
19. On the history of Bologna's foundling home, see F. Giusberti, Materiali per la storia dell'ospedale degli esposti di Bologna (Bologna, 1982); M. Fanti, 'L'ospedale di San Procolo o dei bastardini tra medioevo e Rinascimento', in Amministrazione provinciale di Bologna ed., I bastardini: patrimonio e memoria di un ospedale bolognese (Bologna, 1990), 7-38; A. Bianchi, '"L'elemosina di un bambino": practica e controllo dell'abbandono all'ospedale dei Bastardini (secc. XVI-XVIII)', Sanità e Storia 2 (1989), 35-54; and Bianchi, 'La "famiglia" dell'ospedale tra XVI e XVIII secolo', in I bastardini, 39-52.
20. On the history of Bologna's foundling home, see F. Giusberti, Materiali per la storia dell'ospedale degli esposti di Bologna (Bologna, 1982); M. Fanti, 'L'ospedale di San Procolo o dei bastardini tra medioevo e Rinascimento', in Amministrazione provinciale di Bologna ed., I bastardini: patrimonio e memoria di un ospedale bolognese (Bologna, 1990), 7-38; A. Bianchi, '"L'elemosina di un bambino": practica e controllo dell'abbandono all'ospedale dei Bastardini (secc. XVI-XVIII)', Sanità e Storia 2 (1989), 35-54; and Bianchi, 'La "famiglia" dell'ospedale tra XVI e XVIII secolo', in I bastardini, 39-52.
21. On the history of Bologna's foundling home, see F. Giusberti, Materiali per la storia dell'ospedale degli esposti di Bologna (Bologna, 1982); M. Fanti, 'L'ospedale di San Procolo o dei bastardini tra medioevo e Rinascimento', in Amministrazione provinciale di Bologna ed., I bastardini: patrimonio e memoria di un ospedale bolognese (Bologna, 1990), 7-38; A. Bianchi, '"L'elemosina di un bambino": practica e controllo dell'abbandono all'ospedale dei Bastardini (secc. XVI-XVIII)', Sanità e Storia 2 (1989), 35-54; and Bianchi, 'La "famiglia" dell'ospedale tra XVI e XVIII secolo', in I bastardini, 39-52.
22. The Bologna data are from 'Distinta di tutte le creature ehe sono venute al Pio Spitale degli Esposti ...', Archivio Arcivescovile di Bologna, Miscelanee Vecchie, cart. 647. The Florentine data are reported in G. Bruscoli, Lo Spedale di Santa Maria degl'Innocenti (Florence, 1900), 285.
23. Figures on annual numbers of abandoned babies in Bologna (given in five-year averages) are taken from S. Fronzoni, 'Una ruota sorvegliata', in I bastardini, 64. Population and natality figures for Bologna are based on those found in A. Bellettini, La città e i gruppi sociali (Bologna, 1984), 7, 9. Note, however, that many of the babies abandoned at the Bologna foundling home were born to women who lived elsewhere in the province (or the department of Reno, as the area was called during the French era).
24. Figures on annual numbers of abandoned babies in Bologna (given in five-year averages) are taken from S. Fronzoni, 'Una ruota sorvegliata', in I bastardini, 64. Population and natality figures for Bologna are based on those found in A. Bellettini, La città e i gruppi sociali (Bologna, 1984), 7, 9. Note, however, that many of the babies abandoned at the Bologna foundling home were born to women who lived elsewhere in the province (or the department of Reno, as the area was called during the French era).
25. Mortality data for the Bologna foundlings is taken from D. Kertzer and M. White, 'Cheating the angel-makers: surviving infant abandonment in nineteenth-century Italy', Continuity and Change 9 (1994), 451-80 and D. Kertzer, W. Sigle, and M. White, 'Childhood mortality and quality of care among abandoned children in the nineteenth century' (forthcoming).
26. Mortality data for the Bologna foundlings is taken from D. Kertzer and M. White, 'Cheating the angel-makers: surviving infant abandonment in nineteenth-century Italy', Continuity and Change 9 (1994), 451-80 and D. Kertzer, W. Sigle, and M. White, 'Childhood mortality and quality of care among abandoned children in the nineteenth century' (forthcoming).
27. Archivio Storico della Provincia di Bologna, Fondo Ospedale degli Esposti di Bologna. Allegati agli Atti della Commissione Amministrativa (hereafter AACA), b. 46, 27 marzo 1840.
28. 'Nota delle zitelle esposte degenti in conservatorio il 2 Ottobre 1885', Archivio Storico della Provincia di Bologna, Fondo Ospedale degli Esposti di Bologna, Corpo Amministrativo Centrale degli Ospedali, b. 4, n. 2177/1885.
