The ties that bind: Social cohesion and the Yucatec Maya family

Journal of Family History

Volumn 23, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 355-381

  Restall, Matthew ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0032193518     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909802300402     Document Type: Article

References (188)

1. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
2. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
3. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
4. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
5. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
6. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
7. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
8. The following abbreviations are used for archival and primary material: Archivo del Arzobispado, Mérida, Yucatán (AA); Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (AGEY); Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain (AGI); Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (AGN); Archivo Notarial del Estado de Yucatán, Mérida (ANEY) (note that cited volume numbers are not document dates); Biblioteca Nacional de México-Fondo Franciscano, Mexico City (BNM-FF); The Cozumel Census of 1570 (CC), published in Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, "Report and Census of the Indians of Cozumel, 1570," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 30 (1940): 4-30; The Documents of Tekanto (DT) in ANEY (uncatalogued; I thank Victoria Bricker and Philip Thompson for granting me access to copies of DT); Libro de Cacalchen (LC) in the Rare Manuscript Collection, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans (T-LAL); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Calkin/ (TC) published as Alfredo Barrera Vásquez, Códice de Calkiní (Campeche, Yucatán: Biblioteca Campechana, 1957) and in Matthew Restall, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998); Title (also Chronicle, Codex) of Chicxulub (TCh) published as Daniel Brinton, The Maya Chronicles (Philadelphia, 1882) and in Restall, Maya Conquistador; Titles of Ebtun (TE) published as Ralph L. Roys, The Titles of Ebtun (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1939); Testaments of Ixil (TI) published as Matthew Restall, Life and Death in a Maya Community: The Ixil Testaments of the 1760s (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995); Tierras de Tabi (TT) in T-LAL; Titles of the Xiu (TX) in T-LAL; Title (also Chronicle) of Yaxkukul (TY) in T-LAL and published in Restall, Maya Conquistador.
9. These sources are discussed in Matthew Restall, "'The Document Shall Be Seen': Yucatec Maya Literacy," in "Chipping Away on Earth": Prehispanic and Colonial Nahua Studies in Honor of Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, ed. Eloise Quiñones-Keber (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995), 119-30; idem, "Heirs to the Hieroglyphs: Indigenous Writing in Colonial Mesoamerica," in The Americas 54, no. 2 (1997): 239-67; and idem, The Maya World: Yucatec Culture and Society, 1550-1850 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), chaps. 18-22.
10. These sources are discussed in Matthew Restall, "'The Document Shall Be Seen': Yucatec Maya Literacy," in "Chipping Away on Earth": Prehispanic and Colonial Nahua Studies in Honor of Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, ed. Eloise Quiñones-Keber (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995), 119-30; idem, "Heirs to the Hieroglyphs: Indigenous Writing in Colonial Mesoamerica," in The Americas 54, no. 2 (1997): 239-67; and idem, The Maya World: Yucatec Culture and Society, 1550-1850 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), chaps. 18-22.
11. These sources are discussed in Matthew Restall, "'The Document Shall Be Seen': Yucatec Maya Literacy," in "Chipping Away on Earth": Prehispanic and Colonial Nahua Studies in Honor of Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, ed. Eloise Quiñones-Keber (Lancaster, CA: Labyrinthos, 1995), 119-30; idem, "Heirs to the Hieroglyphs: Indigenous Writing in Colonial Mesoamerica," in The Americas 54, no. 2 (1997): 239-67; and idem, The Maya World: Yucatec Culture and Society, 1550-1850 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), chaps. 18-22.
12. Nancy M. Farriss, Maya Society under Colonial Rule: The Collective Enterprise of Survival (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 133.
13. For a book-length study of Maya society in the cah, which includes extended definition and discussion of these terms, see Restall, The Maya World. For the sake of readability, I often refer in this article to cah as "community" and to chibal as "patronym-group," but the reader should be aware that no English word fully conveys the meaning of the Maya terms. This article uses colonial, not modern, orthography for Maya terms (with the exception of the letter dz, which is the modem rendering of a colonial letter resembling a backwards c).
14. Farriss, Maya Society, 137.
15. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
16. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
17. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
18. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
19. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
20. John K. Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978); John Kicza, Colonial Entrepreneurs (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983); Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 228-45; Lourdes Villafuerte García, "El matrimonio como punto de partida para la formación de la familia, ciudad de México, siglo XVII,"in Familias Novohispanas: Siglos XVI al XIX, ed. Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 1991), 91-99; Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico's Merchant Elite, 1590-1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Richard Boyer, Lives of the Bigamists: Marriage, Family, and Community in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), chaps. 2, 3.
21. Boyer, Bigamists, shows that while extended family networks were crucial to the migration and mobility of Spaniards in Mexico, movement sometimes fragmented families into nuclear units. Silvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 77, emphasizes "the basic social unit" of the nuclear family. Larissa Adler Lomnitz and Marisol Pérez-Lizaur, A Mexican Elite Family, 1820-1980: Kinship, Class, and Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 125, propose for the national period that "the basic unit of solidarity in the culture of Mexico is the grandfamily ... comprising one's parents, siblings, spouse, and children."
22. Boyer, Bigamists, shows that while extended family networks were crucial to the migration and mobility of Spaniards in Mexico, movement sometimes fragmented families into nuclear units. Silvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 77, emphasizes "the basic social unit" of the nuclear family. Larissa Adler Lomnitz and Marisol Pérez-Lizaur, A Mexican Elite Family, 1820-1980: Kinship, Class, and Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 125, propose for the national period that "the basic unit of solidarity in the culture of Mexico is the grandfamily ... comprising one's parents, siblings, spouse, and children."
23. Boyer, Bigamists, shows that while extended family networks were crucial to the migration and mobility of Spaniards in Mexico, movement sometimes fragmented families into nuclear units. Silvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 77, emphasizes "the basic social unit" of the nuclear family. Larissa Adler Lomnitz and Marisol Pérez-Lizaur, A Mexican Elite Family, 1820-1980: Kinship, Class, and Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 125, propose for the national period that "the basic unit of solidarity in the culture of Mexico is the grandfamily ... comprising one's parents, siblings, spouse, and children."
24. Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); Thomas Calvo, "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 287-312; Carmen Castañeda, "La formación de la pareja y el matrimonio," in Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Familias Novohispanas; Matthew Restall, "'Repugnant the difference': The Roles of Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Love in Personal Relations in Colonial Hispanic Yucatán" (paper presented at the American Historical Association, Chicago, 1995).
25. Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); Thomas Calvo, "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 287-312; Carmen Castañeda, "La formación de la pareja y el matrimonio," in Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Familias Novohispanas; Matthew Restall, "'Repugnant the difference': The Roles of Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Love in Personal Relations in Colonial Hispanic Yucatán" (paper presented at the American Historical Association, Chicago, 1995).
26. Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); Thomas Calvo, "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 287-312; Carmen Castañeda, "La formación de la pareja y el matrimonio," in Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Familias Novohispanas; Matthew Restall, "'Repugnant the difference': The Roles of Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Love in Personal Relations in Colonial Hispanic Yucatán" (paper presented at the American Historical Association, Chicago, 1995).
27. Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); Thomas Calvo, "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 287-312; Carmen Castañeda, "La formación de la pareja y el matrimonio," in Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Familias Novohispanas; Matthew Restall, "'Repugnant the difference': The Roles of Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Love in Personal Relations in Colonial Hispanic Yucatán" (paper presented at the American Historical Association, Chicago, 1995).
