Jean-Antoine Chaptal and the cultural roots of French industrialization

Technology and Culture

Volumn 39, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 671-698

  Horn, Jeff ^a   Jacob, Margaret C ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032251507     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/tech.1998.0096     Document Type: Article

References (162)

1. This final point is developed in greater detail in Margaret C. Jacob, Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West (New York, 1997). For Chaptal's anticlericalism, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, speech to the Montpellier revolutionary club, 16 July 1790, Archives départmentales (hereafter cited as AD) Hérault, L 5498.
2. This final point is developed in greater detail in Margaret C. Jacob, Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West (New York, 1997). For Chaptal's anticlericalism, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, speech to the Montpellier revolutionary club, 16 July 1790, Archives départmentales (hereafter cited as AD) Hérault, L 5498.
3. Jean-Pierre Hirsch, "Revolutionary France, Cradle of Free Enterprise," American Historical Review 94 (1989): 1281-89. See Jean-François De Tolozan, Memoire sur le commerce de la France et de ses colonies (Paris, 1789), Bibliothèque Nationale (hereafter cited as BN) microfiche V.17731, pp. 24-25, on the lack of competitiveness. As late as 1820, entrepreneurs in search of a government subsidy felt compelled to say that they had learned their practices in England; see Archives nationales, Paris (hereafter cited as AN), F12 2200, March 1820, report to the Minister of the Interior.
4. Jean-Pierre Hirsch, "Revolutionary France, Cradle of Free Enterprise," American Historical Review 94 (1989): 1281-89. See Jean-François De Tolozan, Memoire sur le commerce de la France et de ses colonies (Paris, 1789), Bibliothèque Nationale (hereafter cited as BN) microfiche V.17731, pp. 24-25, on the lack of competitiveness. As late as 1820, entrepreneurs in search of a government subsidy felt compelled to say that they had learned their practices in England; see Archives nationales, Paris (hereafter cited as AN), F12 2200, March 1820, report to the Minister of the Interior.
5. Jean-Pierre Hirsch, "Revolutionary France, Cradle of Free Enterprise," American Historical Review 94 (1989): 1281-89. See Jean-François De Tolozan, Memoire sur le commerce de la France et de ses colonies (Paris, 1789), Bibliothèque Nationale (hereafter cited as BN) microfiche V.17731, pp. 24-25, on the lack of competitiveness. As late as 1820, entrepreneurs in search of a government subsidy felt compelled to say that they had learned their practices in England; see Archives nationales, Paris (hereafter cited as AN), F12 2200, March 1820, report to the Minister of the Interior.
6. For the darker side of Chaptal's reforms as recounted by his enemies, see J. Seneaux, Oppression et abus de pouvoir exercés par M. Chaptal . . . (1808; pamplet housed in the Sidney Edelstein collection, Jewish National and University Library, Jerusalem), pp. 6-8 on democratic excess. For the pattern established, see Terry Shinn, "Science, Tocqueville, and the State: The Organization of Knowledge in Modern France," in The Politics of Western Science, 1640-1990, ed. Margaret C. Jacob (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1994).
7. For the darker side of Chaptal's reforms as recounted by his enemies, see J. Seneaux, Oppression et abus de pouvoir exercés par M. Chaptal . . . (1808; pamplet housed in the Sidney Edelstein collection, Jewish National and University Library, Jerusalem), pp. 6-8 on democratic excess. For the pattern established, see Terry Shinn, "Science, Tocqueville, and the State: The Organization of Knowledge in Modern France," in The Politics of Western Science, 1640-1990, ed. Margaret C. Jacob (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1994).
8. See the entire issue of History and Technology 12 (1995), with articles devoted to the impact of the French model on Belgium, Germany, Russia, and others.
9. See Nicole Dhombres and Jean Dhombres, Naissance d'un pouvoir: sciences et savants en France, 1793-1824 (Paris, 1989), 560; Dominique Julia, Les trois couleurs du tableau noir: La Révolution (Paris, 1981), chap. 8, on engineers.
10. See Nicole Dhombres and Jean Dhombres, Naissance d'un pouvoir: sciences et savants en France, 1793-1824 (Paris, 1989), 560; Dominique Julia, Les trois couleurs du tableau noir: La Révolution (Paris, 1981), chap. 8, on engineers.
11. A. Picon, French Architects and Engineers in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1992), 51; for the self-perception of state engineers, see École nationale des ponts et chaussées, Paris, box "Concours de Style, 1789-1803."
12. A. Picon, French Architects and Engineers in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1992), 51; for the self-perception of state engineers, see École nationale des ponts et chaussées, Paris, box "Concours de Style, 1789-1803."
13. For how this process worked in one important industry, see Jean Ricommard, La bonneterie à Troyes et dans le département de l'Aube: Origines, évolution, caractères actuels (Paris, 1934).
14. On Comte, see Mary Pickering, Auguste Comte: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 1993), 1:158-91. We are grateful to Dr. Pickering for calling the similarities to our attention. See also Lièvin Bauwens, memoir of 15 March 1808, AN, F12 533, on how he stole the workers and the machines from England and his negotiations with the revolutionary ministry of the interior. See AN, F12 2195, item no. 8 (1800), on the role of the government in furthering the French cotton manufacturing industry along the British model. See AN, F12 2208, item no. 5 (1810), on the government's distribution of a pamphlet to help people learn corderie.
15. On Comte, see Mary Pickering, Auguste Comte: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 1993), 1:158-91. We are grateful to Dr. Pickering for calling the similarities to our attention. See also Lièvin Bauwens, memoir of 15 March 1808, AN, F12 533, on how he stole the workers and the machines from England and his negotiations with the revolutionary ministry of the interior. See AN, F12 2195, item no. 8 (1800), on the role of the government in furthering the French cotton manufacturing industry along the British model. See AN, F12 2208, item no. 5 (1810), on the government's distribution of a pamphlet to help people learn corderie.
16. On Comte, see Mary Pickering, Auguste Comte: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 1993), 1:158-91. We are grateful to Dr. Pickering for calling the similarities to our attention. See also Lièvin Bauwens, memoir of 15 March 1808, AN, F12 533, on how he stole the workers and the machines from England and his negotiations with the revolutionary ministry of the interior. See AN, F12 2195, item no. 8 (1800), on the role of the government in furthering the French cotton manufacturing industry along the British model. See AN, F12 2208, item no. 5 (1810), on the government's distribution of a pamphlet to help people learn corderie.
17. On Comte, see Mary Pickering, Auguste Comte: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 1993), 1:158-91. We are grateful to Dr. Pickering for calling the similarities to our attention. See also Lièvin Bauwens, memoir of 15 March 1808, AN, F12 533, on how he stole the workers and the machines from England and his negotiations with the revolutionary ministry of the interior. See AN, F12 2195, item no. 8 (1800), on the role of the government in furthering the French cotton manufacturing industry along the British model. See AN, F12 2208, item no. 5 (1810), on the government's distribution of a pamphlet to help people learn corderie.
