The poor and disabled in early eighteenth-century Russian towns

Journal of Social History

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 125-155

  Kaiser, Daniel H ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0032162295     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/32.1.125     Document Type: Article

References (232)

1. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
2. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
3. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
4. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
5. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
6. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
7. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
8. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
9. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
10. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
11. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
12. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
13. Stuart Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1986), 6-39; Anat Feinberg, "The Representation of the Poor in Elizabethan and Stuart Drama," Literature and History 12 (1986): 152-53; Lee Palmer Wandel, Always Among Us: Images of the Poor in Zwingli's Zurich (Cambridge, 1990), 150-52. John Henderson offers a slightly different series of distinctions: endemic, epidemic, and episodic poverty (Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence [Oxford, 1994], 245-46). For some promising, though challenging, proposals for better defining the poor in the late medieval and early modem era, see W. P. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, "Poverty in Flanders and Brabant from the Fourteenth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: Sources and Problems," Acta Historiae Neerlandicae 10 (1978): 20-39; and Wim Blockmans, "Circumscribing the Con" cept of Poverty," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, ed. Thomas Riis (Sijthoff, 1981), 39-45. See also Paola Subacchi, "Conjunctural Poor and Structural Poor: Some Preliminary Considerations on Poverty, the Life-Cycle and Economic Crisis in Early-Nineteenth-Century Italy," Continuity and Change 8 (1993): 65-86; and John Henderson and Richard Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children in the European Past, eds. John Henderson and Richard Wall (London, 1994), 3-4. On the history of poverty, see Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Haven, 1986); Bronislaw Geremek, Poverty: A History, trans. Agnieszka Kolokowska (Oxford, 1994); Robert Jütte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1994); and, for a slightly later time, Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974). On the connection of poverty to economic change, see especially Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe, trans. James Coonan (Atlantic Highlands, 1979).
14. The Domostroi: Rules for Russian Households in the Time of Ivan the Terrible, ed., trans. Carolyn Johnston Pouncy (Ithaca, 1994), 70, 179; Domostroi, ed. V. V. Kolosov (Moscow, 1990), 39, 105.
15. The Domostroi: Rules for Russian Households in the Time of Ivan the Terrible, ed., trans. Carolyn Johnston Pouncy (Ithaca, 1994), 70, 179; Domostroi, ed. V. V. Kolosov (Moscow, 1990), 39, 105.
16. Pelling, "Healing the Sick Poor: Social Policy and Disability in Norwich 1550-1640," Medical History 29(1985):117, 136-37; Walter, "The Social Economy of Dearth in Early Modern England," in Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society, eds. John Walter, Roger Schofield (Cambridge, 1989), 126.
17. Pelling, "Healing the Sick Poor: Social Policy and Disability in Norwich 1550-1640," Medical History 29(1985):117, 136-37; Walter, "The Social Economy of Dearth in Early Modern England," in Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society, eds. John Walter, Roger Schofield (Cambridge, 1989), 126.
18. "Poverty and Politics in Salisbury 1597-1666," in Crisis and Order in English Towns 1500-1700, eds. Peter Clark and Paul Slack (Toronto, 1972), 165-77; see also Paul Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1988), 4, 37-40.
19. "Poverty and Politics in Salisbury 1597-1666," in Crisis and Order in English Towns 1500-1700, eds. Peter Clark and Paul Slack (Toronto, 1972), 165-77; see also Paul Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1988), 4, 37-40.
20. Joyce Youings, Sixteenth-Century England (London, 1984), 75. For reports of other towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Paul A. Slack, "The Reactions of the Poor to Poverty in England c. 1500-1750," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, ed. Thomas Riis, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences 100 (1986): 25. Keith Wrightson and David Levine report that in seventeenth-century Essex about a third of all households were exempted from taxes because of chronic poverty (Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 [New York, 1979], 34).
21. Joyce Youings, Sixteenth-Century England (London, 1984), 75. For reports of other towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Paul A. Slack, "The Reactions of the Poor to Poverty in England c. 1500-1750," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, ed. Thomas Riis, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences 100 (1986): 25. Keith Wrightson and David Levine report that in seventeenth-century Essex about a third of all households were exempted from taxes because of chronic poverty (Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 [New York, 1979], 34).
22. Joyce Youings, Sixteenth-Century England (London, 1984), 75. For reports of other towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Paul A. Slack, "The Reactions of the Poor to Poverty in England c. 1500-1750," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, ed. Thomas Riis, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences 100 (1986): 25. Keith Wrightson and David Levine report that in seventeenth-century Essex about a third of all households were exempted from taxes because of chronic poverty (Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 [New York, 1979], 34).
