Our Lady of Perpetual Help, gender roles, and the decline of devotional catholicism

Journal of Social History

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 5-26

  Kelly, Timothy ^a   Kelly, Joseph ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032166314     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/32.1.5     Document Type: Article

References (98)

1. Richard P. McBrien, ed., The Catholic Encyclopedia (San Francisco, 1995) p. 650.
2. Evidence exists that the parish began a devotion to Our Lady of Perpetual Help in the nineteenth century soon after St. Philomena's received its authentic copy of the painting, and we have located an official publication designed to support this devotion. But all accounts suggest that the devotion lay dormant in the early decades of the twentieth century. For more on the nineteenth-century devotion, see Rev. Michael Muller, C.Ss.R., Our Lady of Perpetual Help in the Work of Our Redemption and Sanctification (Baltimore, 1873).
3. Reverend Thomas B. Roche, "The Redemptorists in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania One Hundred Years, 1839-1939, Old St. Philomena's 1839-1925, New St. Philomena's 1921-1939," St. Philomena's Parish Archives, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, p. 47. (In 1992, Bishop Donald Wuerl suppressed St. Philomena's parish, and instructed the parish to move its records to St. Bede's parish, also in Pittsburgh.)
4. Roche, "The Redemptorists in Pittsburgh."
5. Very Rev. Joseph McDonough, C.Ss.R., "Fifty Years in Squirrel Hill, St. Philomena's Parish 1921-1971," St. Philomena Parish Archives.
6. St. Philomena Parish Annual Reports (1950-1987), Redemptorist Provincial Archives, Baltimore Province, Brooklyn, New York (RABP).
7. Stefan Lorant, Pittsburgh: Story of an American City (Lenox, MA, 1988, originally 1964), p. 355.
8. St. Philomena Annual Report, 1942, p. 6, RABP. For brief discussions of wartime rationing, see John Mortun Blum, V was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York, 1976), p. 23 and William L. O'Neill, A Democracy at War: America's Fight at Home and Abroad in World War II (New York, 1993), p. 136.
9. St. Philomena Annual Report, 1942, p. 6, RABP. For brief discussions of wartime rationing, see John Mortun Blum, V was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York, 1976), p. 23 and William L. O'Neill, A Democracy at War: America's Fight at Home and Abroad in World War II (New York, 1993), p. 136.
10. St. Philomena Annual Report, 1942, p. 6, RABP. For brief discussions of wartime rationing, see John Mortun Blum, V was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York, 1976), p. 23 and William L. O'Neill, A Democracy at War: America's Fight at Home and Abroad in World War II (New York, 1993), p. 136.
11. Jim Castelli and Joseph Gremillion, The Emerging Parish: The Notre Dame Study of Catholic Life Since Vatican II (San Francisco, 1987), p. 145. Jay P. Dolan argues both that devotional Catholicism's popularity declined in the 1950s and that "the vast majority of Catholics still clung to the old-style religion" until the sweeping changes that the Second Vatican Council brought about. The American Catholic Experience: A History From Colonial Times to the Present (Garden City, N.Y., 1985), p. 390.
12. Jim Castelli and Joseph Gremillion, The Emerging Parish: The Notre Dame Study of Catholic Life Since Vatican II (San Francisco, 1987), p. 145. Jay P. Dolan argues both that devotional Catholicism's popularity declined in the 1950s and that "the vast majority of Catholics still clung to the old-style religion" until the sweeping changes that the Second Vatican Council brought about. The American Catholic Experience: A History From Colonial Times to the Present (Garden City, N.Y., 1985), p. 390.
13. Rosemary Radford Ruether, "Mary in U.S. Catholic Culture: Two Theologies Represent Deep Divisions," National Catholic Reporter, 31 (10 February 1995): 15.
14. Maurice Hamington, Hail Mary? The Struggle for Ultimate Womanhood in Catholicism New York, 1995), p. 23; Margaret Hebblethwaite, "Devotion," in Adrian Hastings, ed., Modern Catholicism: Vatican II and After (New York, 1991), p. 240.