18. For this repackaging, see François Bardel, manufacturer and member of the Conseil des arts et manufactures, to Minister of the Interior, AN, F12 2195, 6 Ventôse, year V [24 February 1797]: "Je vais établier une manufacture de mousselines, d'organdis et de toiles de coton propres a L'impression des Indiennes. J'ai déjà pris en Angleterre des notions exactes sur la main d'oeuvre et les apprêti de ces articles, qui son peu Connus en France." Among the skills he had acquired were better construction of machines; the economy of combustion used in bleaching; the renewing of surfaces of different substances under the action of steam; the accurate determination of the degree of pressure to give to the steam, and so on.
19. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
20. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
21. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
22. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
23. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
24. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
25. For a general survey of changes after 1789, see Michel Péronnet, "Un chimiste en politique: J. A. Chaptal à Montpellier, 1788-1794," in Actes du 114e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes, Scientifiques et sociétés pendant la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1990), 145-60. Ken Alder has argued that the ability to mass-produce munitions testifies to French industrial strength. But the musket is a relatively simple device, which does not call for the same level of the technical skill required for steam, or even for what Bardel was trying to do. Ken Alder, Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997). For a different analysis of the relationship between the Revolution and thought, see Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997). When Gregory Watt saw the arms manufactory at Versailles, it made no particular impression, although he found the steam business of the Perrier noteworthy (Gregory Watt, record of travels in France, C2/1, 1801, James Watt Papers [hereafter JWP], Birmingham Public Library [hereafter BPL], Birmingham, England). Even the furnaces used by Boulton and Watt were seen to be innovative and to be guarded from French eyes (Aimé Argand to James Watt, 16 April 1786, JWP, 4/14/, BPL); Argand to Watt, 14 October 1785, on the departure of James Jr. from Paris and the excellence of his French, JWP, 4/14/, BPL. See BN, Paris, R 4627 (1), proceedings of the Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale, vol. 2, for Chaptal's speech before the society in 1804: "Messieurs, les arts sont aujourd'hui trop éclairés, leur progrès sont trop rapides pour qu'on puisse refuser à la science la part active qu'elle a dans leur prosperité, et personne n'est plus tenté de révoquer en doute l'avantage inappréciable de la réunion et de l'application des sciences à la pratique des arts." See AN, F12 2201 (1783) for praise of Vaucauson precisely because he can combine economy and mechanics.
26. For a very helpful discussion of the different meanings of all these items, see Ronald Kline, "Construing 'Technology' as 'Applied Science': Public Rhetoric of Scientists and Engineers in the United States, 1880-1945," Isis 86 (1995): 194-204.
27. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
28. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
29. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
30. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
31. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
32. For Chaptal's Newtonianism and his application of mathematics to the study of the human body, see AD Hérault D 186, fols. 215-28; Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Élémens de Chymie, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1796), introduction; and Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. On Watt, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 6; and Boulton and Watt MSS, MIV/14/1, BPL, a notebook on mechanics inherited by James Watt. On Dalton, see Jacob, "The Truth of Heroic Science and the Truth of Newton's Science," in Constructing the Canon, ed. Margaret J. Osler (forthcoming). Dalton's manuscripts are at the John Rylands Library, Manchester. For British scientific culture, see also John Gascoigne, Joseph Banks and the English Enlightenment: Useful Knowledge and Polite Culture (New York, 1994), 211-12; and, of course, the classic A. E. Musson and Eric Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1969).
33. For a detailed discussion, see Philippe Minard, L'inspection des manufactures en France, de Colbert à la Révolution (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris-1, 1994), 467-75.
34. Bulletin de la Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale 2 (year XII [1804]): 4. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are our own.
35. La Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale had an entirely industrial and mechanical focus. See AN, F12 502, for the founding documentation and the debt to Chaptal. For the application of similar ideas to the coal industry, see Gwynne Lewis, The Advent of Modern Capitalism in France, 1770-1840: The Contribution of Pierre-François Tubeuf (Oxford, 1993), 215. For the similar policies of Chaptal's predecessor, see Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, Recueil de lettres, circulaires, instructions, programmes, discours, et autres actes publics, émanés du Citoyen François (de Neufchâteau), pendant ses exercices du Ministre de l'Intérieur (Paris, years VII-VIII [1799-1800]), 1:xxx, 102-3, 155.
36. La Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale had an entirely industrial and mechanical focus. See AN, F12 502, for the founding documentation and the debt to Chaptal. For the application of similar ideas to the coal industry, see Gwynne Lewis, The Advent of Modern Capitalism in France, 1770-1840: The Contribution of Pierre-François Tubeuf (Oxford, 1993), 215. For the similar policies of Chaptal's predecessor, see Nicolas-Louis François de Neufchâteau, Recueil de lettres, circulaires, instructions, programmes, discours, et autres actes publics, émanés du Citoyen François (de Neufchâteau), pendant ses exercices du Ministre de l'Intérieur (Paris, years VII-VIII [1799-1800]), 1:xxx, 102-3, 155.
37. Thierry Lavabre-Bertrand and André Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain," in Chaptal, ed. Michel Péronnet (Paris, 1989), 5-20. See also Hubert Bonnet, "Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1756-1832," in La faculté de médecine de Montpellier: Huit siècles d'histoire et d'éclats (Montpellier, 1992), 348-56. These recent commentators have accepted as both useful and reliable Jean Pigieire, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Chaptal (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1931). On Chaptal's Newtonianism, see his Conspectus physiologicus de Fontibus and Élèmens de Chymie, the introduction. On Chaptal and the application of chemistry to industry, see John Graham Smith, The Origins and Early Development of the Heavy Chemical Industry in France, (Oxford, 1979), 20-24.
38. Thierry Lavabre-Bertrand and André Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain," in Chaptal, ed. Michel Péronnet (Paris, 1989), 5-20. See also Hubert Bonnet, "Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1756-1832," in La faculté de médecine de Montpellier: Huit siècles d'histoire et d'éclats (Montpellier, 1992), 348-56. These recent commentators have accepted as both useful and reliable Jean Pigieire, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Chaptal (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1931). On Chaptal's Newtonianism, see his Conspectus physiologicus de Fontibus and Élèmens de Chymie, the introduction. On Chaptal and the application of chemistry to industry, see John Graham Smith, The Origins and Early Development of the Heavy Chemical Industry in France, (Oxford, 1979), 20-24.