23. Joyce Youings, Sixteenth-Century England (London, 1984), 75. For reports of other towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Paul A. Slack, "The Reactions of the Poor to Poverty in England c. 1500-1750," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, ed. Thomas Riis, Odense University Studies in History and Social Sciences 100 (1986): 25. Keith Wrightson and David Levine report that in seventeenth-century Essex about a third of all households were exempted from taxes because of chronic poverty (Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 [New York, 1979], 34).
24. Wandel, Always Among Us, 11; Thomas Robisheaux, Rural Society and the Search for Order in Early Modem Germany (Cambridge, 1989), 72.
25. Wandel, Always Among Us, 11; Thomas Robisheaux, Rural Society and the Search for Order in Early Modem Germany (Cambridge, 1989), 72.
26. Linda Martz, Poverty and Welfare in Habsburg Spain: The Example of Toledo (Cambridge, 1983), 113-14.
27. Cissie C. Fairchilds, Poverty and Charity in Aix-en-Provence, 1640-1789 (Baltimore, 1976), ix. Jean Meyer finds even larger percentages of the Breton urban populations of the time as poor ("Pauvreté et assistance dans les villes bretonnes de l'ancien régime," Actes du 97e congrès national des sociétés savantes, vol. 1: Assistance et assistés de 1610 ̀ nos jours [Paris, 1977], 448-49, 451, 459), but in Lille the average was close to 50 percent (Louis Trenard, "Pauvreté, charité, assistance a Lille 1708-1790," ibid., 475).
28. Cissie C. Fairchilds, Poverty and Charity in Aix-en-Provence, 1640-1789 (Baltimore, 1976), ix. Jean Meyer finds even larger percentages of the Breton urban populations of the time as poor ("Pauvreté et assistance dans les villes bretonnes de l'ancien régime," Actes du 97e congrès national des sociétés savantes, vol. 1: Assistance et assistés de 1610 ̀ nos jours [Paris, 1977], 448-49, 451, 459), but in Lille the average was close to 50 percent (Louis Trenard, "Pauvreté, charité, assistance a Lille 1708-1790," ibid., 475).
29. Cissie C. Fairchilds, Poverty and Charity in Aix-en-Provence, 1640-1789 (Baltimore, 1976), ix. Jean Meyer finds even larger percentages of the Breton urban populations of the time as poor ("Pauvreté et assistance dans les villes bretonnes de l'ancien régime," Actes du 97e congrès national des sociétés savantes, vol. 1: Assistance et assistés de 1610 ̀ nos jours [Paris, 1977], 448-49, 451, 459), but in Lille the average was close to 50 percent (Louis Trenard, "Pauvreté, charité, assistance a Lille 1708-1790," ibid., 475).
30. Carlo M. Cipolla, "Economic Fluctuations, the Poor, and Public Policy (Italy, 16th and 17th Centuries)," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, 65-73. Determining the number of poor is not, of course, equal to the number who received assistance of some kind. Davis observes that studies of didderent locales in early modern Europe all demonstrate that something like 5 percent of the urban population was receiving relief Natalie Zemon Davis, "Poor Relief, Humanism, and Heresy," in her Society and Culture in Early Modern France [Stanford, 1975], 63-44); Fairchilds reports that in Aix about 20 percent received some form of public assistance (Poverty, 13).
31. Carlo M. Cipolla, "Economic Fluctuations, the Poor, and Public Policy (Italy, 16th and 17th Centuries)," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe, 65-73. Determining the number of poor is not, of course, equal to the number who received assistance of some kind. Davis observes that studies of didderent locales in early modern Europe all demonstrate that something like 5 percent of the urban population was receiving relief Natalie Zemon Davis, "Poor Relief, Humanism, and Heresy," in her Society and Culture in Early Modern France [Stanford, 1975], 63-44); Fairchilds reports that in Aix about 20 percent received some form of public assistance (Poverty, 13).
32. Polnoe sobranie zakonov Rossiiskoi imperii (hereafter PSZ), 45 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1830), vol. 4, no. 2253.
33. For a detailed description of the sources and full bibliographic references, see Daniel H. Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition in Early Modern Russia," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23 (1992-93): 44-58. For an analysis of some other aspects of the data reported in these census, see Daniel H. Kaiser and Peyton Engel, "Time-and Age-Awareness in Early Modern Russia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 35 (1993): 824-39; D. Kaiser (Kaiser), "Vorzrast pri brake i raznitsa v vozraste suprugov v gorodakh Rossii v nachale XVIII v.," in Sosloviia i gosudarstvennaia vlast' v Rossii. XV - seredina XIX vv., 2 pts. (Moscow, 1994), 2: 225-37.