28. Robert M. Hill II and John Monaghan, Continuities in Highland Maya Social Organization: Ethnohistory in Sacapulas, Guatemala (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), 38-42.
29. Robert M. Hill II, The Pirir Papers and Other Colonial Period Cakchiquel-Maya Testamentos (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Publications in Anthropology, 1989); idem, Colonial Cakchiquels: Highland Maya Adaptation to Spanish Rule, 1600-1700 (Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), 33-38.
30. Robert M. Hill II, The Pirir Papers and Other Colonial Period Cakchiquel-Maya Testamentos (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Publications in Anthropology, 1989); idem, Colonial Cakchiquels: Highland Maya Adaptation to Spanish Rule, 1600-1700 (Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), 33-38.
31. Jerome A. Offner, "Household Organization in the Texcocan Heartland," in Explorations in Ethnohistory: Indians of Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century, ed. H. R. Harvey and Hanns J. Prem (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 127-46; Lockhart, The Nahuas, chap. 3; Susan Kellogg, Law and the Transformation of Aztec Culture, 1500-1700 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), chap. 5.
32. Jerome A. Offner, "Household Organization in the Texcocan Heartland," in Explorations in Ethnohistory: Indians of Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century, ed. H. R. Harvey and Hanns J. Prem (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 127-46; Lockhart, The Nahuas, chap. 3; Susan Kellogg, Law and the Transformation of Aztec Culture, 1500-1700 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), chap. 5.
33. Jerome A. Offner, "Household Organization in the Texcocan Heartland," in Explorations in Ethnohistory: Indians of Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century, ed. H. R. Harvey and Hanns J. Prem (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 127-46; Lockhart, The Nahuas, chap. 3; Susan Kellogg, Law and the Transformation of Aztec Culture, 1500-1700 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), chap. 5.
34. As Calvo, "Guadalajara Families," 287-89, points out.
35. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Richard Wall, Jean Robin, and Peter Laslett, Family Forms in Historic Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Nor is there a Maya-rooted term for family used by Yucatec speakers today; instead the Spanish familia has been borrowed, but even then, in the possessed form infáamilyáa, the term is used only by men and means "my wife"; William F. Hanks, Language and Communicative Practices (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996), 277.
36. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Richard Wall, Jean Robin, and Peter Laslett, Family Forms in Historic Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Nor is there a Maya-rooted term for family used by Yucatec speakers today; instead the Spanish familia has been borrowed, but even then, in the possessed form infáamilyáa, the term is used only by men and means "my wife"; William F. Hanks, Language and Communicative Practices (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996), 277.
37. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Richard Wall, Jean Robin, and Peter Laslett, Family Forms in Historic Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Nor is there a Maya-rooted term for family used by Yucatec speakers today; instead the Spanish familia has been borrowed, but even then, in the possessed form infáamilyáa, the term is used only by men and means "my wife"; William F. Hanks, Language and Communicative Practices (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996), 277.
38. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Richard Wall, Jean Robin, and Peter Laslett, Family Forms in Historic Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Nor is there a Maya-rooted term for family used by Yucatec speakers today; instead the Spanish familia has been borrowed, but even then, in the possessed form infáamilyáa, the term is used only by men and means "my wife"; William F. Hanks, Language and Communicative Practices (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996), 277.
39. Lockhart, The Nahuas, 60-68.
40. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
41. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
42. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
43. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
44. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
45. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
46. Ralph L. Roys, The Indian Background of Colonial Yucatan (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1943), 21; Ralph L. Roys, France V. Scholes, and Eleanor B. Adams, eds., "Census and Inspection of the town of Pencuyut, Yucatán, in 1583 by Diego García de Palacio, oidor of of audiencia of Guatemala," Ethnohistory 6 (1959): 205; Farriss, Maya Society, 134. A census of 1569 recorded nine married couples living on the household compound of the governor of the community of Tixchel, in the Chontal region at the base of the peninsula; France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, The Maya Chontal Indians of Acalan-Tixchel (1948; Norman: Oklahoma university Press, 1968), 54. These numbers suggest some continuity from preconquest times: using mostly archaeological data (and some ethnohistorical early-colonial sources), the contributors to Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, ed. T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), estimate pre-Columbian lowland Maya occupancy levels of 4 to 5.6 individuals per house, with most suggesting that about 10 family members could have lived in the larger structures; although these scholars tend to equate households with houses, most argue that houses were arranged in residential clusters (see n. 74 below), and several, for example, B. L. Turner II, "Population Reconstruction of the Central Maya Lowlands: 1000 BC to AD 1500," 307-8, recognize that extended families could have occupied multiple adjacent structures (typically grouped in pairs or trios in central lowland sites). The estimate of 10 household members is also consistent with the findings of a recent investigation into colonial-era parish records by Edward Kurjack, Elena Lincoln, and Beatriz Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology from Church Archives" (paper presented at the 49th International Congress of Americanists, Quito, Ecuador, 1997).
47. CC; TI.
48. CC; TI.
49. Due to three problems with the figures on married children: they are for household head couples only, not all couples in the community; some of the individuals assumed to be married children could be siblings; some of a head couples' children could be head couples themselves or at least living in other households.
50. TE: 196 (in ualob ma u iaballobi cantutobili).
51. Note, for example, the contrast with respect to infants between Cacalchen and the other communities included in Table 3 (and Figure 1), suggesting that outbreaks of disease (in this case, presumably one to which children were most susceptible) could be highly localized. For Andean examples of disease likewise affecting single seven-year generations in particular communities, see Karen Powers, Andean Journeys: Migration, Ethnogenesis, and the State in Colonial Quito (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 178-79.
52. This pattern is compiled from estimates in Farriss, Maya Society, 57-65; Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda bajo los Austrias (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1978), 163; Marta Espejo-Ponce Hunt, "Colonial Yucatán: Town and Region in the Seventeenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 163-67; and BNM-FF, 468, 51 and 59-78 (census of 1794). See also Robert W. Patch, Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1648-1812 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 139.
53. This pattern is compiled from estimates in Farriss, Maya Society, 57-65; Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda bajo los Austrias (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1978), 163; Marta Espejo-Ponce Hunt, "Colonial Yucatán: Town and Region in the Seventeenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 163-67; and BNM-FF, 468, 51 and 59-78 (census of 1794). See also Robert W. Patch, Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1648-1812 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 139.
54. This pattern is compiled from estimates in Farriss, Maya Society, 57-65; Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda bajo los Austrias (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1978), 163; Marta Espejo-Ponce Hunt, "Colonial Yucatán: Town and Region in the Seventeenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 163-67; and BNM-FF, 468, 51 and 59-78 (census of 1794). See also Robert W. Patch, Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1648-1812 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 139.
55. This pattern is compiled from estimates in Farriss, Maya Society, 57-65; Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda bajo los Austrias (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1978), 163; Marta Espejo-Ponce Hunt, "Colonial Yucatán: Town and Region in the Seventeenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 163-67; and BNM-FF, 468, 51 and 59-78 (census of 1794). See also Robert W. Patch, Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1648-1812 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 139.
56. Diego de Landa, Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (1566; reprint, Mexico City: Porrua, 1982) 42. Farriss, Maya Society, 173, argues that Spanish pressure explains the change, as marriage made a Maya man eligible for the labor draft and for tribute payment as a new household head.