15. Maurice Hamington, Hail Mary? The Struggle for Ultimate Womanhood in Catholicism New York, 1995), p. 23; Margaret Hebblethwaite, "Devotion," in Adrian Hastings, ed., Modern Catholicism: Vatican II and After (New York, 1991), p. 240.
16. Robert A. Orsi, Thank You, St. Jude: Women's Devotion to the Patron Saint of Hopeless Causes (New Haven, 1996), pp. 33-34.
17. St. Philomena Parish Annual Reports.
18. For others who locate the dramatic changes in Catholicism with the election of John XXIII as Pope (1958), the outset of the 1960s, or Vatican II, see Joseph J. Casino, "From Sanctuary to Involvement: A History of the Catholic Parish in the Northeast," Jay P. Dolan, ed., The American Catholic Parish: A History From 1850 to the Present, Volume I, Northeast, Southeast, South Central (New York, 1987), pp. 84-85; Thomas Bokenkotter, A Concise History of the Catholic Church, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York, 1990), p. 368; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), p. 307; John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1969, originally 1959), pp. 163-165; Leonard Urban, Look What They've Done to My Church (Chicago, 1985), pp. 7-8.
19. For others who locate the dramatic changes in Catholicism with the election of John XXIII as Pope (1958), the outset of the 1960s, or Vatican II, see Joseph J. Casino, "From Sanctuary to Involvement: A History of the Catholic Parish in the Northeast," Jay P. Dolan, ed., The American Catholic Parish: A History From 1850 to the Present, Volume I, Northeast, Southeast, South Central (New York, 1987), pp. 84-85; Thomas Bokenkotter, A Concise History of the Catholic Church, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York, 1990), p. 368; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), p. 307; John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1969, originally 1959), pp. 163-165; Leonard Urban, Look What They've Done to My Church (Chicago, 1985), pp. 7-8.
20. For others who locate the dramatic changes in Catholicism with the election of John XXIII as Pope (1958), the outset of the 1960s, or Vatican II, see Joseph J. Casino, "From Sanctuary to Involvement: A History of the Catholic Parish in the Northeast," Jay P. Dolan, ed., The American Catholic Parish: A History From 1850 to the Present, Volume I, Northeast, Southeast, South Central (New York, 1987), pp. 84-85; Thomas Bokenkotter, A Concise History of the Catholic Church, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York, 1990), p. 368; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), p. 307; John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1969, originally 1959), pp. 163-165; Leonard Urban, Look What They've Done to My Church (Chicago, 1985), pp. 7-8.
21. For others who locate the dramatic changes in Catholicism with the election of John XXIII as Pope (1958), the outset of the 1960s, or Vatican II, see Joseph J. Casino, "From Sanctuary to Involvement: A History of the Catholic Parish in the Northeast," Jay P. Dolan, ed., The American Catholic Parish: A History From 1850 to the Present, Volume I, Northeast, Southeast, South Central (New York, 1987), pp. 84-85; Thomas Bokenkotter, A Concise History of the Catholic Church, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York, 1990), p. 368; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), p. 307; John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1969, originally 1959), pp. 163-165; Leonard Urban, Look What They've Done to My Church (Chicago, 1985), pp. 7-8.
22. For others who locate the dramatic changes in Catholicism with the election of John XXIII as Pope (1958), the outset of the 1960s, or Vatican II, see Joseph J. Casino, "From Sanctuary to Involvement: A History of the Catholic Parish in the Northeast," Jay P. Dolan, ed., The American Catholic Parish: A History From 1850 to the Present, Volume I, Northeast, Southeast, South Central (New York, 1987), pp. 84-85; Thomas Bokenkotter, A Concise History of the Catholic Church, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York, 1990), p. 368; James Hennesey, American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (New York, 1981), p. 307; John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago, 1969, originally 1959), pp. 163-165; Leonard Urban, Look What They've Done to My Church (Chicago, 1985), pp. 7-8.