34. For a detailed description of the sources and full bibliographic references, see Daniel H. Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition in Early Modern Russia," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23 (1992-93): 44-58. For an analysis of some other aspects of the data reported in these census, see Daniel H. Kaiser and Peyton Engel, "Time-and Age-Awareness in Early Modern Russia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 35 (1993): 824-39; D. Kaiser (Kaiser), "Vorzrast pri brake i raznitsa v vozraste suprugov v gorodakh Rossii v nachale XVIII v.," in Sosloviia i gosudarstvennaia vlast' v Rossii. XV - seredina XIX vv., 2 pts. (Moscow, 1994), 2: 225-37.
35. For a detailed description of the sources and full bibliographic references, see Daniel H. Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition in Early Modern Russia," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23 (1992-93): 44-58. For an analysis of some other aspects of the data reported in these census, see Daniel H. Kaiser and Peyton Engel, "Time-and Age-Awareness in Early Modern Russia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 35 (1993): 824-39; D. Kaiser (Kaiser), "Vorzrast pri brake i raznitsa v vozraste suprugov v gorodakh Rossii v nachale XVIII v.," in Sosloviia i gosudarstvennaia vlast' v Rossii. XV - seredina XIX vv., 2 pts. (Moscow, 1994), 2: 225-37.
36. Arcadius Kahan, "Natural Calamities and Their Effects upon the Food Supply in Russia (An Introduction to a Catalogue)," Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osreuropas n.s. 16 (1968): 372; Davis, "Poor Relief," 59.
37. Arcadius Kahan, "Natural Calamities and Their Effects upon the Food Supply in Russia (An Introduction to a Catalogue)," Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osreuropas n.s. 16 (1968): 372; Davis, "Poor Relief," 59.
38. For a classic, if hostile, assesment of this aspect of Peter's reign, see Vasili Klyuchevsky, Peter the Great, trans. Lilian Archibald (NY, 1958), 157-80.
39. David L. Ransel, Mothers of Misery: Child Abandonment in Russia (Princeton, 1988), 21.
40. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
41. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
42. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
43. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
44. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
45. Ivan IV, addressing the 1550-51 Church Council, maintainance that while the genuinely poor suffered, "men and women who are only slightly infirm are purchasing their admission [to poorhouses] while the poor, the crippled, the feeble and aged suffer in wretchedness from hunger, cold, heat, nakedness and every sort of affliction, and they have no place to lay their heads" (as translated by Jack Kollmann, "The Moscow Stoglev ["Hundred Chapters"] Church Council of 1551," Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vols. University of Michigan, 1978, vol. 1, p. 561). Resulting resolutions demanded the registration of all poorhouse inmates, and all who were able to work were to be obliged to labor (Stoglav [St. Petersburg, 1863; reprint ed., Letchworth, 1971], 46-47, 226-27). See also I. Pryzhov, Nishshie na sviatoi Rusi, 2d ed. (Kazan', 1913), 51-53; reprinted in idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, iurodivykh, dur i durakov i drugie trudy po russkoi istorii etnografii (St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1996), 135-136; and Adele Lindenmeyr, Poverty Is Not a Vice: Charity, Society, and the State in Imperial Russia (Priceton, 1996), 28.
46. As translated by Cathy Jean Potter, "The Russian Church and the Politics of Reform in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century," Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1993, p. 352. See also Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 29.
47. As translated by Cathy Jean Potter, "The Russian Church and the Politics of Reform in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century," Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1993, p. 352. See also Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 29.
48. PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1424; Pryzhov, Nishchie, 53-54; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 136. In 1694 Peter reissued this law, altered to include clerics who sought alms. To improve compliance, Peter demanded that the decree be circulated among all the Moscow troops, be written into the city guards' book, and announced publicly throughout Moscow's streets (PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1489). In fact, foreigners in Muscovy in the seventeenth century reported that self-mutilation was common among beggars who hoped thereby to improve their take. Some beggars combined this ruse with kidnapping. Once having stolen a child, they proceeded to break an arm or leg, or else gouge out an eye; those who survived these torments the beggars then took with them in pursuit of handouts, hoping that the disfigured children would increase the alms they collected ("Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu Barona Avgustina Maierberga ... v 1661 godu," Chteniia v obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossüskikh pri Moskovskom universitete, 1873, bk. 3, 92-93). My thanks to Marshall Poe for pointing out this reference to me.
49. PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1424; Pryzhov, Nishchie, 53-54; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 136. In 1694 Peter reissued this law, altered to include clerics who sought alms. To improve compliance, Peter demanded that the decree be circulated among all the Moscow troops, be written into the city guards' book, and announced publicly throughout Moscow's streets (PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1489). In fact, foreigners in Muscovy in the seventeenth century reported that self-mutilation was common among beggars who hoped thereby to improve their take. Some beggars combined this ruse with kidnapping. Once having stolen a child, they proceeded to break an arm or leg, or else gouge out an eye; those who survived these torments the beggars then took with them in pursuit of handouts, hoping that the disfigured children would increase the alms they collected ("Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu Barona Avgustina Maierberga ... v 1661 godu," Chteniia v obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossüskikh pri Moskovskom universitete, 1873, bk. 3, 92-93). My thanks to Marshall Poe for pointing out this reference to me.
50. PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1424; Pryzhov, Nishchie, 53-54; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 136. In 1694 Peter reissued this law, altered to include clerics who sought alms. To improve compliance, Peter demanded that the decree be circulated among all the Moscow troops, be written into the city guards' book, and announced publicly throughout Moscow's streets (PSZ, vol. 3, no. 1489). In fact, foreigners in Muscovy in the seventeenth century reported that self-mutilation was common among beggars who hoped thereby to improve their take. Some beggars combined this ruse with kidnapping. Once having stolen a child, they proceeded to break an arm or leg, or else gouge out an eye; those who survived these torments the beggars then took with them in pursuit of handouts, hoping that the disfigured children would increase the alms they collected ("Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu Barona Avgustina Maierberga ... v 1661 godu," Chteniia v obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossüskikh pri Moskovskom universitete, 1873, bk. 3, 92-93). My thanks to Marshall Poe for pointing out this reference to me.
51. PSZ, vol. 4, no. 2470.
52. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
53. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
54. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
55. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
56. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
57. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
58. PSZ, vol. 5, no. 3172. S. M. Solov'ev unaccountably relates this measure to December, 1705 (Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen, 15 vols. [Moscow, 1962-66], vol. 8, 319). See also PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3676. As Lindenmeyr points out, the Russian tradition of generous charity collided with Petrine law (Poverty, 18-21). For illustrations of Russian charity, see Pryzhov, Nishchie, 47-50; idem, 26 Moskovskikh prorokov, 132-34; and I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarits v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Novosibirsk, 1992), 147-149.
59. Opisanie dokumentov i del khraniashchikhsia v arkhive sviateishego pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, 30 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1868-1917) (hereafter ODD), vol. 1, no. 612. Lindenmeyr, in surveying Petrine policy toward the poor, attributes these measures to the influence of mercantilism on state policy (Poverty, 27-31). One finds similar hostility toward begging elsewhere, including early eighteenth-century Hamburg, where the Kat in 1725 attempted to eliminate "dangerous beggars" from the city and reserve alms only for the truly needy; the rest were to be assigned work (Mary Lindemann, Patriots and Paupers: Hamburg, 1712-1830 [New York, 1990], 83). Likewise, a 1716 Piedmont law proscribed begging and almsgiving in Turin, and ordered the poor to present themselves at the Ospedale di Caritá where they were to be examined on their worthiness of relief; anyone subsequently found begging could be punished (Sandra Cavallo, "Patterns of Poor Relief and Patterns of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century Italy: The Evidence of the Turin Ospedale di Caritá," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 67).
60. Opisanie dokumentov i del khraniashchikhsia v arkhive sviateishego pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, 30 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1868-1917) (hereafter ODD), vol. 1, no. 612. Lindenmeyr, in surveying Petrine policy toward the poor, attributes these measures to the influence of mercantilism on state policy (Poverty, 27-31). One finds similar hostility toward begging elsewhere, including early eighteenth-century Hamburg, where the Kat in 1725 attempted to eliminate "dangerous beggars" from the city and reserve alms only for the truly needy; the rest were to be assigned work (Mary Lindemann, Patriots and Paupers: Hamburg, 1712-1830 [New York, 1990], 83). Likewise, a 1716 Piedmont law proscribed begging and almsgiving in Turin, and ordered the poor to present themselves at the Ospedale di Caritá where they were to be examined on their worthiness of relief; anyone subsequently found begging could be punished (Sandra Cavallo, "Patterns of Poor Relief and Patterns of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century Italy: The Evidence of the Turin Ospedale di Caritá," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 67).