57. Diego de Landa, Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (1566; reprint, Mexico City: Porrua, 1982) 42. Farriss, Maya Society, 173, argues that Spanish pressure explains the change, as marriage made a Maya man eligible for the labor draft and for tribute payment as a new household head.
58. Despite four problematic aspects of the data in Table 4 - the age categories, the suspicious tidiness of the Tekantó entries, the high incidence of older single residents, and the inclusion of non-Mayas in the Valladolid-Saci entry - the suggestion that marriage ages were later than early teens is clear.
59. Robert McCaa, "Marriageways in Mexico and Spain, 1500-1900," Continuity and Change 9, no. 1 (1994): 12.
60. Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 15, cite Diego de Landa and the oidor Tomás López; Landa, Relación, 42, refers to the labor obligation.
61. Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 15, cite Diego de Landa and the oidor Tomás López; Landa, Relación, 42, refers to the labor obligation.
62. Andrés Cutz, a mid-eighteenth-century resident of Motul, assumed in dictating his will (ANEY 1796-97, 205; discussed further below) that not only would his son raise a family on the solar where Andres himself had lived, but that his daughters would attract husbands to the contiguous house-plots that Andres was providing for them too.
63. Explained more technically in Philip C. Thompson, "Tekanto in the Eighteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1978), 81-82.
64. CC; TI, 20 Patricia McAnany, Living with the Ancestors: Kinship and Kingship in Ancient Maya Society (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), 121, may be right in suggesting that the finding of subordinate non-kin household members in Morelos by Pedro Carrasco, "The Joint Family in Ancient Mexico: The Case of Molotla," in Essays in Mexican Kinship, ed. Hugo Nutini, Pedro Carrasco, and J. M. Taggart (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), 55, was paralleled by Yucatec practice, and she cites Landa's reference to orphan adoption by some Maya households. Indeed, there are signs in wills from the Ixil and Tekantó collections of adoption in the eighteenth century (TI, 30; DT, 151, 170).
65. CC; TI, 20 Patricia McAnany, Living with the Ancestors: Kinship and Kingship in Ancient Maya Society (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), 121, may be right in suggesting that the finding of subordinate non-kin household members in Morelos by Pedro Carrasco, "The Joint Family in Ancient Mexico: The Case of Molotla," in Essays in Mexican Kinship, ed. Hugo Nutini, Pedro Carrasco, and J. M. Taggart (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), 55, was paralleled by Yucatec practice, and she cites Landa's reference to orphan adoption by some Maya households. Indeed, there are signs in wills from the Ixil and Tekantó collections of adoption in the eighteenth century (TI, 30; DT, 151, 170).
66. CC; TI, 20 Patricia McAnany, Living with the Ancestors: Kinship and Kingship in Ancient Maya Society (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), 121, may be right in suggesting that the finding of subordinate non-kin household members in Morelos by Pedro Carrasco, "The Joint Family in Ancient Mexico: The Case of Molotla," in Essays in Mexican Kinship, ed. Hugo Nutini, Pedro Carrasco, and J. M. Taggart (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), 55, was paralleled by Yucatec practice, and she cites Landa's reference to orphan adoption by some Maya households. Indeed, there are signs in wills from the Ixil and Tekantó collections of adoption in the eighteenth century (TI, 30; DT, 151, 170).
67. CC; TI, 20 Patricia McAnany, Living with the Ancestors: Kinship and Kingship in Ancient Maya Society (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995), 121, may be right in suggesting that the finding of subordinate non-kin household members in Morelos by Pedro Carrasco, "The Joint Family in Ancient Mexico: The Case of Molotla," in Essays in Mexican Kinship, ed. Hugo Nutini, Pedro Carrasco, and J. M. Taggart (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), 55, was paralleled by Yucatec practice, and she cites Landa's reference to orphan adoption by some Maya households. Indeed, there are signs in wills from the Ixil and Tekantó collections of adoption in the eighteenth century (TI, 30; DT, 151, 170).
68. Kinship terminology drawn from LC, TI, DT, and the analysis of DT in Thompson, "Tekanto," chap. 2 and 151-53. On colonial-era Maya-language variants and changes, see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 22.
69. Kinship terminology drawn from LC, TI, DT, and the analysis of DT in Thompson, "Tekanto," chap. 2 and 151-53. On colonial-era Maya-language variants and changes, see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 22.
70. While also making a general distinction between cross and parallel kin; see Thompson, "Tekanto," 81.
71. Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 5, 6. Thus a Maya woman seeking protection from, say, physical threat or sexual abuse would turn first to her husband (TT, 32-33) and then to her community governor (batab) (AGN Inquisición 69, 5, 169-74); husbands also appealed to the batab and community council to defend their wives (AGN Bienes Nacionales 21, 20, 2-8; Inquisición 69, 5, 277), while councils sometimes had to defend women from their own husbands (TE, 284).
72. Restall, The Maya World, chap. 19.
73. TI, 56; ANEY 1819(iv), 19r.
74. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 120; Richard Trexler, Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 179-80.
75. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 120; Richard Trexler, Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 179-80.
76. Examples of inheritance dispute resolutions, all largely disguising prior intrafamily hostilities, are in TI, 35 and 40 (see Restall, Life and Death, 103-6, 116-21) and DT, 185. Families often endeavored to prevent such disputes by including statements, embedded within testaments, of confirmation or renunciation by multiple family members (e.g., TI, 51; DT, 61). Families, like communities, were naturally prone to internal conflicts - often along divisions of generation, gender, or faction - that did not necessarily destroy group integrity; in fact, as Steve Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), chap. 6., has observed for elsewhere in colonial Mexico, conflict and solidarity could be paradoxically interlinked, the tendency toward the former promoting the latter.
77. Examples of inheritance dispute resolutions, all largely disguising prior intrafamily hostilities, are in TI, 35 and 40 (see Restall, Life and Death, 103-6, 116-21) and DT, 185. Families often endeavored to prevent such disputes by including statements, embedded within testaments, of confirmation or renunciation by multiple family members (e.g., TI, 51; DT, 61). Families, like communities, were naturally prone to internal conflicts - often along divisions of generation, gender, or faction - that did not necessarily destroy group integrity; in fact, as Steve Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), chap. 6., has observed for elsewhere in colonial Mexico, conflict and solidarity could be paradoxically interlinked, the tendency toward the former promoting the latter.
78. Thus, the Maya term for "noble(man)," almehen, means literally "the child of a woman, the son of a man."
79. Hill, Colonial Cakchiquels, 32-35.
80. As Hill, Colonial Cakchiquels, 32, points out.
81. This early-colonial transition from a system of unilineal or parallel descent to one of patrilineal descent only, as suggested by naming patterns, is similar to that proposed by Irene Silverblatt for the Andes, Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 132.
82. Ralph L. Roys, "Personal Names of the Maya of Yucatan," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 31 (1940): 31-48; Restall,The Maya World, chap.4;
83. Ralph L. Roys, "Personal Names of the Maya of Yucatan," in Contributions to American Anthropology and History 31 (1940): 31-48; Restall,The Maya World, chap.4;
84. AGN Inquisición 1187, 2, 59 (example of Pabla, written in Maya with a feminizing prefix as xpab); ANEY (land records in Maya throughout colonial-era volumes); DT; LC; TE; TI. The Juan and Luisa examples are taken from the same family (TE, 222).
