Securing occupation: The real meaning of the Wye River memorandum

New Left Review

Volumn , Issue 232, 1998, Pages 128-138

  Finkelstein, Norman G ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032261083     PISSN: 00286060     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (56)

1. For the percentage Arab minority in a Jewish state, see Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, Washington, DC 1992, p. 199. The Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann maintained that every state reached a 'saturation level', beyond which it could not accommodate an alien population; see Trial and Error, New York 1949, pp. 90, 161-2, 274, 384.
2. For the percentage Arab minority in a Jewish state, see Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, Washington, DC 1992, p. 199. The Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann maintained that every state reached a 'saturation level', beyond which it could not accommodate an alien population; see Trial and Error, New York 1949, pp. 90, 161-2, 274, 384.
3. Martin Gilbert, Israel: A History, New York 1998, pp. 122-3. Anita Shapira, Land and Power, Oxford 1992, pp. 64, 138. Zeev Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel, Princeton 1998, p. 252.
4. Martin Gilbert, Israel: A History, New York 1998, pp. 122-3. Anita Shapira, Land and Power, Oxford 1992, pp. 64, 138. Zeev Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel, Princeton 1998, p. 252.
5. Martin Gilbert, Israel: A History, New York 1998, pp. 122-3. Anita Shapira, Land and Power, Oxford 1992, pp. 64, 138. Zeev Sternhell, The Founding Myths of Israel, Princeton 1998, p. 252.
6. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
7. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
8. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
9. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
10. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
11. See, for example, John Quigley, 'Displaced Palestinians and a Right of Return', in Harvard Law Journal, Winter 1998, p. 224. In the 1930s, France's Socialist government and even much of European Jewish public opinion supported the 'population transfer' of Jews to French-controlled Madagascar to solve Poland's 'Jewish problem' (see Saul Friedlander, Nazi Germany and the Jews, New York 1997, p. 219); Philippe Burrin reports that 'even Roosevelt had come out in favour of a Jewish settlement in Angola' (Hitler and the Jews, New York 1994, pp. 60-1). The precedent cited most frequently by the Zionist movement was the Greek-Turkish 'population exchange'. Eventually the 'population transfer' of Arabs from Palestine won the support of the British Labour Party and even Bertrand Russell (see. Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, and Bertrand Russell, 'The Role of the Jewish State in Helping Create a Better World' [1943], reprinted in Zionism [1981], p. 128).
12. Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-49, Cambridge 1987, p. 25. For the effective expulsion of the Arab population in 1948, see Norman G. Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict, Verso, London 1995, ch. 3.
13. Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-49, Cambridge 1987, p. 25. For the effective expulsion of the Arab population in 1948, see Norman G. Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict, Verso, London 1995, ch. 3.
14. For the post-June 1967 international consensus - including the United States - calling on Israel to fully withdraw, see Finkelstein, Image and Reality, pp. 144-8 (Eban quote on p. 145).
15. For Egyptian-Israeli negotiations after the June war culminating in the Camp David Accord, see Finkelstein, Image and Reality, ch. 6. Sternhell, Founding Myths, p. 331.
16. For Egyptian-Israeli negotiations after the June war culminating in the Camp David Accord, see Finkelstein, Image and Reality, ch. 6. Sternhell, Founding Myths, p. 331.
17. Uri Savir, The Process, New York 1998. For example, Palestinian negotiators kept wanting Israel to specify what percentage of Area C - the overwhelming bulk of the West Bank under Oslo - it intended to withdraw from; Israel refused (see pp. 200-1; Savir was Israel's chief negotiator).
18. Savir, Process, p. 194.
19. For details, see Geoffrey Aronson, 'Israel's Final-Status Maps Reflect a National Consensus', in The Demise of the 'New Middle East', Foundation for Middle East Peace, Autumn 1998; Nick Guyatt, The Absence of Peace, New York 1998, pp. 54-5. In defence of the Wye agreement, Netanyahu accused Labor of having conceded 90 per cent of the West Bank, to which MK Haim Ramon (Labor) justly replied: 'Everyone knows that our plan consists of returning 50 percent only' (News From Within, November 1998).
20. For details, see Geoffrey Aronson, 'Israel's Final-Status Maps Reflect a National Consensus', in The Demise of the 'New Middle East', Foundation for Middle East Peace, Autumn 1998; Nick Guyatt, The Absence of Peace, New York 1998, pp. 54-5. In defence of the Wye agreement, Netanyahu accused Labor of having conceded 90 per cent of the West Bank, to which MK Haim Ramon (Labor) justly replied: 'Everyone knows that our plan consists of returning 50 percent only' (News From Within, November 1998).