29. Among the classic studies of the dowry in Renaissance Italy are J. Kirschner and A. Molho, 'The dowry fund and the marriage market in early quattrocento Florence', Journal of Modern History 50 (1978), 403-38 ; and C. Klapisch-Zuber, 'Le complexe de Griselda', Mélanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome 94 (1982), 7-43. For early modern times through the nineteenth century, see A. Groppi, 'Lavoro e proprietà delle donne in età moderna', in A. Groppi ed., Il lavoro delle donne (Rome, 1996), 145-56 ; and, for the nineteenth century in particular, see M. De Giorgio, Le italiane dall'Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), 328-9.
30. Among the classic studies of the dowry in Renaissance Italy are J. Kirschner and A. Molho, 'The dowry fund and the marriage market in early quattrocento Florence', Journal of Modern History 50 (1978), 403-38 ; and C. Klapisch-Zuber, 'Le complexe de Griselda', Mélanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome 94 (1982), 7-43. For early modern times through the nineteenth century, see A. Groppi, 'Lavoro e proprietà delle donne in età moderna', in A. Groppi ed., Il lavoro delle donne (Rome, 1996), 145-56 ; and, for the nineteenth century in particular, see M. De Giorgio, Le italiane dall'Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), 328-9.
31. Among the classic studies of the dowry in Renaissance Italy are J. Kirschner and A. Molho, 'The dowry fund and the marriage market in early quattrocento Florence', Journal of Modern History 50 (1978), 403-38 ; and C. Klapisch-Zuber, 'Le complexe de Griselda', Mélanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome 94 (1982), 7-43. For early modern times through the nineteenth century, see A. Groppi, 'Lavoro e proprietà delle donne in età moderna', in A. Groppi ed., Il lavoro delle donne (Rome, 1996), 145-56 ; and, for the nineteenth century in particular, see M. De Giorgio, Le italiane dall'Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), 328-9.
32. Among the classic studies of the dowry in Renaissance Italy are J. Kirschner and A. Molho, 'The dowry fund and the marriage market in early quattrocento Florence', Journal of Modern History 50 (1978), 403-38 ; and C. Klapisch-Zuber, 'Le complexe de Griselda', Mélanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome 94 (1982), 7-43. For early modern times through the nineteenth century, see A. Groppi, 'Lavoro e proprietà delle donne in età moderna', in A. Groppi ed., Il lavoro delle donne (Rome, 1996), 145-56 ; and, for the nineteenth century in particular, see M. De Giorgio, Le italiane dall'Unità a oggi (Rome, 1992), 328-9.
33. G. Delille, 'Strategie di alleanza e demografia del matrimonio', in M. De Giorgio and C. Klapisch-Zuber eds., Storia del matrimonio (Rome, 1996), 287-9.
34. Bianchi, 'La "famiglia"', 53-4.
35. Hence in the early 1880s, while Venice gave a dowry of 93 lire, and Como and Turin offered 100 lire, Rome still was the most generous of all, providing female foundlings with a dowry of 500 lire; E. Raseri, 'I fanciulli illegittimi e gli esposti in Italia', Archivio di Statistica 6, 1 (1884), 304-9. The 1830s data are reported by E. Sonnino, 'Baliatico e modalità di dimissione degli esposti nello Stato pontificio agli inizi dell Ottocento', in Giovanna Da Molin ed., Trovatelli e balie in Italia, secc. XVI-XIX (Bari, 1994), 343-6.
36. Hence in the early 1880s, while Venice gave a dowry of 93 lire, and Como and Turin offered 100 lire, Rome still was the most generous of all, providing female foundlings with a dowry of 500 lire; E. Raseri, 'I fanciulli illegittimi e gli esposti in Italia', Archivio di Statistica 6, 1 (1884), 304-9. The 1830s data are reported by E. Sonnino, 'Baliatico e modalità di dimissione degli esposti nello Stato pontificio agli inizi dell Ottocento', in Giovanna Da Molin ed., Trovatelli e balie in Italia, secc. XVI-XIX (Bari, 1994), 343-6.
37. Di Bello, Senza nome, 107 (translation ours). In Bologna, a glimpse of this can be seen in an 1825 circular on the behaviour expected of female foundlings living in rural communities if they were to receive a dowry. The ospizio authorities lamented the lack of Christian education being received by the foundlings, and directed that parish priests notify them that they must attend mass every week if they were to qualify for a dowry ('Circolare ai RR. parrochi della città ...', AACA, b. 14, fasc. 18 luglio 1825).
38. The large majority of foundlings who got married did receive dowries from the ospizio. However, a small number did not, and unfortunately we have no records of their marriages. This may result in some sample selection bias. A potential advantage of the Bologna Foundling Home Data Base is to offer a full life-course view of all abandoned children, and hence to deal with the problem of determining how many never married. Unfortunately, however, in each of our four cohorts a certain number of female foundlings have no concluding date of a marriage or a death. The proportion for whom this is the case ranges from 9.2 per cent (for the 1809-1810 cohort) to 13.7 per cent (for the 1869-1870 cohort). These cases involve an unknown distribution among those who died before or during prime marital ages and whose deaths were unrecorded; those who married but, receiving no dowry from the ospizio, did not have a marriage recorded; and those who died at an older age and never married but whose death was for some reason not recorded. Given this problem, we do not feel confident making any claims about the historical trends in proportions of foundlings marrying. However, examination of the numbers does make clear that a large majority of the female foundlings who survived to adulthood were marrying.
