Intergenerational household structure and economic change at the turn of the twentieth century

Journal of Family History

Volumn 23, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 417-440

  Elman, Cheryl ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0032193399     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909802300405     Document Type: Article

References (151)

1. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
2. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
3. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
4. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
5. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
6. The proportion of intergenerational households (and the proportion of younger people who lived in intergenerational households) was relatively small in 1910, but this finding is consistent with a great prevalence of intergenerational living arrangements, from the vantage point of the elderly. See Miriam King and Samuel Preston, "Who Lives with Whom? Individual vs. Household Measures," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 117-32. The evidence on living arrangements in the U.S. colonial era tends to be that older persons maintained separate living quarters from younger kin, as shown in work by John Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Phillip J. Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts," in The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective, ed. Michael Gordon (New York: St. Martin's, 1978), 20-37; and Edmund Morgan, The Puritan Family (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Greven has suggested that the "modified" extended family is an appropriate description of past living arrangements. Adult children were available for support ("extended") but lived apart from older kin ("modified"). Steven Ruggles suggests that the stem family form (a child remaining behind in the family home) also may have been present in colonial times. See Steven Ruggles, "The Transformation of American Family Structure," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 103-28. For delays in home leaving by children in the mid-to late nineteenth century, see Richard Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860," Social Science History 20 (1996): 507-32.
7. Daniel Scott Smith, "Accounting for Change in the Families of the Elderly in the United States 1900-Present," in Old Age in a Bureaucratic Society, ed. David Van Tassel and Peter Stearns (New York: Greenwood, 1986), 87-109.
8. Age-, marital-, and sex-adjusted headship rates were stable in the United States from about 1840 until about 1940, after which time headship rates increased, especially for women. See John C. Beresford and Alice M. Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," Demography 3 (1966): 247-58; Frances Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1976): 127-38. Household headship has not only been stable in a demographic sense but in a meaning sense as well. Household headship was an economic role; see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomer and Native in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Cotts Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994). Headship also has symbolic meaning. Even with the change in the census definition in 1980 to the neutral term householder, the distribution of this position by sex has changed little as noted by Daniel Scott Smith, "The Meanings of Family and Household: Change and Continuity in the Mirror of the American Census," Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 421-56.
9. Age-, marital-, and sex-adjusted headship rates were stable in the United States from about 1840 until about 1940, after which time headship rates increased, especially for women. See John C. Beresford and Alice M. Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," Demography 3 (1966): 247-58; Frances Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1976): 127-38. Household headship has not only been stable in a demographic sense but in a meaning sense as well. Household headship was an economic role; see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomer and Native in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Cotts Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994). Headship also has symbolic meaning. Even with the change in the census definition in 1980 to the neutral term householder, the distribution of this position by sex has changed little as noted by Daniel Scott Smith, "The Meanings of Family and Household: Change and Continuity in the Mirror of the American Census," Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 421-56.
10. Age-, marital-, and sex-adjusted headship rates were stable in the United States from about 1840 until about 1940, after which time headship rates increased, especially for women. See John C. Beresford and Alice M. Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," Demography 3 (1966): 247-58; Frances Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1976): 127-38. Household headship has not only been stable in a demographic sense but in a meaning sense as well. Household headship was an economic role; see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomer and Native in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Cotts Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994). Headship also has symbolic meaning. Even with the change in the census definition in 1980 to the neutral term householder, the distribution of this position by sex has changed little as noted by Daniel Scott Smith, "The Meanings of Family and Household: Change and Continuity in the Mirror of the American Census," Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 421-56.
11. Age-, marital-, and sex-adjusted headship rates were stable in the United States from about 1840 until about 1940, after which time headship rates increased, especially for women. See John C. Beresford and Alice M. Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," Demography 3 (1966): 247-58; Frances Kobrin, "The Fall in Household Size and the Rise of the Primary Individual in the United States," Demography 13 (1976): 127-38. Household headship has not only been stable in a demographic sense but in a meaning sense as well. Household headship was an economic role; see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure," in After Ellis Island: Newcomer and Native in the 1910 Census, ed. Susan Cotts Watkins (New York: Russell Sage, 1994). Headship also has symbolic meaning. Even with the change in the census definition in 1980 to the neutral term householder, the distribution of this position by sex has changed little as noted by Daniel Scott Smith, "The Meanings of Family and Household: Change and Continuity in the Mirror of the American Census," Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 421-56.
12. Howard Chudacoff and Tamara Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 69-83; Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); Sharon Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910" (paper presented at the American Sociological Association annual meetings, Los Angeles, Calif., 1994); Daniel Scott Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 285-98.
13. Howard Chudacoff and Tamara Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 69-83; Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); Sharon Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910" (paper presented at the American Sociological Association annual meetings, Los Angeles, Calif., 1994); Daniel Scott Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 285-98.
14. Howard Chudacoff and Tamara Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 69-83; Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); Sharon Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910" (paper presented at the American Sociological Association annual meetings, Los Angeles, Calif., 1994); Daniel Scott Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 285-98.