61. Opisanie dokumentov i del khraniashchikhsia v arkhive sviateishego pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, 30 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1868-1917) (hereafter ODD), vol. 1, no. 612. Lindenmeyr, in surveying Petrine policy toward the poor, attributes these measures to the influence of mercantilism on state policy (Poverty, 27-31). One finds similar hostility toward begging elsewhere, including early eighteenth-century Hamburg, where the Kat in 1725 attempted to eliminate "dangerous beggars" from the city and reserve alms only for the truly needy; the rest were to be assigned work (Mary Lindemann, Patriots and Paupers: Hamburg, 1712-1830 [New York, 1990], 83). Likewise, a 1716 Piedmont law proscribed begging and almsgiving in Turin, and ordered the poor to present themselves at the Ospedale di Caritá where they were to be examined on their worthiness of relief; anyone subsequently found begging could be punished (Sandra Cavallo, "Patterns of Poor Relief and Patterns of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century Italy: The Evidence of the Turin Ospedale di Caritá," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 67).
62. Opisanie dokumentov i del khraniashchikhsia v arkhive sviateishego pravitel'stvuiushchego Sinoda, 30 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1868-1917) (hereafter ODD), vol. 1, no. 612. Lindenmeyr, in surveying Petrine policy toward the poor, attributes these measures to the influence of mercantilism on state policy (Poverty, 27-31). One finds similar hostility toward begging elsewhere, including early eighteenth-century Hamburg, where the Kat in 1725 attempted to eliminate "dangerous beggars" from the city and reserve alms only for the truly needy; the rest were to be assigned work (Mary Lindemann, Patriots and Paupers: Hamburg, 1712-1830 [New York, 1990], 83). Likewise, a 1716 Piedmont law proscribed begging and almsgiving in Turin, and ordered the poor to present themselves at the Ospedale di Caritá where they were to be examined on their worthiness of relief; anyone subsequently found begging could be punished (Sandra Cavallo, "Patterns of Poor Relief and Patterns of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century Italy: The Evidence of the Turin Ospedale di Caritá," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 67).
63. Ivan Pososhkov publicized these same views in his "Book on Poverty and Wealth," calling on the government to put idlers to work, teaching them spinning, bleaching, etc. (I. T. Pososhkov, Kniga o skudosti i bogatstve i drugie sochineniia [Moscow, 1951], 105-109, 146-47). A 1718 provision that regulated city life, including provision for guards, fire-fighting capacity, and more, also decreed that local authorities should interrogate wanderers and the poor, and those who could labor were to be put to work. Another law from that same year, always excluding the aged and maimed who were supposed to be institutionalized in poorhouses, called for collecting able-bodied beggars, and sending them back home; there they could expect food and clothing from the families, their lords, etc., but in return they were to work (PSZ, vol. 5, nos. 3203, 3213).
64. Ivan Pososhkov publicized these same views in his "Book on Poverty and Wealth," calling on the government to put idlers to work, teaching them spinning, bleaching, etc. (I. T. Pososhkov, Kniga o skudosti i bogatstve i drugie sochineniia [Moscow, 1951], 105-109, 146-47). A 1718 provision that regulated city life, including provision for guards, fire-fighting capacity, and more, also decreed that local authorities should interrogate wanderers and the poor, and those who could labor were to be put to work. Another law from that same year, always excluding the aged and maimed who were supposed to be institutionalized in poorhouses, called for collecting able-bodied beggars, and sending them back home; there they could expect food and clothing from the families, their lords, etc., but in return they were to work (PSZ, vol. 5, nos. 3203, 3213).
65. Ivan Pososhkov publicized these same views in his "Book on Poverty and Wealth," calling on the government to put idlers to work, teaching them spinning, bleaching, etc. (I. T. Pososhkov, Kniga o skudosti i bogatstve i drugie sochineniia [Moscow, 1951], 105-109, 146-47). A 1718 provision that regulated city life, including provision for guards, fire-fighting capacity, and more, also decreed that local authorities should interrogate wanderers and the poor, and those who could labor were to be put to work. Another law from that same year, always excluding the aged and maimed who were supposed to be institutionalized in poorhouses, called for collecting able-bodied beggars, and sending them back home; there they could expect food and clothing from the families, their lords, etc., but in return they were to work (PSZ, vol. 5, nos. 3203, 3213).
66. PSZ, vol. 7, no. 4522, as translated in Evgenii V. Anisimov, The Reforms of Peter the Great. Progress Through Coercion in Russia, trans. John T. Alexander (Armonk, 1993), 229. I am not aware that the results of this inquiry survive.
67. PSZ, vol. 7, no. 4522, as translated in Evgenii V. Anisimov, The Reforms of Peter the Great. Progress Through Coercion in Russia, trans. John T. Alexander (Armonk, 1993), 229. I am not aware that the results of this inquiry survive.
68. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenii i rasporiazhenii po vedomstvu pravoslavnogo ispovedaniia Rossiiskoi imperii, 14 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1872-1916) (hereafter PSP), vol. 1, no. 282; PSZ, vol. 4, no. 2249. See also ODD, vol. 1, no. 612.
69. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenii i rasporiazhenii po vedomstvu pravoslavnogo ispovedaniia Rossiiskoi imperii, 14 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1872-1916) (hereafter PSP), vol. 1, no. 282; PSZ, vol. 4, no. 2249. See also ODD, vol. 1, no. 612.
70. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenii i rasporiazhenii po vedomstvu pravoslavnogo ispovedaniia Rossiiskoi imperii, 14 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1872-1916) (hereafter PSP), vol. 1, no. 282; PSZ, vol. 4, no. 2249. See also ODD, vol. 1, no. 612.
71. PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3945. These measures had been anticipated in the 1721 Statute on Town Administration, which had entrusted to the new magistracy "the poor, the ill, the maimed, and other have-nots ... widows, orphans, and foreigners" ibid., no. 3708). A series of laws had appeared between 1712 and 1720 to give shape to the newly-decreed hospitals. In 1712 Peter had required the construction of hospitals in all the provinces of Russia tor the "most seriously maimed who can no longer work nor care for themselves and [also] for the aged" and illegitimate children (PSZ, vol. 4, nos. 2467, 2477). Within two years, Peter embroidered on his original decrees, this time requiring churches to build hospitals for illegitimates and their mothers (ibid., vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953). A 1720 law repeated this requirement specifically for Moscow (ibid., vol. 6, no. 3502).
72. PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3945. These measures had been anticipated in the 1721 Statute on Town Administration, which had entrusted to the new magistracy "the poor, the ill, the maimed, and other have-nots ... widows, orphans, and foreigners" ibid., no. 3708). A series of laws had appeared between 1712 and 1720 to give shape to the newly-decreed hospitals. In 1712 Peter had required the construction of hospitals in all the provinces of Russia tor the "most seriously maimed who can no longer work nor care for themselves and [also] for the aged" and illegitimate children (PSZ, vol. 4, nos. 2467, 2477). Within two years, Peter embroidered on his original decrees, this time requiring churches to build hospitals for illegitimates and their mothers (ibid., vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953). A 1720 law repeated this requirement specifically for Moscow (ibid., vol. 6, no. 3502).
73. PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3945. These measures had been anticipated in the 1721 Statute on Town Administration, which had entrusted to the new magistracy "the poor, the ill, the maimed, and other have-nots ... widows, orphans, and foreigners" ibid., no. 3708). A series of laws had appeared between 1712 and 1720 to give shape to the newly-decreed hospitals. In 1712 Peter had required the construction of hospitals in all the provinces of Russia tor the "most seriously maimed who can no longer work nor care for themselves and [also] for the aged" and illegitimate children (PSZ, vol. 4, nos. 2467, 2477). Within two years, Peter embroidered on his original decrees, this time requiring churches to build hospitals for illegitimates and their mothers (ibid., vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953). A 1720 law repeated this requirement specifically for Moscow (ibid., vol. 6, no. 3502).
74. PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3945. These measures had been anticipated in the 1721 Statute on Town Administration, which had entrusted to the new magistracy "the poor, the ill, the maimed, and other have-nots ... widows, orphans, and foreigners" ibid., no. 3708). A series of laws had appeared between 1712 and 1720 to give shape to the newly-decreed hospitals. In 1712 Peter had required the construction of hospitals in all the provinces of Russia tor the "most seriously maimed who can no longer work nor care for themselves and [also] for the aged" and illegitimate children (PSZ, vol. 4, nos. 2467, 2477). Within two years, Peter embroidered on his original decrees, this time requiring churches to build hospitals for illegitimates and their mothers (ibid., vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953). A 1720 law repeated this requirement specifically for Moscow (ibid., vol. 6, no. 3502).
75. PSZ, vol. 6, no. 3945. These measures had been anticipated in the 1721 Statute on Town Administration, which had entrusted to the new magistracy "the poor, the ill, the maimed, and other have-nots ... widows, orphans, and foreigners" ibid., no. 3708). A series of laws had appeared between 1712 and 1720 to give shape to the newly-decreed hospitals. In 1712 Peter had required the construction of hospitals in all the provinces of Russia tor the "most seriously maimed who can no longer work nor care for themselves and [also] for the aged" and illegitimate children (PSZ, vol. 4, nos. 2467, 2477). Within two years, Peter embroidered on his original decrees, this time requiring churches to build hospitals for illegitimates and their mothers (ibid., vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953). A 1720 law repeated this requirement specifically for Moscow (ibid., vol. 6, no. 3502).