21. For details, see Geoffrey Aronson, 'Israel's Final-Status Maps Reflect a National Consensus', in The Demise of the 'New Middle East', Foundation for Middle East Peace, Autumn 1998; Nick Guyatt, The Absence of Peace, New York 1998, pp. 54-5. In defence of the Wye agreement, Netanyahu accused Labor of having conceded 90 per cent of the West Bank, to which MK Haim Ramon (Labor) justly replied: 'Everyone knows that our plan consists of returning 50 percent only' (News From Within, November 1998).
22. Shalom Yerushalami, 'The Broad Policy Consensus Between Netanyahu and Peres May Lead to a National Unity Government', Maariv, 11 October 1996; Hanna Kim, 'The Alliance Between Peres and Sharon', Haaretz, 2 August 1996. For current Labor leader Ehud Barak's concurrence with Netanyahu, see Orit Shohat, 'Why Likud is Better for Peace than Labor'. Haarerz, 22 November 1996.
23. Shalom Yerushalami, 'The Broad Policy Consensus Between Netanyahu and Peres May Lead to a National Unity Government', Maariv, 11 October 1996; Hanna Kim, 'The Alliance Between Peres and Sharon', Haaretz, 2 August 1996. For current Labor leader Ehud Barak's concurrence with Netanyahu, see Orit Shohat, 'Why Likud is Better for Peace than Labor'. Haarerz, 22 November 1996.
24. Shalom Yerushalami, 'The Broad Policy Consensus Between Netanyahu and Peres May Lead to a National Unity Government', Maariv, 11 October 1996; Hanna Kim, 'The Alliance Between Peres and Sharon', Haaretz, 2 August 1996. For current Labor leader Ehud Barak's concurrence with Netanyahu, see Orit Shohat, 'Why Likud is Better for Peace than Labor'. Haarerz, 22 November 1996.
25. B'Tselem Casualty Statistics (www.btselem.org/STAT/table.htm). Amnesty International, Five Years after the Oslo Agreement: Human Rights Sacrificed for 'Security', September 1998.
26. B'Tselem Casualty Statistics (www.btselem.org/STAT/table.htm). Amnesty International, Five Years after the Oslo Agreement: Human Rights Sacrificed for 'Security', September 1998.
27. Amnesty, Five Years. Settlers found guilty of murdering Palestinians likewise incurred derisory penalties; see LAW (The Palestinian Society for the Protection of Human Rights and the Environment), Five Years Of Oslo: A Summary of Human Rights Violations Since the Declaration of Principles, September 1998, citing 'a settler who had killed a Palestinian was fined one agora'.
28. Amnesty, Five Years. Settlers found guilty of murdering Palestinians likewise incurred derisory penalties; see LAW (The Palestinian Society for the Protection of Human Rights and the Environment), Five Years Of Oslo: A Summary of Human Rights Violations Since the Declaration of Principles, September 1998, citing 'a settler who had killed a Palestinian was fined one agora'.
29. For house demolitions and land confiscation, see LAW, Five Years of Oslo. For the Palestinian economy, see Sara Roy, The Palestinian Economy and the Oslo Process: Decline and Fragmentation, Emirates Occasional Paper no. 24, Abu Dhabi 1998. Roy underscores that, 'The reasons for Palestinian economic regression are many and interrelated but turn on one primary axis: closure'.
30. For house demolitions and land confiscation, see LAW, Five Years of Oslo. For the Palestinian economy, see Sara Roy, The Palestinian Economy and the Oslo Process: Decline and Fragmentation, Emirates Occasional Paper no. 24, Abu Dhabi 1998. Roy underscores that, 'The reasons for Palestinian economic regression are many and interrelated but turn on one primary axis: closure'.
31. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
32. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
33. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
34. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
35. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
36. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
37. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
38. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
39. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
40. Amnesty International, Five Years. LAW reports that 'there are still 3,700 Palestinians held in prisons inside Israel' (Third Quarterly Report on Human Rights Violations in Palestine, 1 July 1998-30 September 1998). Human Rights Watch reports that 'in 1997 at least 1,900 administrative detention orders were served', and that 'prolonged administrative detentions without charge or trial, often in harsh conditions, constitute arbitrary detention' and as such are illegal under international law; see Israel's Record of Occupation: Violations of Civil and Political Rights, August 1998. Amnesty reports that 800 Palestinians suffer torture by Israel every year and that a ministerial committee approved the use, beginning in 1994, of 'increased physical pressure', adding that 'Torture continues to be used in Israel because the majority of Israeli society seems to accept that the methods used are a legitimate means of combating terrorism'. An Amnesty news release underlined that 'Israel is the only country on earth where torture and ill-treatment are legally sanctioned' (9 May 1997). With its extensive use of torture, Israel ranks, according to the special UN rapporteur on torture, in the same category as Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan (The Independent, 27 March 1997). Indeed, according to Human Rights Watch, pending Israeli legislation and court rulings 'could greatly expand the extent and severity of Israeli use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment' (Memorandum to UN Committee Against Torture: May 1998; see Amnesty International, Five Years). Apart from effectively legalizing torture, Israel has also legalized hostage-taking, with the Supreme Court sanctioning the use or Lebanese nationals as 'bargaining chips'; see Human Rights Watch, Israel's Record, and Without Status or Protection: Lebanese Detainees in Israel, October 1997, and Amnesty International, Israel's Forgotten Hostages - Lebanese Nationals Held Unlawfully for Years in Detention, July 1997. Denouncing the Supreme Court decision as 'contemptible' and 'intolerable', Amnesty stated: 'Those held as hostages include people who were only 16 when they were taken from their villages and have now spent up to 11 years in detention, often secret and incommunicado. These are real people, not objects to be used as political pawns'; also that 'When an armed group holds hostages it is universally condemned. The Israeli Government has acknowledged that the detainees mentioned in the Supreme Court ruling pose no threat to state security', News Releases, 6 March 1998, 18 March 1998.