23. Participation in outdoor Eucharistic rallies also fell dramatically in the 1950s. See Timothy Kelly, "Suburbanization and the Decline of Catholic Public Ritual in Pittsburgh," Journal of Social History 28 (Winter 1994): 311-330.
24. See Henri Gheon, The Madonna in Art (Paris, 1947), p. 5; George Galavaris, The Icon in the Life of the Church, (Iconography of Religions 8) (Leiden, 1981), p. 12; and David Rice and Tamara Talbot Rice, Icons and Their History (Woodstock, N.Y., 1974), p. 9.
25. See Henri Gheon, The Madonna in Art (Paris, 1947), p. 5; George Galavaris, The Icon in the Life of the Church, (Iconography of Religions 8) (Leiden, 1981), p. 12; and David Rice and Tamara Talbot Rice, Icons and Their History (Woodstock, N.Y., 1974), p. 9.
26. See Henri Gheon, The Madonna in Art (Paris, 1947), p. 5; George Galavaris, The Icon in the Life of the Church, (Iconography of Religions 8) (Leiden, 1981), p. 12; and David Rice and Tamara Talbot Rice, Icons and Their History (Woodstock, N.Y., 1974), p. 9.
27. Jaroslav Pelikan, Imago Dei: The Byzantine Apologia for Icons (Princeton, 1990), p. 135.
28. Anna Jameson, Legends of the Madonna (New York, 1986), p. 10
29. Jane Dillenberger, Style and Content in Christian Art: From the Catacombs to the Chapel Designed by Matisse at Vence, France (New York, 1965), p. 18.
30. Jameson, Legends, p. 27.
31. Kurt Weitzmann, The Icon: Holy Images, Sixth to Fourteenth Century (New York, 1978), p. 7.
32. C. Henze, "Our Lady of Perpetual Help (Succour)," New Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume X (Palantine, IL., 1967), p. 834.
33. Ibid.
34. Roche, The Redemptorists in Pittsburgh, pp. 45-47.
35. Though most devotions to Mary rest on her all-loving nature, her natural and overriding predisposition to help those who seek aid, many devotions also include a Mary who harms people when they in some way impede veneration. For a discussion of this in Italian popular religion, see Michael P. Carroll's Madonnas that Maim: Popular Catholicism in Italy Since the Fifteenth Century (Baltimore, 1992).
36. Rev. Jos. A. Chapoton, C.Ss.R. Sketch of the Miraculous Image and the Confraternity of Our Lady of Perpetual Help and St. Alphonsus: Also a Practical Method of Making a Novena (Portland, 1927), p. 8.
37. Ibid., p. 11.
38. Ibid., p. 18.
39. See, for example, Msgr. George A. Kelly, Dating for Young Catholics: A Guide for Catholic Teen-Agers on Dating and Other Social Activities (Garden City, N.Y., 1963).
40. For a brief discussion of these developments, see William A. Herr, Catholic Thinkers in the Clear: Giants of Catholic Thought From Augustine to Rahner (Chicago, 1985), pp. 195-200.
41. For an instructive definition of power in the context of feminism, see Judith Lowder Newton's "Power and the Ideology of 'Woman's Sphere'" in Feminisms: An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism, eds. Robyn R. Warhol and Diane Price Herndl (New Brunswick, N.J., 1991), pp. 765-780, but especially 768-769.
42. Such theories of literary discourse are based in the post-structuralist work of critics like Michel Foucault. For more information on this criticism, often called the new historicism, see Carolyn Porter, "Are We Being Historical Yet?" South Atlantic Quarterly 87 (Fall 1988): 743-786; Alan Sinfield and Jonathan Dollimore, eds. Political Shakespeare: New Essays in Cultural Materialism, eds. (Ithaca, N.Y, 1985); Steven Greenblatt, ed., The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics, a series published by the University of California Press; the journal Representations; and Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (New York, 1989).