76. PSZ, vol.4, no. 2249; ibid., vol. 5, no. 3409; ibid., vol. 6, no, 3576; ibid., vol. 7, no. 4450. These regulations appear not to have had complete and instantaneous enforcement. For example, although early in the seventeenth century the Uspenskii monastery in Staritsa had cells for six poor persons who lived off the monastery's generosity, only beginning in 1731 did the monastery begin to receive military invalids, to whom the clerics continued to minister until 1764 when the state seized the monastery's land (Arsenii Zavialov, Istoricheskoe opisanie staritskogo uspenskogo monastyria [Tver', 1896], 58, 70; my thanks to Ann Kleimola for pointing out this reference to me). Similarly, a measure of 1758 provided for 119 retired soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and corporals to be sent to poorhouses (Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv goroda Moskvy, f. 203, op. 752, d. 1112; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for sharing this material with me).
77. PSZ, vol.4, no. 2249; ibid., vol. 5, no. 3409; ibid., vol. 6, no, 3576; ibid., vol. 7, no. 4450. These regulations appear not to have had complete and instantaneous enforcement. For example, although early in the seventeenth century the Uspenskii monastery in Staritsa had cells for six poor persons who lived off the monastery's generosity, only beginning in 1731 did the monastery begin to receive military invalids, to whom the clerics continued to minister until 1764 when the state seized the monastery's land (Arsenii Zavialov, Istoricheskoe opisanie staritskogo uspenskogo monastyria [Tver', 1896], 58, 70; my thanks to Ann Kleimola for pointing out this reference to me). Similarly, a measure of 1758 provided for 119 retired soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and corporals to be sent to poorhouses (Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv goroda Moskvy, f. 203, op. 752, d. 1112; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for sharing this material with me).
78. PSZ, vol.4, no. 2249; ibid., vol. 5, no. 3409; ibid., vol. 6, no, 3576; ibid., vol. 7, no. 4450. These regulations appear not to have had complete and instantaneous enforcement. For example, although early in the seventeenth century the Uspenskii monastery in Staritsa had cells for six poor persons who lived off the monastery's generosity, only beginning in 1731 did the monastery begin to receive military invalids, to whom the clerics continued to minister until 1764 when the state seized the monastery's land (Arsenii Zavialov, Istoricheskoe opisanie staritskogo uspenskogo monastyria [Tver', 1896], 58, 70; my thanks to Ann Kleimola for pointing out this reference to me). Similarly, a measure of 1758 provided for 119 retired soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and corporals to be sent to poorhouses (Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv goroda Moskvy, f. 203, op. 752, d. 1112; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for sharing this material with me).
79. PSZ, vol.4, no. 2249; ibid., vol. 5, no. 3409; ibid., vol. 6, no, 3576; ibid., vol. 7, no. 4450. These regulations appear not to have had complete and instantaneous enforcement. For example, although early in the seventeenth century the Uspenskii monastery in Staritsa had cells for six poor persons who lived off the monastery's generosity, only beginning in 1731 did the monastery begin to receive military invalids, to whom the clerics continued to minister until 1764 when the state seized the monastery's land (Arsenii Zavialov, Istoricheskoe opisanie staritskogo uspenskogo monastyria [Tver', 1896], 58, 70; my thanks to Ann Kleimola for pointing out this reference to me). Similarly, a measure of 1758 provided for 119 retired soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and corporals to be sent to poorhouses (Tsentral'nyi Gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv goroda Moskvy, f. 203, op. 752, d. 1112; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for sharing this material with me).
80. Anisimov, Reforms, 227-28.
81. On foreigners' reports about the widespread poverty of Petrine Russia, see L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. Leningrad, 1982), 224. In contemporary Hamburg, where a similarly draconian war on beggary was underway, only 3.2 percent of the population belonged to the registered poor (Lindemann, Hamburg, 84).
82. Wandel, Always Among Us, 77-123; Fairchilds, Poverty, 113-15; Jütte, Poverty, 2, 14.
83. Wandel, Always Among Us, 77-123; Fairchilds, Poverty, 113-15; Jütte, Poverty, 2, 14.
84. Wandel, Always Among Us, 77-123; Fairchilds, Poverty, 113-15; Jütte, Poverty, 2, 14.
85. Jütte, Poverty, 23. Margaret Pelling found in sisteenth-century Norwich "a consistent level of disability among the poor throughout adult life" ("Illness Among the Poor in an Early Modern English Town: The Norwich Census of 1570," in Charity and the Poor in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, special issue of Continuity and Change 3:2 [ 1988]: 282).
86. Jütte, Poverty, 23. Margaret Pelling found in sisteenth-century Norwich "a consistent level of disability among the poor throughout adult life" ("Illness Among the Poor in an Early Modern English Town: The Norwich Census of 1570," in Charity and the Poor in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, special issue of Continuity and Change 3:2 [ 1988]: 282).