85. Examples: TI, 32, 40, 41; AGN Tierras 1359, 5, 19.
86. Examples: TI, 32, 40, 41; AGN Tierras 1359, 5, 19.
87. AGN Tierras 1359, 5, 19-22; my translation from the Maya. The link between land and ancestors in an ancient Maya society is explored extensively in McAnany, Living with the Ancestors.
88. AGN Tierras 1359, 5, 19-22; my translation from the Maya. The link between land and ancestors in an ancient Maya society is explored extensively in McAnany, Living with the Ancestors.
89. The Maya term is kax, literally "forest"; it was used by some communities (for example, Tekantó) to describe uncultivated plots, as distinct from cultivated fields (usually col), but many communities (for example, Ixil and, above, Homún) used it to refer to cultivable plots regardless of whether the land was at the moment forested, fallow, or fully cultivated. On colonial-era Maya land description and tenure, based on Maya-language sources such as Felipe Noh's will, see Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 13-17.
90. TCh; TY; TX.
91. TCh; TY; TX.
92. TCh; TY; TX.
93. TI (testaments dated 1765-1768 of children of the couples). In nine wills from Ebtun, 1811-1813 (TE, between 224 and 242), of ten named couples, half appear to be community-endogamous marriages and half cannot be identified either way.
94. Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 60.
95. David J. Robinson, "Migration Patterns in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the International Conference of Latin American Geographers, Mérida, Yucatán, México, 1987).
96. Although I have avoided bringing ethnicity into the discussion of marriage, it is worth observing that while the mestizo (indigenous-European mixed) population was growing rapidly in Mérida and other Spanish centers (Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 234-35; AGEY Censos y padrones, vols. 1, 2), much of this miscegenation was extramarital or resulting from the internal growth of the mestizo sector, while marriages between Mayas and non-Mayas were actually rare in the Maya world; for example, although eighteenth-century Tekantó had a relatively large non-Maya population of about 30 percent, endogamy among the Maya residents was 93 percent, and among nonnoble Mayas, including commoner-noble Maya marriages, 97 percent (Thompson, "Tekanto," 253). It would thus be safe to say that the typical Maya family was ethnically homogeneous. John K. Chance, "The Caciques of Tecali: Class and Ethnic Identity in Late Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review 76 (August 1996): 494-98, noted that in late-colonial Tecali in the province of Puebla, both community and ethnic endogamy was high; endogamy among the Nahua elite, while declining through the eighteenth century, was initially high and remained significant.
97. Although I have avoided bringing ethnicity into the discussion of marriage, it is worth observing that while the mestizo (indigenous-European mixed) population was growing rapidly in Mérida and other Spanish centers (Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 234-35; AGEY Censos y padrones, vols. 1, 2), much of this miscegenation was extramarital or resulting from the internal growth of the mestizo sector, while marriages between Mayas and non-Mayas were actually rare in the Maya world; for example, although eighteenth-century Tekantó had a relatively large non-Maya population of about 30 percent, endogamy among the Maya residents was 93 percent, and among nonnoble Mayas, including commoner-noble Maya marriages, 97 percent (Thompson, "Tekanto," 253). It would thus be safe to say that the typical Maya family was ethnically homogeneous. John K. Chance, "The Caciques of Tecali: Class and Ethnic Identity in Late Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review 76 (August 1996): 494-98, noted that in late-colonial Tecali in the province of Puebla, both community and ethnic endogamy was high; endogamy among the Nahua elite, while declining through the eighteenth century, was initially high and remained significant.
98. Although I have avoided bringing ethnicity into the discussion of marriage, it is worth observing that while the mestizo (indigenous-European mixed) population was growing rapidly in Mérida and other Spanish centers (Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 234-35; AGEY Censos y padrones, vols. 1, 2), much of this miscegenation was extramarital or resulting from the internal growth of the mestizo sector, while marriages between Mayas and non-Mayas were actually rare in the Maya world; for example, although eighteenth-century Tekantó had a relatively large non-Maya population of about 30 percent, endogamy among the Maya residents was 93 percent, and among nonnoble Mayas, including commoner-noble Maya marriages, 97 percent (Thompson, "Tekanto," 253). It would thus be safe to say that the typical Maya family was ethnically homogeneous. John K. Chance, "The Caciques of Tecali: Class and Ethnic Identity in Late Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review 76 (August 1996): 494-98, noted that in late-colonial Tecali in the province of Puebla, both community and ethnic endogamy was high; endogamy among the Nahua elite, while declining through the eighteenth century, was initially high and remained significant.
99. Although I have avoided bringing ethnicity into the discussion of marriage, it is worth observing that while the mestizo (indigenous-European mixed) population was growing rapidly in Mérida and other Spanish centers (Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 234-35; AGEY Censos y padrones, vols. 1, 2), much of this miscegenation was extramarital or resulting from the internal growth of the mestizo sector, while marriages between Mayas and non-Mayas were actually rare in the Maya world; for example, although eighteenth-century Tekantó had a relatively large non-Maya population of about 30 percent, endogamy among the Maya residents was 93 percent, and among nonnoble Mayas, including commoner-noble Maya marriages, 97 percent (Thompson, "Tekanto," 253). It would thus be safe to say that the typical Maya family was ethnically homogeneous. John K. Chance, "The Caciques of Tecali: Class and Ethnic Identity in Late Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review 76 (August 1996): 494-98, noted that in late-colonial Tecali in the province of Puebla, both community and ethnic endogamy was high; endogamy among the Nahua elite, while declining through the eighteenth century, was initially high and remained significant.
100. Landa, Relación, 41-42.
101. Hill and Monaghan, Highland Maya Social Organization, 32-33.
102. Based on analysis of a 1688 census from AGI in Roys, "Personal Names," as well as TE and TI. Chance, "The Caciques of Tecali," 487-88, found concentrated clusters of noble cognatic patronym-groups in late-colonial Tecali.
103. TE; TI and DT, Maya sources in ANEY (volumes numbered but not dated 1776-1839). The locations of these communities are discussed in the notes to Table 2. For populations of individual communities, see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, Appendix A. The figures suggested by late-eighteenth-century parish records are a little higher, with 20 percent to 30 percent of patronyms represented in larger Maya communities; Kurjack, Lincoln, and Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology."
104. TE; TI and DT, Maya sources in ANEY (volumes numbered but not dated 1776-1839). The locations of these communities are discussed in the notes to Table 2. For populations of individual communities, see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, Appendix A. The figures suggested by late-eighteenth-century parish records are a little higher, with 20 percent to 30 percent of patronyms represented in larger Maya communities; Kurjack, Lincoln, and Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology."
105. TE; TI and DT, Maya sources in ANEY (volumes numbered but not dated 1776-1839). The locations of these communities are discussed in the notes to Table 2. For populations of individual communities, see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, Appendix A. The figures suggested by late-eighteenth-century parish records are a little higher, with 20 percent to 30 percent of patronyms represented in larger Maya communities; Kurjack, Lincoln, and Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology."
106. TE; TI and DT, Maya sources in ANEY (volumes numbered but not dated 1776-1839). The locations of these communities are discussed in the notes to Table 2. For populations of individual communities, see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, Appendix A. The figures suggested by late-eighteenth-century parish records are a little higher, with 20 percent to 30 percent of patronyms represented in larger Maya communities; Kurjack, Lincoln, and Repetto, "Models for Maya Archaeology."