39. Thierry Lavabre-Bertrand and André Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain," in Chaptal, ed. Michel Péronnet (Paris, 1989), 5-20. See also Hubert Bonnet, "Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1756-1832," in La faculté de médecine de Montpellier: Huit siècles d'histoire et d'éclats (Montpellier, 1992), 348-56. These recent commentators have accepted as both useful and reliable Jean Pigieire, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Chaptal (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1931). On Chaptal's Newtonianism, see his Conspectus physiologicus de Fontibus and Élèmens de Chymie, the introduction. On Chaptal and the application of chemistry to industry, see John Graham Smith, The Origins and Early Development of the Heavy Chemical Industry in France, (Oxford, 1979), 20-24.
40. Thierry Lavabre-Bertrand and André Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain," in Chaptal, ed. Michel Péronnet (Paris, 1989), 5-20. See also Hubert Bonnet, "Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1756-1832," in La faculté de médecine de Montpellier: Huit siècles d'histoire et d'éclats (Montpellier, 1992), 348-56. These recent commentators have accepted as both useful and reliable Jean Pigieire, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Chaptal (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1931). On Chaptal's Newtonianism, see his Conspectus physiologicus de Fontibus and Élèmens de Chymie, the introduction. On Chaptal and the application of chemistry to industry, see John Graham Smith, The Origins and Early Development of the Heavy Chemical Industry in France, (Oxford, 1979), 20-24.
41. Thierry Lavabre-Bertrand and André Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain," in Chaptal, ed. Michel Péronnet (Paris, 1989), 5-20. See also Hubert Bonnet, "Jean-Antoine Chaptal, 1756-1832," in La faculté de médecine de Montpellier: Huit siècles d'histoire et d'éclats (Montpellier, 1992), 348-56. These recent commentators have accepted as both useful and reliable Jean Pigieire, La Vie et l'oeuvre de Chaptal (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1931). On Chaptal's Newtonianism, see his Conspectus physiologicus de Fontibus and Élèmens de Chymie, the introduction. On Chaptal and the application of chemistry to industry, see John Graham Smith, The Origins and Early Development of the Heavy Chemical Industry in France, (Oxford, 1979), 20-24.
42. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Catéchisme à l'usage des bons patriotes (Montpellier, 1790), 11-12, 15, 19, 21-22, 24.
43. AD Hérault L 5787, dated 21 7 bre 1793.
44. See, for example, A. Defontenay, Quelques notices sur le traité de commerce de 1786, sur les Manufactures d'Angleterre et de France; sur les Causes de la prosperité de cellelà, et de la Décadence de celle-ci (Paris, year X [1802]), BN 4-V, doc. 4364. Christopher Johnson, The Life and Death of Industrial Languedoc, 1700-1920 (New York, 1995), 9-24, chronicles this same transformation.
45. See, for example, A. Defontenay, Quelques notices sur le traité de commerce de 1786, sur les Manufactures d'Angleterre et de France; sur les Causes de la prosperité de cellelà, et de la Décadence de celle-ci (Paris, year X [1802]), BN 4-V, doc. 4364. Christopher Johnson, The Life and Death of Industrial Languedoc, 1700-1920 (New York, 1995), 9-24, chronicles this same transformation.
46. This view is expressed formally in Yves Laissus, Chimie et sciences de la nature, vol. 2 of Rapports à l'Empereur sur le progrès des sciences, des lettres et des arts depuis 1789, ed. Georges Cuvier (1808; reprint, Paris, 1989), 290-91.
47. Chaptal's protegé, Frédéric Cuvier, expressed this idea in the Bulletin de la Société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale 1 (Floréal, year XI [April-May 1803]): 9.
48. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, "Mémoire sur le Mecanisme de la respiration," Bibliothèque Municipale, Montpellier, Recueil Poitevin, submitted to the Société royale des sciences, 1777, contains references to Paul-Joseph Barthez, fols. 137-38. Note also "la nature morte a été consultée dans la plus part de leurs experiences . . . l'homme cadavre est un être passif . . . telle est la marche de la plus part des phisiologistes dans la physique du corps humain; telle est la source de la varieté et de l'incohoerence de leurs systemes. . . ." On Chaptal's vitalism and Newtonianism, with passing reference to its resonance with Masonic ideas, see Lavabre-Bertrand and Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain" (n. 16 above).
49. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, "Mémoire sur le Mecanisme de la respiration," Bibliothèque Municipale, Montpellier, Recueil Poitevin, submitted to the Société royale des sciences, 1777, contains references to Paul-Joseph Barthez, fols. 137-38. Note also "la nature morte a été consultée dans la plus part de leurs experiences . . . l'homme cadavre est un être passif . . . telle est la marche de la plus part des phisiologistes dans la physique du corps humain; telle est la source de la varieté et de l'incohoerence de leurs systemes. . . ." On Chaptal's vitalism and Newtonianism, with passing reference to its resonance with Masonic ideas, see Lavabre-Bertrand and Mandin, "Les Études de Chaptal et le vitalisme montpelliérain" (n. 16 above).
50. Elizabeth Williams, The Physical and the Moral: Anthropology, Physiology, and Philosophical Medicine in France, 1750-1850 (New York, 1994), 25.
51. For the application of mathematics to the study of the human body and the attack on hypotheses, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. See Jean-Antoine Chaptal, memoir written to the Academy of Science in Montpellier, 28 June 1781, AD Hérault, D 155, fols. 56-59v: "c'est que d'un effet bien connu il n'est pas toujours possible de remonter à la connoissance de la cause, ici je connois la nature de l'emanation aeriforme, j'ai pu en calculer les propriétés mais je suis obligé de . . . ne me permettre que quelques conjectures sur leur origine. . . . Attendons des circonstances plus favorables c'est allées pour le prépare que d'être éclairés sur l'effet." Chaptal mentions the work of Priestley and various other English natural philosophers; in AD Hérault, D 186, fols. 215-42, a report written by Chaptal and about nine others reference is made (fol. 218) "to the principles of the steam engine." The relationship between improved machinery and labor saving is also clearly articulated (fols. 226-28), 1781.
52. For the application of mathematics to the study of the human body and the attack on hypotheses, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Mes souvenirs de Napoléon (Paris, 1893), 19. See Jean-Antoine Chaptal, memoir written to the Academy of Science in Montpellier, 28 June 1781, AD Hérault, D 155, fols. 56-59v: "c'est que d'un effet bien connu il n'est pas toujours possible de remonter à la connoissance de la cause, ici je connois la nature de l'emanation aeriforme, j'ai pu en calculer les propriétés mais je suis obligé de . . . ne me permettre que quelques conjectures sur leur origine. . . . Attendons des circonstances plus favorables c'est allées pour le prépare que d'être éclairés sur l'effet." Chaptal mentions the work of Priestley and various other English natural philosophers; in AD Hérault, D 186, fols. 215-42, a report written by Chaptal and about nine others reference is made (fol. 218) "to the principles of the steam engine." The relationship between improved machinery and labor saving is also clearly articulated (fols. 226-28), 1781.