15. Howard Chudacoff and Tamara Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 69-83; Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); Sharon Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910" (paper presented at the American Sociological Association annual meetings, Los Angeles, Calif., 1994); Daniel Scott Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900," Journal of Family History 4 (1979): 285-98.
16. William, J. Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press, 1970).
17. Cheryl Elman and Peter Uhlenberg, "Early Twentieth Century Coresidence: Elderly U.S. Women and Their Children," Population Studies 49 (1995): 501-17.
18. Carole Haber, Beyond Sixty-five (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Carole Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum (New York: Springer, 1993), 90-113.
19. Carole Haber, Beyond Sixty-five (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Carole Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum (New York: Springer, 1993), 90-113.
20. For a debate on the economic strategies used by turn-of-the-twentieth-century elders, see Roger L. Ransom, Richard Sutch, and Samuel H. Williamson, "Inventing Pensions: The Origins of the Company-Provided Pension in the United States 1900-1940," and Nancy Folbre, "Pensions and Poverty: Comments on Declining Pensions," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum (New York: Springer, 1993), 1-38 and 39-44.
21. For a debate on the economic strategies used by turn-of-the-twentieth-century elders, see Roger L. Ransom, Richard Sutch, and Samuel H. Williamson, "Inventing Pensions: The Origins of the Company-Provided Pension in the United States 1900-1940," and Nancy Folbre, "Pensions and Poverty: Comments on Declining Pensions," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum (New York: Springer, 1993), 1-38 and 39-44.
22. Referring to the western family form, Peter Laslett notes, "the co-residential family group is very difficult to adapt to all the eventualities of the individual life course, and providing for old age seems to be beyond its capacities." Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1991), 125. For discussions of kin support of elders, also see George Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem," History of the Family 1 (1996): 123-38; Jill Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society (New York: Academic Press, 1982); Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
23. Referring to the western family form, Peter Laslett notes, "the co-residential family group is very difficult to adapt to all the eventualities of the individual life course, and providing for old age seems to be beyond its capacities." Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1991), 125. For discussions of kin support of elders, also see George Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem," History of the Family 1 (1996): 123-38; Jill Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society (New York: Academic Press, 1982); Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
24. Referring to the western family form, Peter Laslett notes, "the co-residential family group is very difficult to adapt to all the eventualities of the individual life course, and providing for old age seems to be beyond its capacities." Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1991), 125. For discussions of kin support of elders, also see George Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem," History of the Family 1 (1996): 123-38; Jill Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society (New York: Academic Press, 1982); Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
25. Referring to the western family form, Peter Laslett notes, "the co-residential family group is very difficult to adapt to all the eventualities of the individual life course, and providing for old age seems to be beyond its capacities." Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1991), 125. For discussions of kin support of elders, also see George Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem," History of the Family 1 (1996): 123-38; Jill Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society (New York: Academic Press, 1982); Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
26. Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony; Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
27. Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony; Haber, Beyond Sixty-five.
28. Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem"; Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
29. Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem"; Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
30. Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem"; Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
31. Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem"; Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
32. Households and families are not the same or even similar types of social organization. For a discussion, see Tamara Hareven, "Historical Analysis of the Family," in The Handbook of Marriage and the Family, ed. Marvin B. Sussman and Suzanne K. Steinmetz (New York: Plenum, 1987), 37-57. Families are socially, legally, or religiously legitimated institutions rooted in parent-child or marital linkages, and they become patterns of kinship. Wilk and Netting speak of households as dense activity centers. A household is a collection of persons who work together to provide a daily renewal of resources (such as food, clothing, and shelter) for maintenance of life. The members of a household may or may not be kin. See Richard Wilk and Robert McC. Netting, "Households: Changing Forms and Functions," in Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard Wilk, and Eric Arnould (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
33. Households and families are not the same or even similar types of social organization. For a discussion, see Tamara Hareven, "Historical Analysis of the Family," in The Handbook of Marriage and the Family, ed. Marvin B. Sussman and Suzanne K. Steinmetz (New York: Plenum, 1987), 37-57. Families are socially, legally, or religiously legitimated institutions rooted in parent-child or marital linkages, and they become patterns of kinship. Wilk and Netting speak of households as dense activity centers. A household is a collection of persons who work together to provide a daily renewal of resources (such as food, clothing, and shelter) for maintenance of life. The members of a household may or may not be kin. See Richard Wilk and Robert McC. Netting, "Households: Changing Forms and Functions," in Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard Wilk, and Eric Arnould (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
34. Households, as sites of market production and of domestic reproductive activities, were community centered, economically self-sufficient units whose members included, yet were not at all restricted to, kin. As noted by Hall, "There were no individuals in early New England society, for all persons were required to be members of households and under authority of the head." Peter D. Hall, "Family Structure and Economic Organization: Massachusetts Merchants, 1700-1850," in Family and Kin in Urban Communities, 1700-1930, ed. Tamara K. Hareven (New York: New Viewpoints, 1977), 38-61. As rigid as this social system was, it meant care and a place for dependents - young and old.
35. Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts 1978."