107. Landa's statement (Relación, 42) on the taboo of marrying someone from one's own patronym-group is borne out strongly by colonial-era evidence. Of the hundreds of couples that appear in close to two thousand extant Maya-language notarial records, I have noted just three cases of chibal endogamy, two of them Pech and one Xiu (TI; TX); as elite chibalob with few peers, these dynasties were presumably driven on occasion by the imperative of class endogamy to break the taboo and marry one of their own.
108. CC (also see Table 1); LC; TI; also see Restall, Life and Death; The Maya World, chaps. 9-10.
109. CC (also see Table 1); LC; TI; also see Restall, Life and Death; The Maya World, chaps. 9-10.
110. CC (also see Table 1); LC; TI; also see Restall, Life and Death; The Maya World, chaps. 9-10.
111. CC (also see Table 1); LC; TI; also see Restall, Life and Death; The Maya World, chaps. 9-10.
112. As demonstrated by Thompson, "Tekantó," chap. 2.
113. TI, 1 and 29; LC, 8; CC (total of 40 patronym-groups and 143 couples in both communities combined). This is not to suggest that individual romantic choice played no role, but clearly individuals may believe they are guided by love and be unconscious of certain social pressures to which they are nevertheless susceptible, as observed by Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 135; also see Restall, "Personal Relations."
114. TI, 1 and 29; LC, 8; CC (total of 40 patronym-groups and 143 couples in both communities combined). This is not to suggest that individual romantic choice played no role, but clearly individuals may believe they are guided by love and be unconscious of certain social pressures to which they are nevertheless susceptible, as observed by Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 135; also see Restall, "Personal Relations."
115. TI, 1 and 29; LC, 8; CC (total of 40 patronym-groups and 143 couples in both communities combined). This is not to suggest that individual romantic choice played no role, but clearly individuals may believe they are guided by love and be unconscious of certain social pressures to which they are nevertheless susceptible, as observed by Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 135; also see Restall, "Personal Relations."
116. TI, 1 and 29; LC, 8; CC (total of 40 patronym-groups and 143 couples in both communities combined). This is not to suggest that individual romantic choice played no role, but clearly individuals may believe they are guided by love and be unconscious of certain social pressures to which they are nevertheless susceptible, as observed by Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 135; also see Restall, "Personal Relations."
117. TI, 1 and 29; LC, 8; CC (total of 40 patronym-groups and 143 couples in both communities combined). This is not to suggest that individual romantic choice played no role, but clearly individuals may believe they are guided by love and be unconscious of certain social pressures to which they are nevertheless susceptible, as observed by Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 135; also see Restall, "Personal Relations."
118. The importance of female roles in the related matters of marriage patterns and property ownership modifies but does not undermine the existence of gender hierarchy and patriarchy in colonial-era Maya society; individual women were potentially empowered by their patronyms and the property they owned, thereby influencing the course of marriage alliances between patronym-group, yet it was the patronyms of men that were passed onto children, and it was men who controlled the most valued property item, arable land. For a complementary discussion of this issue, see Matthew Restall, "'He Wished It in Vain': Subordination and Resistance among Maya Women in Post-Conquest Yucatan," Ethnohistory 42 (Fall 1995): 577-94.
119. "Asymmetry" is applied to the pre-Columbian Maya family by McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 111-24, and to the modern Yucatec Maya family by William F. Hanks, Referential Practice: Language and Lived Space among the Maya (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1990), 115-19.
120. "Asymmetry" is applied to the pre-Columbian Maya family by McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 111-24, and to the modern Yucatec Maya family by William F. Hanks, Referential Practice: Language and Lived Space among the Maya (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1990), 115-19.
121. As Farriss, Maya Society, 138-39, 169, observes, all social groups are corporate to some extent, but the corporate nature of the Maya family extended beyond mere affiliation to a powerful sense of identity. Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 76-81, discusses family and corporatism in colonial Mexico.
122. As Farriss, Maya Society, 138-39, 169, observes, all social groups are corporate to some extent, but the corporate nature of the Maya family extended beyond mere affiliation to a powerful sense of identity. Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 76-81, discusses family and corporatism in colonial Mexico.
123. A common historiographical starting point is Eric Wolf, "Closed Corporate Peasant Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1957), and Sons of the Shaking Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). Also see the bibliographies to Eric Van Young, "Mexican Rural History Since Chevalier: The Historiography of the Colonial Hacienda," Latin American Research Review 18, no. 3 (1983): 5-46, and Steve Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (1988): 829-72.
124. A common historiographical starting point is Eric Wolf, "Closed Corporate Peasant Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1957), and Sons of the Shaking Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). Also see the bibliographies to Eric Van Young, "Mexican Rural History Since Chevalier: The Historiography of the Colonial Hacienda," Latin American Research Review 18, no. 3 (1983): 5-46, and Steve Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (1988): 829-72.
125. A common historiographical starting point is Eric Wolf, "Closed Corporate Peasant Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1957), and Sons of the Shaking Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). Also see the bibliographies to Eric Van Young, "Mexican Rural History Since Chevalier: The Historiography of the Colonial Hacienda," Latin American Research Review 18, no. 3 (1983): 5-46, and Steve Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (1988): 829-72.
126. A common historiographical starting point is Eric Wolf, "Closed Corporate Peasant Communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1957), and Sons of the Shaking Earth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). Also see the bibliographies to Eric Van Young, "Mexican Rural History Since Chevalier: The Historiography of the Colonial Hacienda," Latin American Research Review 18, no. 3 (1983): 5-46, and Steve Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism, and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (1988): 829-72.
127. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
128. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
129. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
130. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
131. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
132. By "other demands," I am primarily referring to the repartimiento, which in Yucatán was a forced sale of goods at below-market prices imposed on a community by Spaniards working independently and/or for the colonial provincial administration; on repartimientos and the Maya role in the colonial economy, see Farriss, Maya Society; García Bernal, Yucatán: Población y encomienda (as well as a long list of articles by García Bernal published 1979-1994 in Spain and cited in Restall, The Maya World); Patch, Maya and Spaniard; Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 14, 17; idem, "Identity and Legitimacy: The Rulers and the Ruled in Colonial Yucatán" (paper presented at the Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain Councils on Latin American Studies, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1996).
133. Christine Kray, "Worship in Body and Spirit: Practice, Self, and Religious Sensibility in Yucatán, Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997); idem, "New Labors, New Lives: Capitalist Practice and Critique in Yucatan" (paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 1996); Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1977); Wolf, "Peasant Communities"; idem, Shaking Earth; Sol Tax, Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1953).
134. Christine Kray, "Worship in Body and Spirit: Practice, Self, and Religious Sensibility in Yucatán, Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997); idem, "New Labors, New Lives: Capitalist Practice and Critique in Yucatan" (paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 1996); Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1977); Wolf, "Peasant Communities"; idem, Shaking Earth; Sol Tax, Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1953).
135. Christine Kray, "Worship in Body and Spirit: Practice, Self, and Religious Sensibility in Yucatán, Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997); idem, "New Labors, New Lives: Capitalist Practice and Critique in Yucatan" (paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 1996); Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1977); Wolf, "Peasant Communities"; idem, Shaking Earth; Sol Tax, Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1953).
136. Christine Kray, "Worship in Body and Spirit: Practice, Self, and Religious Sensibility in Yucatán, Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997); idem, "New Labors, New Lives: Capitalist Practice and Critique in Yucatan" (paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 1996); Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1977); Wolf, "Peasant Communities"; idem, Shaking Earth; Sol Tax, Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1953).