39. However Hajnal ('European marriage patterns in perspective', in D. Glass and D. Eversley eds., Population in history (Chicago, 1965) himself excluded Italy from the European marriage pattern. On this point see D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, Family, political economy, and demographic change: the transformation of life in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1989); and D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, 'Reflections on the European marriage pattern: sharecropping and proletarianization in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921', Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 31-45.
40. However Hajnal ('European marriage patterns in perspective', in D. Glass and D. Eversley eds., Population in history (Chicago, 1965) himself excluded Italy from the European marriage pattern. On this point see D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, Family, political economy, and demographic change: the transformation of life in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1989); and D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, 'Reflections on the European marriage pattern: sharecropping and proletarianization in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921', Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 31-45.
41. However Hajnal ('European marriage patterns in perspective', in D. Glass and D. Eversley eds., Population in history (Chicago, 1965) himself excluded Italy from the European marriage pattern. On this point see D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, Family, political economy, and demographic change: the transformation of life in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1989); and D. Kertzer and D. Hogan, 'Reflections on the European marriage pattern: sharecropping and proletarianization in Casalecchio, Italy, 1861-1921', Journal of Family History 16 (1991), 31-45.
42. A. Golini, 'Profile demografico della famiglia italiana', in P. Melograni ed., La famiglia italiana dall'ottocento a oggi (Rome, 1988), 412, 417.
43. Kertzer and Hogan, Family, political economy, 127. The figures for the last two decades of the nineteenth century for Casalecchio were virtually identical.
44. Recall, though, that foundlings always retained the right to turn down any marriage proposal, even if it was approved by the ospizio officials.
45. AACA, b. 14 fasc. 15 ottobre 1825 (translation ours).
46. Only 14 marriages at age 36 or above are recorded for women in the 1830s-1850s data base, and of these 9 were to widowers.
47. Note that the marital age gap is not simply a product of the gender difference in mean age at first marriage, both because a certain proportion of all marriages involve one widowed and one never-married individual and because the same mean age difference can be attained by very different patterns of age differences in individual marriages.
48. Kertzer and Hogan, Family, political economy, 137.
49. These figures are based on all those who did marry, thus excluding the never-married women. Note, too, that the underlying process here is complex, since the women living as servants in the city were being drawn from the conservatorio, and so had passed through a period of risk of marriage (in statistical terms) in the conservatorio before their placement in the city.
50. See discussion in D. Kertzer, 'Infant abandonment and gender ideology in nineteenth-century Italy', Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22 (1991), 1-25. The Roman foundlings' procession, held three times a year, is described in S. Pagano, 'Gli esposti dell'ospedale di S. Spirito nel primo ottocento', Ricercheper la Storia Religiosa di Roma 3 (1979), 353-92.
51. See discussion in D. Kertzer, 'Infant abandonment and gender ideology in nineteenth-century Italy', Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22 (1991), 1-25. The Roman foundlings' procession, held three times a year, is described in S. Pagano, 'Gli esposti dell'ospedale di S. Spirito nel primo ottocento', Ricercheper la Storia Religiosa di Roma 3 (1979), 353-92.
52. The characteristics of the families with whom the Bologna foundlings were placed are examined in D. Kertzer, H. Koball, and M. White, 'Growing up as an abandoned child in nineteenth-century Italy', History of the Family 2 (1997), 211-28. Data from the 1847 census come from A. Bellettini, La popolazione delle campagne bolognesi alla metà del secolo XIX (Bologna, 1971), 174.
53. The characteristics of the families with whom the Bologna foundlings were placed are examined in D. Kertzer, H. Koball, and M. White, 'Growing up as an abandoned child in nineteenth-century Italy', History of the Family 2 (1997), 211-28. Data from the 1847 census come from A. Bellettini, La popolazione delle campagne bolognesi alla metà del secolo XIX (Bologna, 1971), 174.
54. On the patrilocality of sharecroppers in this area, see D. Kertzer, Family life in central Italy, 1880-1910 (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1984); and D. Kertzer, 'The joint family revisited: demographic constraints and complex family households in the European past', Journal of Family History 14 (1989), 1-15.
55. On the patrilocality of sharecroppers in this area, see D. Kertzer, Family life in central Italy, 1880-1910 (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1984); and D. Kertzer, 'The joint family revisited: demographic constraints and complex family households in the European past', Journal of Family History 14 (1989), 1-15.