36. Demos, A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts 1978."
37. Haber, Beyond Sixty-five; Morgan, The Puritan Family; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Margaret Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
38. Haber, Beyond Sixty-five; Morgan, The Puritan Family; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Margaret Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
39. Haber, Beyond Sixty-five; Morgan, The Puritan Family; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Margaret Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
40. Haber, Beyond Sixty-five; Morgan, The Puritan Family; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Margaret Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
41. Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
42. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present. Also see Steven Ruggles, Prolonged Connections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Barbara Laslett, "The Family as a Public and Private Institution: A Historical Perspective," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973): 480-92; Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
43. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present. Also see Steven Ruggles, Prolonged Connections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Barbara Laslett, "The Family as a Public and Private Institution: A Historical Perspective," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973): 480-92; Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
44. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present. Also see Steven Ruggles, Prolonged Connections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Barbara Laslett, "The Family as a Public and Private Institution: A Historical Perspective," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973): 480-92; Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
45. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present. Also see Steven Ruggles, Prolonged Connections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Barbara Laslett, "The Family as a Public and Private Institution: A Historical Perspective," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973): 480-92; Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
46. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present. Also see Steven Ruggles, Prolonged Connections (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World (New York: Basic Books, 1977); Barbara Laslett, "The Family as a Public and Private Institution: A Historical Perspective," Journal of Marriage and the Family 35 (1973): 480-92; Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
47. Shorter, in The Making of the Modern Family, defines sentiment as the "willingness to re-arrange the objectives in one's life so that the emotional ties to other people go to the top of the list, and more traditional objectives get ranked further down" (17).
48. A variant on this theme is that household composition over this period increasingly reflected peoples' positive valuation of privacy, a deeply-rooted cultural phenomenon possibly unique to people of the western world. For discussion on this, see Beresford and Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," 3; Thomas Burch and Beverly Matthews, "Household Formation in Developed Societies," Population and Development Review 13 (1987): 495-511; Ron J. Lesthaegne, "A Century of Demographic and Cultural Change in Western Europe," Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 411-36; Daniel Scott Smith, "The Curious History of Theorizing about the History of the Western Nuclear Family," Social Science History 17 (1993): 327-50. But Burch and Matthews note that a distinction between household and individual privacy is necessary: household privacy is a contrast to publicness, whereas individual privacy can be viewed as a claim against kin or others. Much historical evidence in the United States of 1910 points to the growing importance of privacy in the former sense: household membership by the turn of the twentieth century was becoming kin based as families increasingly functioned in a manner that kept kin and kin matters "in" and non-kin and public issues "out." It is less clear whether people at the turn of the twentieth century, especially the elderly, who had been socialized in a more traditional era, valued the latter form of privacy.
49. A variant on this theme is that household composition over this period increasingly reflected peoples' positive valuation of privacy, a deeply-rooted cultural phenomenon possibly unique to people of the western world. For discussion on this, see Beresford and Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," 3; Thomas Burch and Beverly Matthews, "Household Formation in Developed Societies," Population and Development Review 13 (1987): 495-511; Ron J. Lesthaegne, "A Century of Demographic and Cultural Change in Western Europe," Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 411-36; Daniel Scott Smith, "The Curious History of Theorizing about the History of the Western Nuclear Family," Social Science History 17 (1993): 327-50. But Burch and Matthews note that a distinction between household and individual privacy is necessary: household privacy is a contrast to publicness, whereas individual privacy can be viewed as a claim against kin or others. Much historical evidence in the United States of 1910 points to the growing importance of privacy in the former sense: household membership by the turn of the twentieth century was becoming kin based as families increasingly functioned in a manner that kept kin and kin matters "in" and non-kin and public issues "out." It is less clear whether people at the turn of the twentieth century, especially the elderly, who had been socialized in a more traditional era, valued the latter form of privacy.
50. A variant on this theme is that household composition over this period increasingly reflected peoples' positive valuation of privacy, a deeply-rooted cultural phenomenon possibly unique to people of the western world. For discussion on this, see Beresford and Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," 3; Thomas Burch and Beverly Matthews, "Household Formation in Developed Societies," Population and Development Review 13 (1987): 495-511; Ron J. Lesthaegne, "A Century of Demographic and Cultural Change in Western Europe," Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 411-36; Daniel Scott Smith, "The Curious History of Theorizing about the History of the Western Nuclear Family," Social Science History 17 (1993): 327-50. But Burch and Matthews note that a distinction between household and individual privacy is necessary: household privacy is a contrast to publicness, whereas individual privacy can be viewed as a claim against kin or others. Much historical evidence in the United States of 1910 points to the growing importance of privacy in the former sense: household membership by the turn of the twentieth century was becoming kin based as families increasingly functioned in a manner that kept kin and kin matters "in" and non-kin and public issues "out." It is less clear whether people at the turn of the twentieth century, especially the elderly, who had been socialized in a more traditional era, valued the latter form of privacy.