43. Such theories of literary discourse are based in the post-structuralist work of critics like Michel Foucault. For more information on this criticism, often called the new historicism, see Carolyn Porter, "Are We Being Historical Yet?" South Atlantic Quarterly 87 (Fall 1988): 743-786; Alan Sinfield and Jonathan Dollimore, eds. Political Shakespeare: New Essays in Cultural Materialism, eds. (Ithaca, N.Y, 1985); Steven Greenblatt, ed., The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics, a series published by the University of California Press; the journal Representations; and Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (New York, 1989).
44. Such theories of literary discourse are based in the post-structuralist work of critics like Michel Foucault. For more information on this criticism, often called the new historicism, see Carolyn Porter, "Are We Being Historical Yet?" South Atlantic Quarterly 87 (Fall 1988): 743-786; Alan Sinfield and Jonathan Dollimore, eds. Political Shakespeare: New Essays in Cultural Materialism, eds. (Ithaca, N.Y, 1985); Steven Greenblatt, ed., The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics, a series published by the University of California Press; the journal Representations; and Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (New York, 1989).
45. Such theories of literary discourse are based in the post-structuralist work of critics like Michel Foucault. For more information on this criticism, often called the new historicism, see Carolyn Porter, "Are We Being Historical Yet?" South Atlantic Quarterly 87 (Fall 1988): 743-786; Alan Sinfield and Jonathan Dollimore, eds. Political Shakespeare: New Essays in Cultural Materialism, eds. (Ithaca, N.Y, 1985); Steven Greenblatt, ed., The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics, a series published by the University of California Press; the journal Representations; and Aram Veeser, ed., The New Historicism (New York, 1989).
46. Catholics often use Our Mother of Perpetual Help in the place of Our Lady of Perpetual Help. No clear pattern distinguishes the use of one over the other, rather they seem interchangeable.
47. Anonymous, "Through a Kind Friend . . . " Our Lady of Perpetual Help 1 (Autumn 1937): 3.
48. McDonough, "50 Years in Squirrel Hill," p. 13.
49. Chapoton, Sketch, p. 31.
50. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York, 1976), p. 286.
51. Chapoton, Sketch, p. 43.
52. Mary's seeming passivity extended even to her unwillingness to engage in conversation. The Redemptorists, for example, hung a facsimile of the icon in the parish church complete with explanations of the icon's symbols. One line pointed to Mary's lips with the explanation that "Mary's mouth is small, she speaks little."
53. Chapoton, Sketch, pp. 24-25.
54. Ibid., p. 25.
55. Ibid., p. 28.
56. Ibid., pp. 36, 46.
57. The following interpretation assumes that participants said the prayers with some degree of sincerity - that they acceded to the sentiments at least in part.
58. "Prayer for the Conversion of a Sinner," and "Prayer for Financial Aid," in Chapoton, Sketch, pp. 42-43.
59. "Prayer in Temporal Wants," in Chapoton, Sketch, p. 39.
60. Our Lady of Perpetual Help 1 (Autumn 1937): 30.
61. Advertisements in the Pittsburgh Catholic, 30 April 1936 and undated, St. Philomena files, RABP.
62. Wallace C. Peterson documents the impressive growth in real weekly wages and family income in his Silent Depression: The Fate of the American Dream (New York, 1994), pp. 36-39.
63. Ann Taves relates that fully 60 percent of devotional organizations established in American parishes between 1820 and 1900 had exclusively female members, while only 24 percent had only male members. Both men and women could join the Our Lady of Perpetual Help confraternity in the middle of the twentieth century, but we have located no data on actual membership distribution by gender. Ann Taves, The Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (Notre Dame, 1986), p. 18.
64. Men constituted 23 percent of all participants and 27 percent of adult participants in the photograph. Only 17 percent of those in the photograph were children. (The photo did not include the priest or altar servers, though they would have been male.) Photo in Rev. Galvin Files, RABP.