137. Christine Kray, "Worship in Body and Spirit: Practice, Self, and Religious Sensibility in Yucatán, Mexico" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997); idem, "New Labors, New Lives: Capitalist Practice and Critique in Yucatan" (paper presented at the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 1996); Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; reprint, New York: Vintage, 1977); Wolf, "Peasant Communities"; idem, Shaking Earth; Sol Tax, Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1953).
138. Banker example: LC, 33. Cash use examples: TE, 224; ANEY 1736-37, 400; AA (cofradía records cited in Farriss, Maya Society, 500). Wealth differences: DT (and Thompson, "Tekanto," 118-25 on relative landed wealth in DT); LC; TI (and Restall, The Maya World, chap. 7 on same in TI). Commodity domination: the Coba and henequen, and the Yam and apicultural products, in late-eighteenth-century Ixil (TI, 10, 33). There are numerous examples in the Maya-language record of debt dealings involving cash, land (TI, 41 ), or even, on the part of one choirmaster, masses (TE, 28).
139. Banker example: LC, 33. Cash use examples: TE, 224; ANEY 1736-37, 400; AA (cofradía records cited in Farriss, Maya Society, 500). Wealth differences: DT (and Thompson, "Tekanto," 118-25 on relative landed wealth in DT); LC; TI (and Restall, The Maya World, chap. 7 on same in TI). Commodity domination: the Coba and henequen, and the Yam and apicultural products, in late-eighteenth-century Ixil (TI, 10, 33). There are numerous examples in the Maya-language record of debt dealings involving cash, land (TI, 41 ), or even, on the part of one choirmaster, masses (TE, 28).
140. Banker example: LC, 33. Cash use examples: TE, 224; ANEY 1736-37, 400; AA (cofradía records cited in Farriss, Maya Society, 500). Wealth differences: DT (and Thompson, "Tekanto," 118-25 on relative landed wealth in DT); LC; TI (and Restall, The Maya World, chap. 7 on same in TI). Commodity domination: the Coba and henequen, and the Yam and apicultural products, in late-eighteenth-century Ixil (TI, 10, 33). There are numerous examples in the Maya-language record of debt dealings involving cash, land (TI, 41 ), or even, on the part of one choirmaster, masses (TE, 28).
141. Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 247 (emphases his). Patch argues (245-49) that the colonial economy was neither feudal nor capitalist, being (like all economies) too complex and diverse "to be forced into the straightjacket of the long-cherished typology of modes of production"
142. On late-colonial wage labor see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 166-200. One of the colonial battlegrounds between Spanish and Maya authorities was the question of employment versus labor service. For example, the provincial governor built a new citadel in Mérida in the 1660s using laborers from Maya communities in and around the city; the Maya authorities in these communities repeatedly petitioned to receive wages for this labor, achieving some success only in the wake of an unfavorable residencia (royal investigation into a term of office) report on the governor (AGI Escribanía 315b, cuadernas 30-31 on the citadel affair, 315a-318a on the residencia; Restall, "Identity and Legitimacy"). For other examples, see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 19.
143. On late-colonial wage labor see Patch, Maya and Spaniard, 166-200. One of the colonial battlegrounds between Spanish and Maya authorities was the question of employment versus labor service. For example, the provincial governor built a new citadel in Mérida in the 1660s using laborers from Maya communities in and around the city; the Maya authorities in these communities repeatedly petitioned to receive wages for this labor, achieving some success only in the wake of an unfavorable residencia (royal investigation into a term of office) report on the governor (AGI Escribanía 315b, cuadernas 30-31 on the citadel affair, 315a-318a on the residencia; Restall, "Identity and Legitimacy"). For other examples, see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 19.
144. For a more detailed discussion of this view of the cah (Maya community) as divided into residential and territorial spaces, a division with economic and gender dimensions, see Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 3, 10, 16.
145. More extensive interests in particular industries tended to be linked to the nature of the community economy; apiculture was central to the seventeenth-century Cacalchen and eighteenth-century Ebtun economies, for example, and thus men were just as involved as women in beekeeping, perhaps marginally more so (LC; TE).
146. For a more detailed analysis of the material environment as contained in these sources (DT; LC; TE; TI), see Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 8,10 (for the division of labor by gender), 14.
147. Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 10, 14; Patch, Maya and Spaniard, especially chap. 4.
148. Restall, The Maya World, chaps. 10, 14; Patch, Maya and Spaniard, especially chap. 4.
149. ANEY 1796-97, 205. Cutz's will is published in transcription and translation in Matthew Restall, "Interculturation and the Indigenous Testament in Colonial Yucatan," in Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica and the Andes, ed. Susan Kellogg and Matthew Restall (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, in press).
150. Farriss, Maya Society, 169.
151. Deborah Kanter, "Hijos del Pueblo: Family, Community, and Gender in Rural Mexico, the Toluca Region, 1730-1830" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), 219 ff. shows apparently high numbers of nuclear units in Toluca, but she also quotes the late-eighteenth-century Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico City and Bishop Fabián of Puebla urging in pastoral letters the immediate creation of nuclear homes for newlyweds, primarily to avoid family "dissension," although Lorenzana admits that the goal is to improve tribute collection (223-24). Farriss, Maya Society, 169, cites a couple of edicts to the same effect, as do Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," who assume that the multifamily households found on Cozumel in 1570 represented "conditions which had been abolished elsewhere in northern Yucatan" (7), that is, in the mainland colony, as colonial communities were so "closely under the supervision of the missionaries and the Spanish civil authorities" (14). This assumption is highly questionable; furthermore the repeated reissue of an edict in Spanish America usually signified noncompliance rather than repeated and successful imposition. I find no comment on this topic in William Taylor's otherwise encyclopedic Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996). For a discussion of clerical efforts to oblige indigenous Andeans to marry, with the issue interpreted as one of conflicting sexual values (rather than one of settlement patterns or tribute arrangements), see Ward Stavig, "'Living in Offense of Our Lord': Indigenous Sexual Values and Marital Life in the Colonial Crucible," Hispanic American Historical Review 75 (November 1995): 597-622.
152. Deborah Kanter, "Hijos del Pueblo: Family, Community, and Gender in Rural Mexico, the Toluca Region, 1730-1830" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), 219 ff. shows apparently high numbers of nuclear units in Toluca, but she also quotes the late-eighteenth-century Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico City and Bishop Fabián of Puebla urging in pastoral letters the immediate creation of nuclear homes for newlyweds, primarily to avoid family "dissension," although Lorenzana admits that the goal is to improve tribute collection (223-24). Farriss, Maya Society, 169, cites a couple of edicts to the same effect, as do Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," who assume that the multifamily households found on Cozumel in 1570 represented "conditions which had been abolished elsewhere in northern Yucatan" (7), that is, in the mainland colony, as colonial communities were so "closely under the supervision of the missionaries and the Spanish civil authorities" (14). This assumption is highly questionable; furthermore the repeated reissue of an edict in Spanish America usually signified noncompliance rather than repeated and successful imposition. I find no comment on this topic in William Taylor's otherwise encyclopedic Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996). For a discussion of clerical efforts to oblige indigenous Andeans to marry, with the issue interpreted as one of conflicting sexual values (rather than one of settlement patterns or tribute arrangements), see Ward Stavig, "'Living in Offense of Our Lord': Indigenous Sexual Values and Marital Life in the Colonial Crucible," Hispanic American Historical Review 75 (November 1995): 597-622.