51. A variant on this theme is that household composition over this period increasingly reflected peoples' positive valuation of privacy, a deeply-rooted cultural phenomenon possibly unique to people of the western world. For discussion on this, see Beresford and Rivlin, "Privacy, Poverty and Old Age," 3; Thomas Burch and Beverly Matthews, "Household Formation in Developed Societies," Population and Development Review 13 (1987): 495-511; Ron J. Lesthaegne, "A Century of Demographic and Cultural Change in Western Europe," Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 411-36; Daniel Scott Smith, "The Curious History of Theorizing about the History of the Western Nuclear Family," Social Science History 17 (1993): 327-50. But Burch and Matthews note that a distinction between household and individual privacy is necessary: household privacy is a contrast to publicness, whereas individual privacy can be viewed as a claim against kin or others. Much historical evidence in the United States of 1910 points to the growing importance of privacy in the former sense: household membership by the turn of the twentieth century was becoming kin based as families increasingly functioned in a manner that kept kin and kin matters "in" and non-kin and public issues "out." It is less clear whether people at the turn of the twentieth century, especially the elderly, who had been socialized in a more traditional era, valued the latter form of privacy.
52. Louise A. Tilly in Leslie Page Moch, Nancy Folbre, Daniel Scott Smith, Laurel Cornell, and Louise Tilly, "Family Strategies: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Also see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Does the Family Have a History?" Social Science History 6 (1982): 131-79; Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; Tamara Hareven and Peter Uhlenberg, 'Transition to Widowhood and Family Support Systems in the Twentieth Century, Northeast U.S." in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 273-99.
53. Louise A. Tilly in Leslie Page Moch, Nancy Folbre, Daniel Scott Smith, Laurel Cornell, and Louise Tilly, "Family Strategies: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Also see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Does the Family Have a History?" Social Science History 6 (1982): 131-79; Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; Tamara Hareven and Peter Uhlenberg, 'Transition to Widowhood and Family Support Systems in the Twentieth Century, Northeast U.S." in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 273-99.
54. Louise A. Tilly in Leslie Page Moch, Nancy Folbre, Daniel Scott Smith, Laurel Cornell, and Louise Tilly, "Family Strategies: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Also see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Does the Family Have a History?" Social Science History 6 (1982): 131-79; Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; Tamara Hareven and Peter Uhlenberg, 'Transition to Widowhood and Family Support Systems in the Twentieth Century, Northeast U.S." in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 273-99.
55. Louise A. Tilly in Leslie Page Moch, Nancy Folbre, Daniel Scott Smith, Laurel Cornell, and Louise Tilly, "Family Strategies: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Also see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Does the Family Have a History?" Social Science History 6 (1982): 131-79; Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; Tamara Hareven and Peter Uhlenberg, 'Transition to Widowhood and Family Support Systems in the Twentieth Century, Northeast U.S." in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 273-99.
56. Louise A. Tilly in Leslie Page Moch, Nancy Folbre, Daniel Scott Smith, Laurel Cornell, and Louise Tilly, "Family Strategies: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Also see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Does the Family Have a History?" Social Science History 6 (1982): 131-79; Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Claudia Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the 19th Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 277-310; Tamara Hareven and Peter Uhlenberg, 'Transition to Widowhood and Family Support Systems in the Twentieth Century, Northeast U.S." in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 273-99.
57. A variant of this perspective focuses more on collective strategies themselves, leaving the units of analysis (e.g., households or individuals) open to question. Here, see Tamara Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change," in Beyond the Marketplace: Rethinking Economy and Society, ed. Paula England (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1990), 215-44; Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 233-51; Daniel Scott Smith in Moch et al., "Family Strategy: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Cooperative strategies of living were enacted by family members to generate enough resources to maintain a stable environment. The "strategies" of resource gathering and distribution pursued by household members were often implicit rather than explicit in nature.
58. A variant of this perspective focuses more on collective strategies themselves, leaving the units of analysis (e.g., households or individuals) open to question. Here, see Tamara Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change," in Beyond the Marketplace: Rethinking Economy and Society, ed. Paula England (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1990), 215-44; Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 233-51; Daniel Scott Smith in Moch et al., "Family Strategy: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Cooperative strategies of living were enacted by family members to generate enough resources to maintain a stable environment. The "strategies" of resource gathering and distribution pursued by household members were often implicit rather than explicit in nature.
59. A variant of this perspective focuses more on collective strategies themselves, leaving the units of analysis (e.g., households or individuals) open to question. Here, see Tamara Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change," in Beyond the Marketplace: Rethinking Economy and Society, ed. Paula England (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1990), 215-44; Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington, "The Concept of Family Adaptive Strategies," Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 233-51; Daniel Scott Smith in Moch et al., "Family Strategy: A Dialogue," Historical Methods 20 (1987): 113-25. Cooperative strategies of living were enacted by family members to generate enough resources to maintain a stable environment. The "strategies" of resource gathering and distribution pursued by household members were often implicit rather than explicit in nature.
60. Emily Abel, "Parental Dependance and Filial Responsibility in the Nineteenth Century: Hial Hawley and Emily Hawley Gillespie, 1884-1885," The Gerontologist 32 (1992): 519-26.
61. Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900"; also see Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life.
62. Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900"; also see Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life.
63. Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900"; also see Chudacoff and Hareven, "From the Empty Nest to Family Dissolution"; Peter Laslett, A Fresh Map of Life.
64. But see Moch et al., "Family Strategy: A Dialogue."
65. See Richard M. Emerson, "Power and Dependence Relations," American Sociological Review 27 (1967): 31-41. This theoretical stance does not necessarily constrain "costs" to being material or economic. Costs also can include time, energy, patience, gratitude, shared tribulations, and other things, tangible and nontangible.
66. R. W. Connell, Gender and Power, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987); Paula England and Barbara Kilbourne, "Marital Power," in Beyond the Marketplace: Rethinking Economy and Society, ed. Roger Friedland and A. F. Robertson (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1990) 163-88.
67. R. W. Connell, Gender and Power, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987); Paula England and Barbara Kilbourne, "Marital Power," in Beyond the Marketplace: Rethinking Economy and Society, ed. Roger Friedland and A. F. Robertson (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1990) 163-88.
68. Cheryl Elman. "Old Age, Economic Activity, and Living Arrangements in the Early 20th Century U.S.," Social Science History 20 (1996): 205-41.
69. Brian Gratton, "The Creation of Retirement: Families, Individuals, and the Social Security Movement," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum. (New York: Springer, 1993), 45-73. Also see Carole Haber and Brian Gratton, Old Age and the Search/or Security (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Elyce E. Rotella and George Alter, "Working Class Debt in the Late Nineteenth Century United States," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 111-34.
70. Brian Gratton, "The Creation of Retirement: Families, Individuals, and the Social Security Movement," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum. (New York: Springer, 1993), 45-73. Also see Carole Haber and Brian Gratton, Old Age and the Search/or Security (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Elyce E. Rotella and George Alter, "Working Class Debt in the Late Nineteenth Century United States," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 111-34.
71. Brian Gratton, "The Creation of Retirement: Families, Individuals, and the Social Security Movement," in Societal Impact on Aging, ed. K. Warner Schaie and W. Andrew Achenbaum. (New York: Springer, 1993), 45-73. Also see Carole Haber and Brian Gratton, Old Age and the Search/or Security (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); Elyce E. Rotella and George Alter, "Working Class Debt in the Late Nineteenth Century United States," Journal of Family History 18 (1993): 111-34.
72. Peter M. Blau, Exchange and Power in Social Life (New York: John Wiley, 1964); Jonathan H. Turner, The Structure of Sociological Theory (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1991), chaps. 14, 16.
73. Peter M. Blau, Exchange and Power in Social Life (New York: John Wiley, 1964); Jonathan H. Turner, The Structure of Sociological Theory (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1991), chaps. 14, 16.
74. James J. Dowd, "Aging as Exchange: A Preface to Theory," Journal of Gerontology 30 (1975): 584-94; Emerson, "Power and Dependence Relations." History provides examples of intergenerational relations that exemplify this logic. One example of this is the structural arrangement that emerged among early cohorts of U.S. elders. In the colonial era, even with its community-based safety nets in place for the truly forsaken old, elderly men prolonged unbalanced (power) relations with younger kin by holding onto social and economic resources to induce obedience and old-age support, often delaying young adults' transitions into fully autonomous adulthood in the process.
75. James J. Dowd, "Aging as Exchange: A Preface to Theory," Journal of Gerontology 30 (1975): 584-94; Emerson, "Power and Dependence Relations." History provides examples of intergenerational relations that exemplify this logic. One example of this is the structural arrangement that emerged among early cohorts of U.S. elders. In the colonial era, even with its community-based safety nets in place for the truly forsaken old, elderly men prolonged unbalanced (power) relations with younger kin by holding onto social and economic resources to induce obedience and old-age support, often delaying young adults' transitions into fully autonomous adulthood in the process.
76. Elman and Uhlenberg, "Early Twentieth Century Coresident: Elderly U.S. Women and Their Children"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910."
77. Elman and Uhlenberg, "Early Twentieth Century Coresident: Elderly U.S. Women and Their Children"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910."
78. Douglas Wolf and Beth Soldo, "Household Composition Choices of Older Unmarried Women," Demography 25 (1988): 387-403.
79. Elman and Uhlenberg, "Early Twentieth Century Coresidence: Elderly U.S. Women and their Children."
80. Richard Wall, "Elderly Persons and Members of Their Households in England and Wales from Preindustrial Times to the Present," in Aging in the Past: Demography Society and Old Age, ed. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 81-106.
81. S. J. Wright, "The Elderly and the Bereaved in Eighteenth Century Ludlow," and Margaret Pelling, "Old Age, Poverty and Disability in Early Modern Norwich: Work, Remarriage, and Other Expedients," in Life, Death, and the Elderly, ed. Margaret Pelling and Richard M. Smith (London: Routledge, 1991), 102-33 and 74-101.