53. Théophile de Borden, Oeuvres Complètes, Precedée d'une notice sur sa vie (Paris, 1818), 683. Dale Bowling provided assistance with Bordeu and vitalism in general.
54. Paul-Joseph Barthez, Nouveaux Élemens de la science de l'homme, 2d ed. (Paris, 1806), dedication to Chaptal. Cf. R. Bernier, "La notion de principe vitale de Barthez," in Archives de philosophie 35 (1975): 432-37. For our discussion of Barthez, we thank Dale Bowling, who is working on an in-depth study of the vitalist movement.
55. Paul-Joseph Barthez, Nouveaux Élemens de la science de l'homme, 2d ed. (Paris, 1806), dedication to Chaptal. Cf. R. Bernier, "La notion de principe vitale de Barthez," in Archives de philosophie 35 (1975): 432-37. For our discussion of Barthez, we thank Dale Bowling, who is working on an in-depth study of the vitalist movement.
56. Chaptal, Catéchisme (n. 17 above), 41, 58-59.
57. Théophile de Bordeu, Correspondance, ed. Martha Fletcher (Montpellier, 1993), 3:271-72.
58. On Chaptal's Freemasonry, see Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), p. 41, in which he is described as "un franc-maçon exemplaire." For Chaptal's deep involvement in contentious Masonic affairs, see letter of 3 December 1787, BN, FM1 13; letters of 21 December 1778 and 17 May 1779, BN, FM 1 87.
59. See the manuscript "Discours du fr. Le Normand," oration to the Masonic lodge, Ami reunies dans la bonne foy, 24 June 1782, BN, MS FM2 309.
60. See Margaret C. Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1991), 145-56.
61. Chaptal, Catéchisme, 81.
62. Ibid., 1-11.
63. Ibid., 13-15.
64. For the practical application of his scientific interests during the 1780s, see AD Hérault, D 187, fols. 19-19v; fols. 39, 139; D 155, fols. 56-59v; D 186, fols. 215-42. On how his procedures required fewer workers, see AD Hérault, D 186, fols. 226-28.
65. Smith (n. 16 above), 20-24.
66. Berthollet's correspondence with James Watt is part of the James Watt Papers at the BPL. See, for example, Guyot to Watt, 5 November 1788, on an accident in Berthollet's laboratory, JWP, 4/67; letters of Berthollet, 30 July 1787, 22 May 1787, and 25 March 1787, 4/14. Note also Le Turc, recollections, AN, F12 2204, no. 24-28, 1788[?] to 1795, on the machines he brought over from England, his contact with government ministers, the interference of academicians, and so on.
67. AD Hérault, D 187, fols. 39, 226-28. On Chaptal's reading of English periodicals, see Pigieire (n. 16 above), 281.
68. For such darker aspects of this international conversation, see John Harris, "Law, Espionage, and the Transfer of Technology from Eighteenth Century Britain," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (London, 1996), 123-36. See also AN, F12 2195, 2 February 1789, on the government's intention to acquire knowledge from England and Scotland. Note also the travels of Jan van Liender, who was the importer of Watt's engine in the Netherlands and in 1790 resided in Paris, where he was active in scientific circles (familie de Monchy no. 51, manuscript of the travel diary of Professor Salomon de Monchy, Gemeente Archief, Rotterdam).
69. For examples of some of the more perceptive of these reports see Le Turc, petition to the ministry, 4 September 1786, AN, F12 677C; and F12 2204. For the reports collected by François de Neufchâteau, see AN, MC 27 AP 3; in the 1770s, he had travelers' reports from England and Holland. On spy reports, see Margaret Bradley, "Engineers as Military Spies? French Engineers Come to Britain, 1780-1790," Annals of Science 49 (1992): 137-61. On the interaction with British radicals, see David V. Erdman, Commerce des Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790-1793 (Columbia, Mo., 1986). On wanting to interrogate English prisoners for "Communication de plusiers procédés de fabrique, nécessaires et inconnus en France," see AN, F12 2195.
70. For examples of some of the more perceptive of these reports see Le Turc, petition to the ministry, 4 September 1786, AN, F12 677C; and F12 2204. For the reports collected by François de Neufchâteau, see AN, MC 27 AP 3; in the 1770s, he had travelers' reports from England and Holland. On spy reports, see Margaret Bradley, "Engineers as Military Spies? French Engineers Come to Britain, 1780-1790," Annals of Science 49 (1992): 137-61. On the interaction with British radicals, see David V. Erdman, Commerce des Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790-1793 (Columbia, Mo., 1986). On wanting to interrogate English prisoners for "Communication de plusiers procédés de fabrique, nécessaires et inconnus en France," see AN, F12 2195.
71. For examples of some of the more perceptive of these reports see Le Turc, petition to the ministry, 4 September 1786, AN, F12 677C; and F12 2204. For the reports collected by François de Neufchâteau, see AN, MC 27 AP 3; in the 1770s, he had travelers' reports from England and Holland. On spy reports, see Margaret Bradley, "Engineers as Military Spies? French Engineers Come to Britain, 1780-1790," Annals of Science 49 (1992): 137-61. On the interaction with British radicals, see David V. Erdman, Commerce des Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790-1793 (Columbia, Mo., 1986). On wanting to interrogate English prisoners for "Communication de plusiers procédés de fabrique, nécessaires et inconnus en France," see AN, F12 2195.
72. For examples of some of the more perceptive of these reports see Le Turc, petition to the ministry, 4 September 1786, AN, F12 677C; and F12 2204. For the reports collected by François de Neufchâteau, see AN, MC 27 AP 3; in the 1770s, he had travelers' reports from England and Holland. On spy reports, see Margaret Bradley, "Engineers as Military Spies? French Engineers Come to Britain, 1780-1790," Annals of Science 49 (1992): 137-61. On the interaction with British radicals, see David V. Erdman, Commerce des Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790-1793 (Columbia, Mo., 1986). On wanting to interrogate English prisoners for "Communication de plusiers procédés de fabrique, nécessaires et inconnus en France," see AN, F12 2195.
73. Agusti Nieto-Galan, "Un projet régional de chimie appliquée à la fin du XVIIIe siècle: Montpellier et son influence sur l'École de Barcelone: Jean-Antoine Chaptal et Francesco Carbonell," Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences 44 (1994): 38-62.
74. AD Hérault, L 2182, year II [1793], "Registre des séances de la commission nommé par le Département" and L 5498, 9 May 1790. See AD Hérault, L 3829 no. 5, requesting payment from the "citizen administrators for the district" for the lectures and courses.