153. Deborah Kanter, "Hijos del Pueblo: Family, Community, and Gender in Rural Mexico, the Toluca Region, 1730-1830" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), 219 ff. shows apparently high numbers of nuclear units in Toluca, but she also quotes the late-eighteenth-century Archbishop Lorenzana of Mexico City and Bishop Fabián of Puebla urging in pastoral letters the immediate creation of nuclear homes for newlyweds, primarily to avoid family "dissension," although Lorenzana admits that the goal is to improve tribute collection (223-24). Farriss, Maya Society, 169, cites a couple of edicts to the same effect, as do Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," who assume that the multifamily households found on Cozumel in 1570 represented "conditions which had been abolished elsewhere in northern Yucatan" (7), that is, in the mainland colony, as colonial communities were so "closely under the supervision of the missionaries and the Spanish civil authorities" (14). This assumption is highly questionable; furthermore the repeated reissue of an edict in Spanish America usually signified noncompliance rather than repeated and successful imposition. I find no comment on this topic in William Taylor's otherwise encyclopedic Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996). For a discussion of clerical efforts to oblige indigenous Andeans to marry, with the issue interpreted as one of conflicting sexual values (rather than one of settlement patterns or tribute arrangements), see Ward Stavig, "'Living in Offense of Our Lord': Indigenous Sexual Values and Marital Life in the Colonial Crucible," Hispanic American Historical Review 75 (November 1995): 597-622.
154. Property sales in ANEY, various volumes. Landa, Relación, comments that young couples lived in small houses opposite their fathers or fathers-in-law (cited by Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 14; 15).
155. Property sales in ANEY, various volumes. Landa, Relación, comments that young couples lived in small houses opposite their fathers or fathers-in-law (cited by Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 14; 15).
156. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
157. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
158. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
159. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
160. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
161. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
162. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
163. Lomnitz and Pérez-Lizaur, Mexican Elite Family, 130-34, on the Mexico City elite; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977) and Lourdes Arizpe, Migración, etnicismo y cambio económico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico, 1978) on the Mexico City poor. Studies of modern-day rural mestizo and indigenous communities also emphasize the importance of residentially clustered extended grandfamilies - examples are Hugo Nutini, San Bernardino Contla (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1968); E. Z. Vogt, Zinacantán: A Maya community in the Highlands of Chiapas (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 1969); Alice Littlefield, La industria de las hamacas en Yucatán, México (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1976): Claudio Lominitz-Adler, La evolución de una sociedad rural: Historia del poder en Tepoztlán (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1982); and Mary Lindsay Elmendorf, Nine Mayan Women: A Village Faces Change (Rochester, VT: Schenkman, 1985).
164. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
165. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
166. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
167. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
168. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
169. Ellen Kintz, "Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis," in Coba: A Classic Maya Metropolis, ed. W. J. Folan, Ellen Kintz, and L. A. Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1983), 179-90; Edward Kurjack, Prehistoric Lowland Maya Community and Social Organization: A Case Study at Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan, Mexico (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1974), 73-89; McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 49-60, 100-105; Evon Vogt, "Ancient and Contemporary Maya Settlement Patterns: A New Look from the Chiapas Highlands," in Essays in Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey (Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press), 89-114; William Haviland, "Ancient Lowland Maya Social Organization," in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (New Orleans: Tulane University Middle American Research Institute, 1968), 109. Also see Culbert and Rice, Precolumbian Population History, for studies of other Maya sites (see n. 15 above). Pre-Columbian residential clusters were effectively the precursors to the blocks of colonial and modern communities, with the ancient terraces corresponding to the house-plots that contained several houses in both preconquest and postconquest times.
170. ANEY 1826ii, 340-41 and 1835ii, 99-101 (outside purchaser examples); TE, 221-22 (a representative of the Dzul patronym-group in Ebtun reunited a plot that, over the course of three generations, had split into two, into the hands of Noh-Cutis and Dzul-Un households, respectively).
171. TC, 111-12 for an example of road-building reaching Calkiní around 1580. The lack of a single reference to a house-plot (solar) in Cacalchen wills of the 1640s-1650s implies that this reconstruction had yet to reach the community by this time (LC). The process of pueblo formalization was still continuing in the last colonial decade, no doubt partially as a result of population growth (AGEY Ayuntamiento, Colonial, 1, 11-16).
172. AGN Bienes Nacionales 21, 20, 2 for an example of a Maya noblewoman justifying missing catechism because she was retrieving the animals that had wandered off her house-plot.
173. ANEY (1826ii, 34-36 for women at a land sale); DT; LC; TE (222 for Cutis example); TI. No collections of Maya wills appear to have survived from the first century of colonial rule in Yucatán. Altman, Emigrants and Society, 151, and Hoberman, Merchant Elite, 231, among others, have noted that despite Spanish customs of even distribution of goods among children, elder sons of elite families tended to get the lion's share in Spanish family bequests (a process that the wealthiest families formalized by mayorazgo petition); this was seldom the case among the Yucatec Mayas. Farriss, Maya Society, 170, argues that Spanish inheritance rules "distorted" and "conflicted with . . . the corporate, patrilineal principles" of the Maya system; I see no evidence of a conflict of principles, as patrilineality was maintained through nominal male ownership of cultivated land (the Mayas' most valued socioeconomic item), while the inclusion of female family members as owners, residents, and workers was central to the corporate integrity of the household complex. Also see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 9.
174. ANEY (1826ii, 34-36 for women at a land sale); DT; LC; TE (222 for Cutis example); TI. No collections of Maya wills appear to have survived from the first century of colonial rule in Yucatán. Altman, Emigrants and Society, 151, and Hoberman, Merchant Elite, 231, among others, have noted that despite Spanish customs of even distribution of goods among children, elder sons of elite families tended to get the lion's share in Spanish family bequests (a process that the wealthiest families formalized by mayorazgo petition); this was seldom the case among the Yucatec Mayas. Farriss, Maya Society, 170, argues that Spanish inheritance rules "distorted" and "conflicted with . . . the corporate, patrilineal principles" of the Maya system; I see no evidence of a conflict of principles, as patrilineality was maintained through nominal male ownership of cultivated land (the Mayas' most valued socioeconomic item), while the inclusion of female family members as owners, residents, and workers was central to the corporate integrity of the household complex. Also see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 9.
175. ANEY (1826ii, 34-36 for women at a land sale); DT; LC; TE (222 for Cutis example); TI. No collections of Maya wills appear to have survived from the first century of colonial rule in Yucatán. Altman, Emigrants and Society, 151, and Hoberman, Merchant Elite, 231, among others, have noted that despite Spanish customs of even distribution of goods among children, elder sons of elite families tended to get the lion's share in Spanish family bequests (a process that the wealthiest families formalized by mayorazgo petition); this was seldom the case among the Yucatec Mayas. Farriss, Maya Society, 170, argues that Spanish inheritance rules "distorted" and "conflicted with . . . the corporate, patrilineal principles" of the Maya system; I see no evidence of a conflict of principles, as patrilineality was maintained through nominal male ownership of cultivated land (the Mayas' most valued socioeconomic item), while the inclusion of female family members as owners, residents, and workers was central to the corporate integrity of the household complex. Also see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 9.