82. S. J. Wright, "The Elderly and the Bereaved in Eighteenth Century Ludlow," and Margaret Pelling, "Old Age, Poverty and Disability in Early Modern Norwich: Work, Remarriage, and Other Expedients," in Life, Death, and the Elderly, ed. Margaret Pelling and Richard M. Smith (London: Routledge, 1991), 102-33 and 74-101.
83. Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Hareven, "Historical Analysis of the Family."
84. Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers"; Hareven, "Historical Analysis of the Family."
85. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
86. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
87. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
88. John Durand, The Labor Force in Economic Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Richard Easterlin, "Interregional Differences in Per Capita Income, Population, and Total Income, 1840-1950" in Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century: Studies in Income and Wealth, vol. 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Harvey Perloff, Edgar Dunn Jr., Eric Lampard, and Richard Muth, Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1960).
89. John Durand, The Labor Force in Economic Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Richard Easterlin, "Interregional Differences in Per Capita Income, Population, and Total Income, 1840-1950" in Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century: Studies in Income and Wealth, vol. 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Harvey Perloff, Edgar Dunn Jr., Eric Lampard, and Richard Muth, Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1960).
90. John Durand, The Labor Force in Economic Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Richard Easterlin, "Interregional Differences in Per Capita Income, Population, and Total Income, 1840-1950" in Trends in the American Economy in the Nineteenth Century: Studies in Income and Wealth, vol. 20 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Harvey Perloff, Edgar Dunn Jr., Eric Lampard, and Richard Muth, Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1960).
91. Perloff et al., Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth, 152-53; Harold Vatter, The Drive to Industrial Maturity (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1975).
92. Perloff et al., Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth, 152-53; Harold Vatter, The Drive to Industrial Maturity (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1975).
93. H. Rodman, "Marital Power in France, Greece, Yugoslavia and the U.S.: A Crossnational Discussion," Journal of Marriage and the Family 29 (1967): 320-24.
94. Samuel Preston, Census of Population, 1910 U.S. Public Use Sample (Philadelphia: Population Studies Center, 1989) (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research).
95. William Dollarhide, Map Guide to the United States Federal Censuses,
96. Elman, "Old Age, Economic Activity, and Living Arrangements in the Early 20th Century U.S."; Ellen Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change," Demography 32 (1995): 335-52.
97. Elman, "Old Age, Economic Activity, and Living Arrangements in the Early 20th Century U.S."; Ellen Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change," Demography 32 (1995): 335-52.
98. Lawrence H. Boyd and Gudmund R. Iverson, Contextual Analysis: Concepts and Statistical Techniques (Belmont, Wash.: Wadsworth, 1979); Harvey Goldstein, Multilevel Models in Educational and Social Research (London: Oxford University Press, 1987); R. Prosser, J. Rabash, and Harvey Goldstein, ML3 Software for Three-Level Analysis: Users' Guide (London: Institute of Education, University of London, 1992).
99. Lawrence H. Boyd and Gudmund R. Iverson, Contextual Analysis: Concepts and Statistical Techniques (Belmont, Wash.: Wadsworth, 1979); Harvey Goldstein, Multilevel Models in Educational and Social Research (London: Oxford University Press, 1987); R. Prosser, J. Rabash, and Harvey Goldstein, ML3 Software for Three-Level Analysis: Users' Guide (London: Institute of Education, University of London, 1992).
100. Lawrence H. Boyd and Gudmund R. Iverson, Contextual Analysis: Concepts and Statistical Techniques (Belmont, Wash.: Wadsworth, 1979); Harvey Goldstein, Multilevel Models in Educational and Social Research (London: Oxford University Press, 1987); R. Prosser, J. Rabash, and Harvey Goldstein, ML3 Software for Three-Level Analysis: Users' Guide (London: Institute of Education, University of London, 1992).
101. Thomas A. DiPrete and Jerry D. Forrestal, "Multilevel Models: Methods and Substance," Annual Review of Sociology 20 (1994): 331-57.
102. If more than 90 percent of married or widowed women age sixty-five and older had surviving children in 1910, it is likely that the proportion of men with surviving children was even higher due to higher rates of remarriage and a subsequent higher risk of fathering children. Child availability for older men would be best measured by the number of children surviving, a variable only present in the 1910 Public Use Sample microdata for women, not men. One might link married men to spouses to use this variable, but the data would not be present for widowers. Also, as the article shows, a significant amount of remarriage took place, and many children in households were step-or adopted children. These children were not biological kin, but just as the case today, it is not clear whether older men were less likely to consider them kin. Nor is it possible to tell, from this data source, if older men had other kin available for coresidence. The sample excludes single and divorced men, however, who were at highest risk of childlessness. An algorithm using the variables rel, line number, nfamily, ntotal, and mstat was used to determine child presence.
103. Maris Vinovskis, "Have Social Historians Lost the Civil War? Some Preliminary Demographic Speculations," Journal of American History 76 (1989): 34-58.