75. For Chaptal's industrial thinking, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Essai sur le perfectionnement des arts chimiques en France (Paris, 1800), 50. See also his immensely knowledgeable Programme des Prix proposés par le Ministre de l'Intérieur pour le perfectionnement des Machines à ouvrir, peigner, carder et filer la laine (Messidor 22, year IX [12 July 1801]), AN, F12 2208, with extensive information about English practices. See Chaptal, Lettre au citoyen Roustan, 21 December 1802, AN, F12 2195, on the necessary instruction for the construction and use of machines for spinning cotton. Note also the minute detail with which Chaptal described the division of labor of the workers using chemical techniques in his own unmechanized factory in Jean-Antoine Chaptal, L'Art de la teinture du coton en rouge (Paris, 1807), especially chap. 4.
76. For Chaptal's industrial thinking, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Essai sur le perfectionnement des arts chimiques en France (Paris, 1800), 50. See also his immensely knowledgeable Programme des Prix proposés par le Ministre de l'Intérieur pour le perfectionnement des Machines à ouvrir, peigner, carder et filer la laine (Messidor 22, year IX [12 July 1801]), AN, F12 2208, with extensive information about English practices. See Chaptal, Lettre au citoyen Roustan, 21 December 1802, AN, F12 2195, on the necessary instruction for the construction and use of machines for spinning cotton. Note also the minute detail with which Chaptal described the division of labor of the workers using chemical techniques in his own unmechanized factory in Jean-Antoine Chaptal, L'Art de la teinture du coton en rouge (Paris, 1807), especially chap. 4.
77. For Chaptal's industrial thinking, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Essai sur le perfectionnement des arts chimiques en France (Paris, 1800), 50. See also his immensely knowledgeable Programme des Prix proposés par le Ministre de l'Intérieur pour le perfectionnement des Machines à ouvrir, peigner, carder et filer la laine (Messidor 22, year IX [12 July 1801]), AN, F12 2208, with extensive information about English practices. See Chaptal, Lettre au citoyen Roustan, 21 December 1802, AN, F12 2195, on the necessary instruction for the construction and use of machines for spinning cotton. Note also the minute detail with which Chaptal described the division of labor of the workers using chemical techniques in his own unmechanized factory in Jean-Antoine Chaptal, L'Art de la teinture du coton en rouge (Paris, 1807), especially chap. 4.
78. For Chaptal's industrial thinking, see Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Essai sur le perfectionnement des arts chimiques en France (Paris, 1800), 50. See also his immensely knowledgeable Programme des Prix proposés par le Ministre de l'Intérieur pour le perfectionnement des Machines à ouvrir, peigner, carder et filer la laine (Messidor 22, year IX [12 July 1801]), AN, F12 2208, with extensive information about English practices. See Chaptal, Lettre au citoyen Roustan, 21 December 1802, AN, F12 2195, on the necessary instruction for the construction and use of machines for spinning cotton. Note also the minute detail with which Chaptal described the division of labor of the workers using chemical techniques in his own unmechanized factory in Jean-Antoine Chaptal, L'Art de la teinture du coton en rouge (Paris, 1807), especially chap. 4.
79. Chaptal, Catéchisme (n. 17 above), 70-71.
80. Ibid., 81.
81. Ibid., 29-32.
82. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Rapport et projet de loi sur l'instruction publique (Paris, year IX [1801]), 6.
83. Chaptal, Catéchisme, 67-69. He saw physics and mathematics as primarily for boys. See also Bruno Belhoste, ''Les caractères généraux de l'enseignement secondaire scientifique de la fin de l'Ancien Regime àla Première Guerre mondiale," Histoire de l'éducation 41 (1989): 1-45; and the entire issue of Histoire de l'education 42 (1989), devoted to education during the Revolution. Cf. Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997).
84. Chaptal, Catéchisme, 67-69. He saw physics and mathematics as primarily for boys. See also Bruno Belhoste, ''Les caractères généraux de l'enseignement secondaire scientifique de la fin de l'Ancien Regime àla Première Guerre mondiale," Histoire de l'éducation 41 (1989): 1-45; and the entire issue of Histoire de l'education 42 (1989), devoted to education during the Revolution. Cf. Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997).
85. Chaptal, Catéchisme, 67-69. He saw physics and mathematics as primarily for boys. See also Bruno Belhoste, ''Les caractères généraux de l'enseignement secondaire scientifique de la fin de l'Ancien Regime àla Première Guerre mondiale," Histoire de l'éducation 41 (1989): 1-45; and the entire issue of Histoire de l'education 42 (1989), devoted to education during the Revolution. Cf. Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997).
86. Chaptal, Catéchisme, 67-69. He saw physics and mathematics as primarily for boys. See also Bruno Belhoste, ''Les caractères généraux de l'enseignement secondaire scientifique de la fin de l'Ancien Regime àla Première Guerre mondiale," Histoire de l'éducation 41 (1989): 1-45; and the entire issue of Histoire de l'education 42 (1989), devoted to education during the Revolution. Cf. Martin Staum, Minerva's Message: Stabilizing the French Revolution (Toronto, 1997).
87. He was arrested in 1793. There was some difficulty locating Chaptal's arrest records, and we are very grateful to David K. Smith for having persevered. See AD Hérault, L 5787 (not L 748), which contains the letter written by Chaptal, 31 October 1793. See also Pigieire (n. 16 above), 187-92.
88. He was arrested in 1793. There was some difficulty locating Chaptal's arrest records, and we are very grateful to David K. Smith for having persevered. See AD Hérault, L 5787 (not L 748), which contains the letter written by Chaptal, 31 October 1793. See also Pigieire (n. 16 above), 187-92.
89. Chaptal, Le perfectionnement des arts chimiques (n. 43 above), 2-3.
90. Ibid., 45.
91. Ibid., 51.
92. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Circulaire (4 Nivôse, year XII [27 December 1803]), AD Somme, M 80001.
93. Annales des arts et manufactures, ou mémoires technologiques sur Les Découvertes modernes concernant les Arts, les Manufactures, l'Agriculture et le Commerce 1 (year VIII [1800]): 35.
94. Chaptal, Catéchisme (n. 17 above), 12-13.
95. Ricommard (n. 7 above); André Colomès, Les Ouvriers du Textile dans la Champagne Troyenne, 1730-1852 (Paris, 1943), 98-114; and André Beury, Troyes de 1789 à nos jours (Troyes, 1983-84), 2:38-42.
96. Ricommard (n. 7 above); André Colomès, Les Ouvriers du Textile dans la Champagne Troyenne, 1730-1852 (Paris, 1943), 98-114; and André Beury, Troyes de 1789 à nos jours (Troyes, 1983-84), 2:38-42.