176. ANEY (1826ii, 34-36 for women at a land sale); DT; LC; TE (222 for Cutis example); TI. No collections of Maya wills appear to have survived from the first century of colonial rule in Yucatán. Altman, Emigrants and Society, 151, and Hoberman, Merchant Elite, 231, among others, have noted that despite Spanish customs of even distribution of goods among children, elder sons of elite families tended to get the lion's share in Spanish family bequests (a process that the wealthiest families formalized by mayorazgo petition); this was seldom the case among the Yucatec Mayas. Farriss, Maya Society, 170, argues that Spanish inheritance rules "distorted" and "conflicted with . . . the corporate, patrilineal principles" of the Maya system; I see no evidence of a conflict of principles, as patrilineality was maintained through nominal male ownership of cultivated land (the Mayas' most valued socioeconomic item), while the inclusion of female family members as owners, residents, and workers was central to the corporate integrity of the household complex. Also see Restall, The Maya World, chap. 9.
177. As evidenced by the larger body of Maya wills and land records (see Restall, Life and Death, and The Maya World), including two illustrative cases. One is that of the widow Maria Kantun of Itzmal (the Maya community west of Mérida that was also Spanish Izamál). Although Maria's husband, the nobleman Vicente Cauich, had left her a parcel of forested land in his will, the noble male representatives of the Kantun patronym-group in Itzmal, Matias and his son Francisco, had the community authorities ratify a 1797 statement of possession confirming that the land was m Maria's name; this was presumably to protect her interests against her two sons by Vicente Cauich, for when Maria sold the land in 1803, these Cauich brothers appeared in the bill of sale to acknowledge it as valid. Maria's status as owner of forested land was exceptional enough to require additional legal fortification; the fact that in this series of Maya-language records the term viuda is used to describe Maria suggests that the property status of widow was not as deeply rooted in Maya culture as other aspects of land tenure (I have not seen viuda used in pre-eighteenth-century Maya records) (ANEY 1818iii, 1-4). If society was uncomfortable with mdependent widows, as Stern (Secret History, 117-23) has suggested for late-colonial Morelos, then social pressures may have led such women back into dependent relationships with male kin. The other sample case is that of Petrona Pat of Hunucmá, who inherited a cultivated plot from her father, adjacent to plots inherited by her mother, brother, and sister; in 1826, she and her mother both individually sold their plots to a local mestizo (ANEY Escrituras Hunucm, 86-87).
178. As evidenced by the larger body of Maya wills and land records (see Restall, Life and Death, and The Maya World), including two illustrative cases. One is that of the widow Maria Kantun of Itzmal (the Maya community west of Mérida that was also Spanish Izamál). Although Maria's husband, the nobleman Vicente Cauich, had left her a parcel of forested land in his will, the noble male representatives of the Kantun patronym-group in Itzmal, Matias and his son Francisco, had the community authorities ratify a 1797 statement of possession confirming that the land was m Maria's name; this was presumably to protect her interests against her two sons by Vicente Cauich, for when Maria sold the land in 1803, these Cauich brothers appeared in the bill of sale to acknowledge it as valid. Maria's status as owner of forested land was exceptional enough to require additional legal fortification; the fact that in this series of Maya-language records the term viuda is used to describe Maria suggests that the property status of widow was not as deeply rooted in Maya culture as other aspects of land tenure (I have not seen viuda used in pre-eighteenth-century Maya records) (ANEY 1818iii, 1-4). If society was uncomfortable with mdependent widows, as Stern (Secret History, 117-23) has suggested for late-colonial Morelos, then social pressures may have led such women back into dependent relationships with male kin. The other sample case is that of Petrona Pat of Hunucmá, who inherited a cultivated plot from her father, adjacent to plots inherited by her mother, brother, and sister; in 1826, she and her mother both individually sold their plots to a local mestizo (ANEY Escrituras Hunucm, 86-87).
179. As evidenced by the larger body of Maya wills and land records (see Restall, Life and Death, and The Maya World), including two illustrative cases. One is that of the widow Maria Kantun of Itzmal (the Maya community west of Mérida that was also Spanish Izamál). Although Maria's husband, the nobleman Vicente Cauich, had left her a parcel of forested land in his will, the noble male representatives of the Kantun patronym-group in Itzmal, Matias and his son Francisco, had the community authorities ratify a 1797 statement of possession confirming that the land was m Maria's name; this was presumably to protect her interests against her two sons by Vicente Cauich, for when Maria sold the land in 1803, these Cauich brothers appeared in the bill of sale to acknowledge it as valid. Maria's status as owner of forested land was exceptional enough to require additional legal fortification; the fact that in this series of Maya-language records the term viuda is used to describe Maria suggests that the property status of widow was not as deeply rooted in Maya culture as other aspects of land tenure (I have not seen viuda used in pre-eighteenth-century Maya records) (ANEY 1818iii, 1-4). If society was uncomfortable with mdependent widows, as Stern (Secret History, 117-23) has suggested for late-colonial Morelos, then social pressures may have led such women back into dependent relationships with male kin. The other sample case is that of Petrona Pat of Hunucmá, who inherited a cultivated plot from her father, adjacent to plots inherited by her mother, brother, and sister; in 1826, she and her mother both individually sold their plots to a local mestizo (ANEY Escrituras Hunucm, 86-87).
180. As evidenced by the larger body of Maya wills and land records (see Restall, Life and Death, and The Maya World), including two illustrative cases. One is that of the widow Maria Kantun of Itzmal (the Maya community west of Mérida that was also Spanish Izamál). Although Maria's husband, the nobleman Vicente Cauich, had left her a parcel of forested land in his will, the noble male representatives of the Kantun patronym-group in Itzmal, Matias and his son Francisco, had the community authorities ratify a 1797 statement of possession confirming that the land was m Maria's name; this was presumably to protect her interests against her two sons by Vicente Cauich, for when Maria sold the land in 1803, these Cauich brothers appeared in the bill of sale to acknowledge it as valid. Maria's status as owner of forested land was exceptional enough to require additional legal fortification; the fact that in this series of Maya-language records the term viuda is used to describe Maria suggests that the property status of widow was not as deeply rooted in Maya culture as other aspects of land tenure (I have not seen viuda used in pre-eighteenth-century Maya records) (ANEY 1818iii, 1-4). If society was uncomfortable with mdependent widows, as Stern (Secret History, 117-23) has suggested for late-colonial Morelos, then social pressures may have led such women back into dependent relationships with male kin. The other sample case is that of Petrona Pat of Hunucmá, who inherited a cultivated plot from her father, adjacent to plots inherited by her mother, brother, and sister; in 1826, she and her mother both individually sold their plots to a local mestizo (ANEY Escrituras Hunucm, 86-87).
181. TI, 23.
182. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 109, who cites similar arguments made by George Collier and Pedro Carrasco in studies of other Mesoamerican regions.
183. Kellogg, Aztec Culture, 160-219 (quotation on 215); Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 15; Farriss, Maya Society, 169.
184. Kellogg, Aztec Culture, 160-219 (quotation on 215); Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 15; Farriss, Maya Society, 169.
185. Kellogg, Aztec Culture, 160-219 (quotation on 215); Roys, Scholes, and Adams, "Cozumel," 15; Farriss, Maya Society, 169.
186. On Nahua social organization see Lockhart, The Nahuas, and Kellogg, Aztec Culture. 84. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 110.
187. On Nahua social organization see Lockhart, The Nahuas, and Kellogg, Aztec Culture. 84. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 110.
188. On Nahua social organization see Lockhart, The Nahuas, and Kellogg, Aztec Culture. 84. McAnany, Living with the Ancestors, 110.