104. Ann Orloff, The Politics of Pensions (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993).
105. Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
106. Cheryl Elman and George C. Myers, "Age and Sex Differentials in Morbidity at the Start of an Epidemiological Transition: Returns from the 1880 U.S. Census," Social Science and Medicine 45 (1997): 943-56.
107. Smith, "Life Course, Norms, and the Family System of Older Americans in 1900."
108. See Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20 (1900): 347-69; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993): 103-26; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure"; Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change."
109. See Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20 (1900): 347-69; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993): 103-26; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure"; Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change."
110. See Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20 (1900): 347-69; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993): 103-26; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure"; Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change."
111. See Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20 (1900): 347-69; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States," Demography 30 (1993): 103-26; Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure"; Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change."
112. John Modell, "Patterns of Consumption, Acculturation, and Family Income Strategy in Late Nineteenth Century America" in Family and Population in Nineteenth Centuery Amerca, ed. Tamara Hareven and Maris Vinovskis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 206-44; Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers."
113. John Modell, "Patterns of Consumption, Acculturation, and Family Income Strategy in Late Nineteenth Century America" in Family and Population in Nineteenth Centuery Amerca, ed. Tamara Hareven and Maris Vinovskis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 206-44; Goldin, "Family Strategies and the Family Economy in the Late 19th Century: The Role of Secondary Workers."
114. See Richard Easterlin, George Alter, and Gretchen Condran, "Farm Families in Old and New Areas," in Family and Population in 19th Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 22-84; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 33-45; Hall, "Family Structure and Economic Organization: Massachusetts Merchants, 1700-1850"; Landale and Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States."
115. See Richard Easterlin, George Alter, and Gretchen Condran, "Farm Families in Old and New Areas," in Family and Population in 19th Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 22-84; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 33-45; Hall, "Family Structure and Economic Organization: Massachusetts Merchants, 1700-1850"; Landale and Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States."
116. See Richard Easterlin, George Alter, and Gretchen Condran, "Farm Families in Old and New Areas," in Family and Population in 19th Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 22-84; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 33-45; Hall, "Family Structure and Economic Organization: Massachusetts Merchants, 1700-1850"; Landale and Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States."
117. See Richard Easterlin, George Alter, and Gretchen Condran, "Farm Families in Old and New Areas," in Family and Population in 19th Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 22-84; Nancy Landale and Stewart E. Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage," American Sociological Review 56 (1991): 33-45; Hall, "Family Structure and Economic Organization: Massachusetts Merchants, 1700-1850"; Landale and Tolnay, "Generation, Ethnicity, and Marriage: Historical Patterns in the Northern United States."
118. Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860"; Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem."
119. Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860"; Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem."
120. Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860"; Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem."
121. Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860"; Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem."
122. Miriam King and Steven Ruggles, "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century"; Sassler, "Factors Affecting Coresidence with Parents in 1910"; Greven, "Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts"; Steckel, "The Age at Leaving Home in the United States 1850-1860"; Alter, "The European Marriage Pattern as Solution and Problem."
123. Nancy Landale, "Agricultural Opportunity and Marriage: The United States at the Turn of the Century," Demography 26 (1989): 203-18. Landale and Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage."
124. Nancy Landale, "Agricultural Opportunity and Marriage: The United States at the Turn of the Century," Demography 26 (1989): 203-18. Landale and Tolnay, "Group Differences in Economic Opportunity and the Timing of Marriage."
125. Jonathan Hughes, American Economic History (Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman, 1990).
126. Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change."
127. David Meyer, "Midwestern Industrialization and the American Manufacturing Belt in the 19th Century," Journal of Economic History 49 (1989): 921-37; Thomas Weiss, "The Industrial Distribution of the Urban and Rural Workforces: Estimates for the United States 1870-1910," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 919-37. A considerable proportion of rural older men were employed in manufacturing in 1910 as shown in Cheryl Elman, "Pensions, Households, and Local Labor Markets: The Shaping of Old-Age Economic Activity in 1910," Social Science Research 25 (1996): 308-34.
128. David Meyer, "Midwestern Industrialization and the American Manufacturing Belt in the 19th Century," Journal of Economic History 49 (1989): 921-37; Thomas Weiss, "The Industrial Distribution of the Urban and Rural Workforces: Estimates for the United States 1870-1910," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 919-37. A considerable proportion of rural older men were employed in manufacturing in 1910 as shown in Cheryl Elman, "Pensions, Households, and Local Labor Markets: The Shaping of Old-Age Economic Activity in 1910," Social Science Research 25 (1996): 308-34.
129. David Meyer, "Midwestern Industrialization and the American Manufacturing Belt in the 19th Century," Journal of Economic History 49 (1989): 921-37; Thomas Weiss, "The Industrial Distribution of the Urban and Rural Workforces: Estimates for the United States 1870-1910," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 919-37. A considerable proportion of rural older men were employed in manufacturing in 1910 as shown in Cheryl Elman, "Pensions, Households, and Local Labor Markets: The Shaping of Old-Age Economic Activity in 1910," Social Science Research 25 (1996): 308-34.