97. Ricommard (n. 7 above); André Colomès, Les Ouvriers du Textile dans la Champagne Troyenne, 1730-1852 (Paris, 1943), 98-114; and
98. Many of these reports are in the AN, F17 1344/1, fols. 31-55; and, in the same box, Prof. Derrien reporting from Finistère; for the teaching of the philosophes in these schools, see F17 1342. See also the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, MS 772, fol. 29, for a consortium of Parisians (including some former deputies to the National Assembly) who attempted to start a lycée and to acquire a "cabinet of physics." See R. R. Palmer, The Improvement of Humanity: Education and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985), 226, 243, 247. For earlier advances in Britain, see Richard S. Tompson, "The English Grammar School Curriculum in the Eighteenth Century: A Reappraisal," British Journal of Educational Studies 19 (1971): 32-39. For other relevant French documents about educational reform, see Bronislaw Baczko, ed., Education pour la démocratie (Paris, 1982). Note the French urgency in wanting to get English machines out of Brussels in 1795 (AN, F12 2195). The ministry's debt to François de Neufchâteau is acknowledged in AN, F12 533, 1808.
99. Many of these reports are in the AN, F17 1344/1, fols. 31-55; and, in the same box, Prof. Derrien reporting from Finistère; for the teaching of the philosophes in these schools, see F17 1342. See also the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, MS 772, fol. 29, for a consortium of Parisians (including some former deputies to the National Assembly) who attempted to start a lycée and to acquire a "cabinet of physics." See R. R. Palmer, The Improvement of Humanity: Education and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985), 226, 243, 247. For earlier advances in Britain, see Richard S. Tompson, "The English Grammar School Curriculum in the Eighteenth Century: A Reappraisal," British Journal of Educational Studies 19 (1971): 32-39. For other relevant French documents about educational reform, see Bronislaw Baczko, ed., Education pour la démocratie (Paris, 1982). Note the French urgency in wanting to get English machines out of Brussels in 1795 (AN, F12 2195). The ministry's debt to François de Neufchâteau is acknowledged in AN, F12 533, 1808.
100. Many of these reports are in the AN, F17 1344/1, fols. 31-55; and, in the same box, Prof. Derrien reporting from Finistère; for the teaching of the philosophes in these schools, see F17 1342. See also the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, MS 772, fol. 29, for a consortium of Parisians (including some former deputies to the National Assembly) who attempted to start a lycée and to acquire a "cabinet of physics." See R. R. Palmer, The Improvement of Humanity: Education and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985), 226, 243, 247. For earlier advances in Britain, see Richard S. Tompson, "The English Grammar School Curriculum in the Eighteenth Century: A Reappraisal," British Journal of Educational Studies 19 (1971): 32-39. For other relevant French documents about educational reform, see Bronislaw Baczko, ed., Education pour la démocratie (Paris, 1982). Note the French urgency in wanting to get English machines out of Brussels in 1795 (AN, F12 2195). The ministry's debt to François de Neufchâteau is acknowledged in AN, F12 533, 1808.
101. Many of these reports are in the AN, F17 1344/1, fols. 31-55; and, in the same box, Prof. Derrien reporting from Finistère; for the teaching of the philosophes in these schools, see F17 1342. See also the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, MS 772, fol. 29, for a consortium of Parisians (including some former deputies to the National Assembly) who attempted to start a lycée and to acquire a "cabinet of physics." See R. R. Palmer, The Improvement of Humanity: Education and the French Revolution (Princeton, 1985), 226, 243, 247. For earlier advances in Britain, see Richard S. Tompson, "The English Grammar School Curriculum in the Eighteenth Century: A Reappraisal," British Journal of Educational Studies 19 (1971): 32-39. For other relevant French documents about educational reform, see Bronislaw Baczko, ed., Education pour la démocratie (Paris, 1982). Note the French urgency in wanting to get English machines out of Brussels in 1795 (AN, F12 2195). The ministry's debt to François de Neufchâteau is acknowledged in AN, F12 533, 1808.
102. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Principes de l'instruction publique, quoted in Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), 139.
103. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Principes de l'instruction publique, quoted in Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), 139.
104. Péronnet, Chaptal, 120, 139-49, 202.
105. Pigieire (n. 16 above), 275.
106. Chaptal, Le perfectionnement des arts chimiques (n. 43 above), 3, 16-20.
107. The British schools sought to extend mechanical knowledge and work discipline more deeply into the artisanal population; Chaptal's trade schools would have done the same.
108. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Rapport et project de loi sur l'instruction publique (Paris, year IX [1801]), 92-93. By the year VII (1798-99), professors in the new central schools were asking for machines to demonstrate physical and mechanical principles; see AN, F17 1344/1, for a series of reports.
109. Charles Coulston Gillispie, Science and Polity in France at the End of the Old Regime (Princeton, 1980), demonstrates the ancien régime origins of many ideas and programs implemented during the revolutionary era.
110. Shelby T. McCloy, French Inventions of the Eighteenth Century (Lexington, Ky., 1952), 101, 178. See also Liliane Hilaire-Pérez, Inventions et Inventeurs en France et en Angleterre au XVIIIème siècle (Lille, 1994), 4 vols. See also dossier of Le Turc, a spy, AN, F12 677C and F12 2204; and James Watt to Josiah Wedgewood, 16 February 1784, JWP, BPL: "We have had these two days past a visit of no less than six French engineers and iron masters who have come over in hopes we would teach them to make fire engines . . . but took care to show them nothing but what they knew before. . . ." As late as 1817, French commentators were complaining about their own country's backwardness in steam engines; see AN, F12 2200, 8 April 1817.
111. Shelby T. McCloy, French Inventions of the Eighteenth Century (Lexington, Ky., 1952), 101, 178. See also Liliane Hilaire-Pérez, Inventions et Inventeurs en France et en Angleterre au XVIIIème siècle (Lille, 1994), 4 vols. See also dossier of Le Turc, a spy, AN, F12 677C and F12 2204; and James Watt to Josiah Wedgewood, 16 February 1784, JWP, BPL: "We have had these two days past a visit of no less than six French engineers and iron masters who have come over in hopes we would teach them to make fire engines . . . but took care to show them nothing but what they knew before. . . ." As late as 1817, French commentators were complaining about their own country's backwardness in steam engines; see AN, F12 2200, 8 April 1817.
112. For French attempts to imitate the British culture of science, see McCloy, 181; and especially Gillispie, 74-99, 335-37, 389.
113. Jean-Pierre Hirsch, Les deux rêves du Commerce: Entreprise et institution dans la région lilloise, 1780-1860 (Paris, 1991).
114. See Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 8; see also B. Belhoste, A. Picon, and J. Sakarovitch, "Les exercices dans les Écoles d'ingénieurs sous l'ancien régime et la révolution," Histoire de l'education 46 (1990): 62-81.