41. See, especially, Human Rights Watch, Palestinian Self-Rule Areas: Human Rights under the Palestinian Authority, 1998.
42. Noam Chomsky, World Orders Old and New, New York 1996, p. 257. Meron Benvenisti, Intimate Enemies, Berkeley 1995, p. 218.
43. Noam Chomsky, World Orders Old and New, New York 1996, p. 257. Meron Benvenisti, Intimate Enemies, Berkeley 1995, p. 218.
44. Human Rights Watch, Palestinian Self-Rule Areas. According to HRW, Gore twice publicly praised the state security courts, stating in March 1995, for example, that 'I know there has been some controversy over the Palestinian security courts, but I personally believe that the accusations are misplaced and that they are doing the right thing in progressing with prosecutions'; see Guyatt, Absence, pp. 101-2. Amnesty International similarly reports that the illegal detention of Islamists is 'closely linked to pressure from Israel and the United States'; that a 'significant factor' in the creation of the notorious state security courts was 'the pressure being placed on the PA by Israel and the US', and that 'there is no doubt whatsoever that trials with heavy sentences were demanded and encouraged by Israel and the US' (Five Years).
45. Human Rights Watch, Palestinian Self-Rule Areas. According to HRW, Gore twice publicly praised the state security courts, stating in March 1995, for example, that 'I know there has been some controversy over the Palestinian security courts, but I personally believe that the accusations are misplaced and that they are doing the right thing in progressing with prosecutions'; see Guyatt, Absence, pp. 101-2. Amnesty International similarly reports that the illegal detention of Islamists is 'closely linked to pressure from Israel and the United States'; that a 'significant factor' in the creation of the notorious state security courts was 'the pressure being placed on the PA by Israel and the US', and that 'there is no doubt whatsoever that trials with heavy sentences were demanded and encouraged by Israel and the US' (Five Years).
46. Human Rights Watch, Palestinian Self-Rule Areas. According to HRW, Gore twice publicly praised the state security courts, stating in March 1995, for example, that 'I know there has been some controversy over the Palestinian security courts, but I personally believe that the accusations are misplaced and that they are doing the right thing in progressing with prosecutions'; see Guyatt, Absence, pp. 101-2. Amnesty International similarly reports that the illegal detention of Islamists is 'closely linked to pressure from Israel and the United States'; that a 'significant factor' in the creation of the notorious state security courts was 'the pressure being placed on the PA by Israel and the US', and that 'there is no doubt whatsoever that trials with heavy sentences were demanded and encouraged by Israel and the US' (Five Years).
47. Chomsky, World Orders, p. 250. Indeed, even denunciation of settlement-building constitutes, according to Israel, 'incitement to violence' (LAW, 'Free Expression Restricted by PNA Anti-Incitement Decree', 24 November 1998).
48. Chomsky, World Orders, p. 250. Indeed, even denunciation of settlement-building constitutes, according to Israel, 'incitement to violence' (LAW, 'Free Expression Restricted by PNA Anti-Incitement Decree', 24 November 1998).
49. For detailed comparison with the Bantustan model, see Norman G. Finkelstein, 'Whither the "Peace Process"?' in NLR 218, July-August 1996.
50. Newell M. Stultz, Transkei's Half-Loaf, New Haven 1979, p. 134.
51. Gilbert, Israel, p. 560.
52. The Israeli declaration of independence pointed up the legitimacy 181 conferred on the newly-born state, as did Chaim Weizmann, who deemed it a 'grant of independence', and Abba Eban, who proclaimed Israel 'the first state to be given birth by the United Nations', see Norman G. Finkelstein, The Rise and Fall of Palestine, Minneapolis 1996, p. 132, fn. 40.
53. Khami Shalev, 'The Changing of the Palestinian Covenant', Maariv, 26 April 1996.
54. Edward W. Said, Peace and its Discontents, New York 1996, p. 27.
55. Maariv, 20 September 1998.
56. I owe this insight to Mouin Rabbani.