130. This measure is not in the thirteenth decennial census but is available in the twelfth (1900).
131. Perloff et al., Regions, Resources, and Economic Growth. The Public Use Sample identifies counties and the type of community (a unit smaller than a county) that individuals live in. I code whether individuals live in urban, town, or rural communities within counties as it is most appropriate to operationalize service sector size in terms of the immediate communities older men lived in rather than the overall county proportion that is urban. But a given county, at a given level of development with regard to other contextual indicators, such as agricultural improvement or manufacturing, could contain men living in urban, town, and/or rural areas of the county. Multilevel data provide a unique opportunity to assess the impacts of county-level influences as well as impacts of more specific locations within counties.
132. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders; Quadagno in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
133. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
134. Brian Gratton, Urban Elders; Quadagno, Aging in Early Industrial Society; Haber, "Over the Hill to the Poorhouse: Rhetoric and Reality in the Institutional History of the Aged."
135. Kramarow estimates that remarriage rates for males between age twenty and sixty-five were underreported by about 7 percent. They were underreported by as much as 20 percent for older men. Ellen Kramarow, "A Note on Remarriage Reporting in the 1910 U.S. Census," Journal of Family History 20 (1995): 347-64.
136. The addition of interactions of South and demographic variables (age, widowhood) and South and a household variable (farm family) significantly improves model fit from the baseline model.
137. Both statistical packages show a weak significance of the effect of servants; the coefficient in the ML3 package is -0.216 with a standard error of 0.113.
138. An interaction term of farm household and tenant was tested; it never achieved significance in the models.
139. The coefficient for foreign born in the ML3 nonsouthern model is 0.225 with a standard error of 0.111.
140. A baseline southern model (see Table 4) without race interactions finds that older black men were sinificantly less likely to live with a child than older white men. Other researchers have found that older African American males were less likely to live children. See Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change." Also see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure" for more fine-grained race and ethnic differences in coresidence. A likelihood ratio test of a model with interactions of race and age, widowhood, remarried, household head, economic status, farm family, tenancy, and presence of servants improved the baseline (no interaction) model fit by a chi-square value of 16.6, 8 df. Reducing the interactions to those that are individually significant, Race × Wage and Race × Farm Dwelling, improves model fit by a chi-square value of 8.03, 2 df. However, a likelihood ratio test of the variance components models (interaction-baseline models) indicates no significant improvement in model fit with the addition of two (or more) interaction terms. This model is available on request.
141. A baseline southern model (see Table 4) without race interactions finds that older black men were sinificantly less likely to live with a child than older white men. Other researchers have found that older African American males were less likely to live children. See Kramarow, "Living Alone among the Elderly in the United States: Historical Perspectives on Household Change." Also see Andrew T. Miller, S. Philip Morgan, and Antonio McDaniel, "Under the Same Roof: Family and Household Structure" for more fine-grained race and ethnic differences in coresidence. A likelihood ratio test of a model with interactions of race and age, widowhood, remarried, household head, economic status, farm family, tenancy, and presence of servants improved the baseline (no interaction) model fit by a chi-square value of 16.6, 8 df. Reducing the interactions to those that are individually significant, Race × Wage and Race × Farm Dwelling, improves model fit by a chi-square value of 8.03, 2 df. However, a likelihood ratio test of the variance components models (interaction-baseline models) indicates no significant improvement in model fit with the addition of two (or more) interaction terms. This model is available on request.
142. While perhaps less than half of southern counties in Alabama, Georgia, Tennessee, Virginia, and North and South Carolina had fifty thousand or more spindles, mill workers were very actively recruited from all areas of the South. See Jacqueline D. Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, LuAnn Jones, and Christopher B. Daly, Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World (New York: Norton, 1987).
143. Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change"; Peter Laslett, "The Family as a Knot of Individual Interests," in Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard Wilk, and Eric Arnould (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 353-79; Moch et al., "Family Strategies: A Dialogue."
144. Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change"; Peter Laslett, "The Family as a Knot of Individual Interests," in Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard Wilk, and Eric Arnould (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 353-79; Moch et al., "Family Strategies: A Dialogue."
145. Hareven, "A Complex Relationship: Family Strategies and the Processes of Economic and Social Change"; Peter Laslett, "The Family as a Knot of Individual Interests," in Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard Wilk, and Eric Arnould (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 353-79; Moch et al., "Family Strategies: A Dialogue."
146. Andrew J. Cherlin and Frank F. Furstenberg Jr., "Stepfamilies in the United States: A Reconsideration," Annual Review of Sociology 20 (1994): 359-81.
147. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present; Gratton, "The Creation of Retirement: Families, Individuals, and the Social Security Movement."
148. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present; Gratton, "The Creation of Retirement: Families, Individuals, and the Social Security Movement."
149. Andrew J. Cherlin and Frank F. Furstenberg Jr., The New American Grandparent (New York: Basic Books, 1986).
150. Arlie Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989); Abel, "Parental Dependance and Filial Responsibility in the Nineteenth Century."
151. Arlie Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989); Abel, "Parental Dependance and Filial Responsibility in the Nineteenth Century."