115. See Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 8; see also B. Belhoste, A. Picon, and J. Sakarovitch, "Les exercices dans les Écoles d'ingénieurs sous l'ancien régime et la révolution," Histoire de l'education 46 (1990): 62-81.
116. See Achille de Colmont, Histoire des Expositions des produits de l'industrie française (Paris, 1855), 16; and Charles Ballot, L'Introduction du machinisme dans l'industrie française, ed. Claude Gevel (1923; reprint, Geneva, 1978), 15-17.
117. See Achille de Colmont, Histoire des Expositions des produits de l'industrie française (Paris, 1855), 16; and Charles Ballot, L'Introduction du machinisme dans l'industrie française, ed. Claude Gevel (1923; reprint, Geneva, 1978), 15-17.
118. Pigieire (n. 16 above), 133.
119. The ability to handweave superb silk did not add up to what was needed. For the British side of this story, see Isaac Kramnick, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1990), chap. 3; Ian Inkster, Science and Technology in History: An Approach to Industrial Development (New Brunswick, N.J., 1991), chaps. 2 and 3.
120. The ability to handweave superb silk did not add up to what was needed. For the British side of this story, see Isaac Kramnick, Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1990), chap. 3; Ian Inkster, Science and Technology in History: An Approach to Industrial Development (New Brunswick, N.J., 1991), chaps. 2 and 3.
121. See André Doyon and Lucien Liaigre, "L'hôtel de Mortagne après la mort de Vaucanson (1782-1837)," Histoire des entreprises 11 (1963): 5-23.
122. Ibid.; and McCloy (n. 65 above), 175-176. Cf. AN, F12 2207, 1805, recounting by James Douglas of Chaptal's earlier request that he put an assortment of his machines in the conservatoire; and in the same box, item 11, a list of machines valued at 17,300 francs. In 1806 Jacquart put examples of his machines in the same place (AN, F12 2199, item 2).
123. Ibid.; and McCloy (n. 65 above), 175-176. Cf. AN, F12 2207, 1805, recounting by James Douglas of Chaptal's earlier request that he put an assortment of his machines in the conservatoire; and in the same box, item 11, a list of machines valued at 17,300 francs. In 1806 Jacquart put examples of his machines in the same place (AN, F12 2199, item 2).
124. Colmont, 50.
125. Pigieire, 262. The French version of merit remained more narrowly construed than the Anglo-American; see Eda Kranakis, "Social Determinants of Engineering Practice: A Comparative View of France and America in the Nineteenth Century," Social Studies of Science 19 (1989): 5-70.
126. Pigieire, 262. The French version of merit remained more narrowly construed than the Anglo-American; see Eda Kranakis, "Social Determinants of Engineering Practice: A Comparative View of France and America in the Nineteenth Century," Social Studies of Science 19 (1989): 5-70.
127. Neufchâteau, Recueil (n. 15 above), 2:243. For evidence of the beginning of this process, see MS 100, fols. 24ff., École nationale ponts et chaussées, Paris, on a steam engine, for public works.
128. Charles Simian, François de Neufchâteau et les expositions (Paris, 1889), 41; and Le Normand and de Moléon, Description des expositions des produits de l'industrie française, 53-54.
129. Charles Simian, François de Neufchâteau et les expositions (Paris, 1889), 41; and Le Normand and de Moléon, Description des expositions des produits de l'industrie française, 53-54.
130. Until the 1780s, when the royal engineers consulted with the local magistrates through commissions set up by the estates of Languedoc they were never consulted on manufacturing or industrial matters. See AD Gard, C310-353 for the years 1697-1757; AD Hérault C7530, C7572, C7556, C7590 for 1762, 1768, 1773, 1777. Chaptal was consulted by the estates of Languedoc in the 1780s. See Smith (n. 16 above), 22-23.
131. On the German side of this story and its mixed results, see Herbert Kisch, From Domestic Manufacture to Industrial Revolution: The Case of the Rhineland Textile Districts (New York, 1989), 190-91, 202-3.
132. Pigieire (n. 16 above), 424-25.
133. AN, F17 1098, 1276, 1344, 1428 on provincial schools. Cf. L. Bummel, "De Zorg voor kunsten en wetenschappen onder Lodewijk Napoléon," Genootschap voor Napoleontische Studien (The Hague, 1951), 62-64. See also Jacques Piou (an engineer employed in Belgium to build a canal between Mons and Brussels), letter to his wife, 15 Prairial, year XIII (4 June 1805), Jacques Piou papers, AN, MS AP/147, on the education in science now available in Mons.
134. AN, F17 1098, 1276, 1344, 1428 on provincial schools. Cf. L. Bummel, "De Zorg voor kunsten en wetenschappen onder Lodewijk Napoléon," Genootschap voor Napoleontische Studien (The Hague, 1951), 62-64. See also Jacques Piou (an engineer employed in Belgium to build a canal between Mons and Brussels), letter to his wife, 15 Prairial, year XIII (4 June 1805), Jacques Piou papers, AN, MS AP/147, on the education in science now available in Mons.
135. Cited by Denis Woronoff, L'industrie sidérurgique en France pendant la Révolution et l'Empire (Paris, 1984), 32-33.
136. Pigieire, 397.
137. For this and the following quotation, see Annales des Arts et manufactures ou Mémoires technologiques sur les Découvertes modernes concernant les Arts, les Manufactures, l'Agriculture et le Commerce 6 (Thermidor, year IX [July 1801]): 184-85.
138. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Circulaire aux Préfets des départements (29 Thermidor, year XIII [17 August 1805]), AD Somme, M 80028. See also the Arrêté portant organisation d'une École d'arts et métiers à Compiègne, in the Bulletin des Lois 7: 220-62, 3rd series (year XI [1802]), 484-94. Also Le Brun, Notice sur les Écoles impériales d'Arts et Métiers, 1863, AN, F17 14317; and Pigieire, 270-75, 350-54.
139. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Circulaire aux Préfets des départements (29 Thermidor, year XIII [17 August 1805]), AD Somme, M 80028. See also the Arrêté portant organisation d'une École d'arts et métiers à Compiègne, in the Bulletin des Lois 7: 220-62, 3rd series (year XI [1802]), 484-94. Also Le Brun, Notice sur les Écoles impériales d'Arts et Métiers, 1863, AN, F17 14317; and Pigieire, 270-75, 350-54.
140. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, Circulaire aux Préfets des départements (29 Thermidor, year XIII [17 August 1805]), AD Somme, M 80028. See also the Arrêté portant organisation d'une École d'arts et métiers à Compiègne, in the Bulletin des Lois 7: 220-62, 3rd series (year XI [1802]), 484-94. Also Le Brun, Notice sur les Écoles impériales d'Arts et Métiers, 1863, AN, F17 14317; and Pigieire, 270-75, 350-54.