65. St. Philomena Parish Reports, 1930-1962, RABP.
66. Dan and Jane Quinn, for example, recalled that women constituted about 60 to 65 percent of participants in the 1950s and 1960s. Oral interview with Daniel and Jane Quinn, February 20, 1995, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
67. Taves, Households, p. 87.
68. William Chafe, "Social Change and the American Woman, 1940-1970," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Post-War America (New York, 1991), pp. 220-222. See also Gentrude Bancroft, The American Labor Force: Its Growth and Changing Composition (A Volume in the Census Monograph Series for the Social Science Research Council in Cooperation with the U.S. Department of Commerce) (New York, 1958), p. 54, and Alice Kessler-Harris, who argues that the influx of women because of the War was probably less significant than Americans believe (many of the millions of additional workers would have entered the work force even if there was no war, in her view), but that 75 percent of the truly "new" War workers were married. Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982), pp. 276-277.
69. William Chafe, "Social Change and the American Woman, 1940-1970," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Post-War America (New York, 1991), pp. 220-222. See also Gentrude Bancroft, The American Labor Force: Its Growth and Changing Composition (A Volume in the Census Monograph Series for the Social Science Research Council in Cooperation with the U.S. Department of Commerce) (New York, 1958), p. 54, and Alice Kessler-Harris, who argues that the influx of women because of the War was probably less significant than Americans believe (many of the millions of additional workers would have entered the work force even if there was no war, in her view), but that 75 percent of the truly "new" War workers were married. Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982), pp. 276-277.
70. William Chafe, "Social Change and the American Woman, 1940-1970," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Post-War America (New York, 1991), pp. 220-222. See also Gentrude Bancroft, The American Labor Force: Its Growth and Changing Composition (A Volume in the Census Monograph Series for the Social Science Research Council in Cooperation with the U.S. Department of Commerce) (New York, 1958), p. 54, and Alice Kessler-Harris, who argues that the influx of women because of the War was probably less significant than Americans believe (many of the millions of additional workers would have entered the work force even if there was no war, in her view), but that 75 percent of the truly "new" War workers were married. Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982), pp. 276-277.
71. Chafe, "Social Change" p 222; Carl N. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York, 1980), p. 418.
72. Chafe, "Social Change" p 222; Carl N. Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York, 1980), p. 418.
73. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 222. For a longer version of this argument, see Chafe's "The Paradox of Progress: Social Change Since 1930," in James T. Patterson, ed. Paths to the Present (Minneapolis, 1975).
74. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 222. For a longer version of this argument, see Chafe's "The Paradox of Progress: Social Change Since 1930," in James T. Patterson, ed. Paths to the Present (Minneapolis, 1975).
75. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
76. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
77. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
78. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
79. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
80. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
81. Chafe, "Social Change," p. 225. Most histories of the post-World War II women's movement place its origins in the 1960s, and point to various events or experiences as epiphanies which transformed women's understandings of their lives. They typically highlight the publication of Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique and/or participation in Civil Rights activities and the student movement. Arlene Skolnick, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991), pp. 101-107; Sara Evans, "Women's Consciousness and the Southern Black Movement," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (New York, 1991), p. 228; Stewart Burns, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), pp. 116-122; David Chalmers, And the Crooked Places Made Straight: The Struggle for Social Change in the 1960s (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 154-157; Robert L. Daniel, American Women in the 20th Century: The Festival of Life (New York, 1987), pp. 246-242, 257.
82. We recognize that it is difficult (and, according to some epistemological definitions of ideology, wrong) to distinguish ideology from behavior. But Terry Eagleton advocates that we substitute a more political sense of the term for the epistemological: "[n]ot everything . . . may be usefully said to be ideological. If there is nothing which is not ideological, then the term cancels all the way through and drops out of sight. To say this does not commit one to believing that there is a kind of discourse which is inherently non-ideological; it just means that in any particular situation you must be able to point to what counts as non-ideological for the term to have meaning." Eagelton, Ideology: An Introduction (New York, 1991), p. 9. Eagleton provides a useful taxonomy of the various uses of the term, and Chafe seems to use "ideology" in one of Eagleton's more narrow senses: "ideas and beliefs (whether true of false) which symbolize the conditions and life-experiences of a specific, socially significant class"; or, narrower yet, "the promotion and legitimation of the interest of such social groups in the face of opposing interests" (Eagleton, p. 29). This sense of ideology describes the consciousness-raising feminism of the 1960s and the devotion's influence on the consciousness of women in the 1930s and 1940s.
83. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
84. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
85. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
86. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
87. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
88. Though Ruth Milkman argues that Chafe's thesis is controversial, she agrees with what she considers a "modest" version of Chafe's argument in her own analysis of World War II and women's work. She claims that World War II "was a watershed period that left women's relationship to work permanently changed." Milkman, "Gender at Work: The Sexual Division of Labor During World War II," Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, eds., Women's America: Refocusing the Past (New York, 1991), pp. 442, 448. This essay is an abridgment of chapters four and seven of Milkman's Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987). Others also share at least a modified version of Chafe's thesis. See Robert A. Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth Century America (Belmont, CA, 1991), pp. 194-5 and Degler, At Odds, p. 419. Julie Matthaei suggests in her economic history of women that women entered the workforce initially to better fulfill their household duties - to provide the means for a fuller range of family consumption, and that the ideological transformation followed. An Economic History of Women in America: Women's Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York, 1982), p. 248. Harvey Green suggests that some women who worked in World War II actually underwent the transformation Chafe could not find. The Uncertainly of Everyday Life: 1915-1945 (New York, 1992), pp. 234-235.
89. The decennial Census misses any increase that would have occurred during World War II and then dissipated as returning service men displaced women from their jobs.
90. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. 2, Characteristics of Population, Part 6, Pennsylvania - Texas, C-41; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania, 38-116, 38-334; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Table 73; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population, Characteristics of Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania.
91. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. 2, Characteristics of Population, Part 6, Pennsylvania-Texas, C-41; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania, 38-116, 38-334; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Table 73; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population, Characteristics of Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania.
92. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. 2, Characteristics of Population, Part 6, Pennsylvania-Texas, C-41; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania, 38-116, 38-334; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Table 73; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population, Characteristics of Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania.
93. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. 2, Characteristics of Population, Part 6, Pennsylvania-Texas, C-41; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania, 38-116, 38-334; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Table 73; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Population, Characteristics of Population, Part 40, Pennsylvania.
94. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. III, The Labor Force, Part 5, Pennsylvania - Wyoming, Table 5; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Tables 72, 73, 96. We cannot with certainty assert that Catholic women fit the same pattern as Pittsburgh women taken as a whole, but no evidence exists to suggest that they differed significantly, if at all.
95. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. III, The Labor Force, Part 5, Pennsylvania-Wyoming, Table 5; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Tables 72, 73, 96. We cannot with certainty assert that Catholic women fit the same pattern as Pittsburgh women taken as a whole, but no evidence exists to suggest that they differed significantly, if at all.
96. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population, vol. III, The Labor Force, Part 5, Pennsylvania-Wyoming, Table 5; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1950 U.S. Census of Population, vol. 2, Characteristics, Part 38, Pennsylvania; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, United States Census of Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, part 40, Pennsylvania, Tables 72, 73, 96. We cannot with certainty assert that Catholic women fit the same pattern as Pittsburgh women taken as a whole, but no evidence exists to suggest that they differed significantly, if at all.
97. Leslie Aldridge Westoff and Charles F. Westoff, From Now to Zero: Fertility, Contraception and Abortion in America (Boston, 1968), p. 193.
98. John L. Thomas, "Catholic Family Disorganization," in Ernest Burgess and Donald J. Bogue, ed., Urban Sociology, (Chicago, 1964), p. 274. Thomas based his work on a study of the Chicago archdiocese, though nothing suggests that Chicago was unique in these issues.