141. The original school moved to Châlons in 1806, and the second one was located at Beaupréau. See Ballot (n. 69 above), 32-33. See also Charles R. Day, Education for the Industrial World: The Ecoles d Arts et Métiers and the Rise of French Industrial Engineering (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 70-76.
142. The original school moved to Châlons in 1806, and the second one was located at Beaupréau. See Ballot (n. 69 above), 32-33. See also Charles R. Day, Education for the Industrial World: The Ecoles d Arts et Métiers and the Rise of French Industrial Engineering (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 70-76.
143. Bulletin de la Société d'encouragement pour l'Industrie nationale publié avec l'approbation du Ministre de l'Intérieur 12:3 (Messidor, year XII (June 1804]): 1, 4-5.
144. See Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), 244.
145. Discours prononcé par le Citoyen Degerando, de l'Institut National et Membre du Conseil-général d'Agriculture, Arts et Commerce du ministre de l'Intérieure, à la Séance d'ouverature (9 Brumaire, year X [31 October 1801]), AD Somme, M 80028. He was probably the one who came up with the idea for this institution, although Chaptal claimed the credit in his memoirs. Péronnet, Chaptal, 191.
146. Discours prononcé par le Citoyen Degerando, de l'Institut National et Membre du Conseil-général d'Agriculture, Arts et Commerce du ministre de l'Intérieure, à la Séance d'ouverature (9 Brumaire, year X [31 October 1801]), AD Somme, M 80028. He was probably the one who came up with the idea for this institution, although Chaptal claimed the credit in his memoirs. Péronnet, Chaptal, 191.
147. See, for example, the Annales des Arts et manufactures 6 (Thermidor, year IX [July 1801]): 182.
148. The information on the orders comes from a marginal note by Prefect Nicolas Quinette on his copy of the prospectus. Pompe économique pour les incendies, et l'arrosement des jardins inventée par Picot, mécanicien à Abbeville (1 Nivôse, year IX [22 December 1800]), AD Somme, M 80028.
149. État des fabriques de tissus de coton pur ou mélangé établis dans le Département de la Somme (Amiens, 1806); and the Lettre de Nicolas Quinette au Ministre de l'Intérieur (24 April 1806), both in AD Somme, M 80003. For one extremely incomplete count of the growing number of machines involved in mechanized cotton-spinning, see the government surveys in AN, F12 1562-1564. In 1806 the government allocated 160,000 francs for machines for "la fabrication des draps" (AN, F12 2207). In 1819 the government was still attempting to count the number of machines à double pression imported from England during the previous three years. There were supposedly twenty-eight; see AN, F12 2200, which also explains that six Watt-style engines had gone to the conservatoire in the period.
150. État des fabriques de tissus de coton pur ou mélangé établis dans le Département de la Somme (Amiens, 1806); and the Lettre de Nicolas Quinette au Ministre de l'Intérieur (24 April 1806), both in AD Somme, M 80003. For one extremely incomplete count of the growing number of machines involved in mechanized cotton-spinning, see the government surveys in AN, F12 1562-1564. In 1806 the government allocated 160,000 francs for machines for "la fabrication des draps" (AN, F12 2207). In 1819 the government was still attempting to count the number of machines à double pression imported from England during the previous three years. There were supposedly twenty-eight; see AN, F12 2200, which also explains that six Watt-style engines had gone to the conservatoire in the period.
151. Charles Bruslé, État des filatures de coton établies dans le Département de l'Aube (21 February 1806), AN, F12 1562.
152. Procès-verbal des opérations du Jury nommé par le Ministre de l'intérieur pour examiner les Produits de l'Industrie française mis à l'Exposition des jours complémentaires de la neuvième année de la République (Vendémiaire, year X [September 1801]), Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, 8-950288; and Notices relatives à tous ceux qui en 1806, ou dans les années précédantes, ont obtenu une médaille d'or, n.d. [1806], AN, F12 985.
153. Procès-verbal des opérations du Jury nommé par le Ministre de l'intérieur pour examiner les Produits de l'Industrie française mis à l'Exposition des jours complémentaires de la neuvième année de la République (Vendémiaire, year X [September 1801]), Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, 8-950288; and Notices relatives à tous ceux qui en 1806, ou dans les années précédantes, ont obtenu une médaille d'or, n.d. [1806], AN, F12 985.
154. Chaptal was also an influential agricultural entrepreneur and innovator. He applied science to agricultural problems with as much or more success as he gave his efforts in industry. See Pigieire (n. 16 above), 236-38, 449-51, 456-57; and Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), 243-44, 247.
155. Chaptal was also an influential agricultural entrepreneur and innovator. He applied science to agricultural problems with as much or more success as he gave his efforts in industry. See Pigieire (n. 16 above), 236-38, 449-51, 456-57; and Péronnet, Chaptal (n. 16 above), 243-44, 247.
156. Péronnet, Chaptal, 461-62.
157. Pigieire, 443-45, 467.
158. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, De l'Industrie française (Paris, 1819), 2:32. Other influential industrialists had a similar perspective. See L. M. Lomuller, Guillaume Ternaux, 1763-1833: Créateur de la premiere integration industrielle française (Paris, 1977), 124.
159. Jean-Antoine Chaptal, De l'Industrie française (Paris, 1819), 2:32. Other influential industrialists had a similar perspective. See L. M. Lomuller, Guillaume Ternaux, 1763-1833: Créateur de la premiere integration industrielle française (Paris, 1977), 124.
160. For a detailed discussion of this point, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 8. For the British side of this story, see Thomas Barnes, "The Affinity subsisting and extending Manufactures, by encouraging those Arts on which Manufactures principally depend," in Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester (Warrington, 1785), 1:72-80.
161. For a detailed discussion of this point, see Jacob, Scientific Culture (n. 1 above), chap. 8. For the British side of this story, see Thomas Barnes, "The Affinity subsisting and extending Manufactures, by encouraging those Arts on which Manufactures principally depend," in Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester (Warrington, 1785), 1:72-80.
162. The worker Joseph-August Delarothière provides a perfect example of the time lag. He took mathematics classes sponsored by the municipality of Troyes and emerged as one of the most important French inventors of the first half of the century. Beginning in 1829, he constructed the first of a series of machines that permitted the tricot industry to flourish in and around Troyes, and he became an entrepreneur. Nor was he alone in his entrepreneurship or his inventiveness. Between 1828 and 1838, other Troyens discovered important technical improvements in many branches of the textile industry, which laid the foundation for the long-term prosperity of the city and the region. See Beury (n. 56 above), 2:38-41.