87. For example, the 1715 census of Tula found that 7.3 percent of all households held at least one person who eas seriously disabled, whereas five years later inventory-takers identified only 2 percent of Tula's households as including anyone with a serious disability. Counts of other towns include similar variations. Few studies of poverty report the percentage of the disabled, so it is difficult to know how exceptional the Russian figures are. Margaret Pelling points out that in late sixteenth-century Norwich the disabled poor constituted about 1.5 percent of the English population of that city (Pelling, "Illness," 278-83), although this figure does not include the nonpoor disabled; elsewhere she notes that about 9 percent of the adult poor (16 years of age and older) in Norwich were sick and disabled, and another 1.5 percent were "past work" (Healing," 120). But in late eighteenth-century Amiens, a third or more of poor heads of household were seriously disabled, and a quarter of the adult poor had some significant handicap (Charles Engrand, "Paupérisme et condition ouvrière dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle: L'exemple Amiénois," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 29 [1982]: 399).
88. "Lame" was also the most common term employed in identify the disabled poor in Norwich (Pelling, "Illness," 281). In eighteenth-century Amiens, injuries of the arm and leg were almost as usual, both of them together accounting for about as many cases as those simply judged "infirme" (Engrand, "Paupérisme," 400).
89. "Lame" was also the most common term employed in identify the disabled poor in Norwich (Pelling, "Illness," 281). In eighteenth-century Amiens, injuries of the arm and leg were almost as usual, both of them together accounting for about as many cases as those simply judged "infirme" (Engrand, "Paupérisme," 400).
90. Seventeenth-century Muscovite law punished a wide array of criminal offenses with maiming. For example, a slave who plotted the homicide of his lord might have his hand amputated, as would a scribe who feloniously altered a trial transcript (The Muscovite Law Code [Ulozhenie] of 1649, part 1: Text and Translation, trans., ed. Richard Hellie [Irvine, 1988], 22.8 [p. 220], 10.12 [p. 25]); numerous other offenses might earn the amputation of a hand or arm ( ibid., 3.4, 5, 9 [pp. 8-9], 7.29 [p. 17], 10.106,199, 251 [pp. 37, 65, 77-78]). Similarly, military servitors often complained of maiming as reason for not reporting to service (ibid., 7.17 [p. 14]), so it is not difficult to believe that Muscovite urban populations included many persons missing a limb.
91. Seventeenth-century Muscovite law punished a wide array of criminal offenses with maiming. For example, a slave who plotted the homicide of his lord might have his hand amputated, as would a scribe who feloniously altered a trial transcript (The Muscovite Law Code [Ulozhenie] of 1649, part 1: Text and Translation, trans., ed. Richard Hellie [Irvine, 1988], 22.8 [p. 220], 10.12 [p. 25]); numerous other offenses might earn the amputation of a hand or arm ( ibid., 3.4, 5, 9 [pp. 8-9], 7.29 [p. 17], 10.106,199, 251 [pp. 37, 65, 77-78]). Similarly, military servitors often complained of maiming as reason for not reporting to service (ibid., 7.17 [p. 14]), so it is not difficult to believe that Muscovite urban populations included many persons missing a limb.
92. Seventeenth-century Muscovite law punished a wide array of criminal offenses with maiming. For example, a slave who plotted the homicide of his lord might have his hand amputated, as would a scribe who feloniously altered a trial transcript (The Muscovite Law Code [Ulozhenie] of 1649, part 1: Text and Translation, trans., ed. Richard Hellie [Irvine, 1988], 22.8 [p. 220], 10.12 [p. 25]); numerous other offenses might earn the amputation of a hand or arm ( ibid., 3.4, 5, 9 [pp. 8-9], 7.29 [p. 17], 10.106,199, 251 [pp. 37, 65, 77-78]). Similarly, military servitors often complained of maiming as reason for not reporting to service (ibid., 7.17 [p. 14]), so it is not difficult to believe that Muscovite urban populations included many persons missing a limb.
93. Of course, there is no reason to think that males in Muscovy were at greater risk of congenital impairments than were females. Although extant records document the generous abuse - including maiming - to which women were subject within their households, in patriarchal Muscovy, where violence was common, women likely experienced street and community violence less often than did men. Robert Garland reports that among excavated Greek skeletons that exhibit fractures, four out of five belong to males (The Eye of the Beholder: Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World [Ithaca, 1995], 19).
94. Pelling notes that the blind and "almost" blind comprised a minute proportion of all the poor in Norwich - just 10 out of 2,359 ("Healing," 120), but Charles Engrand found that in eighteenth-century Amiens the blind and those with serious vision problems constituted about a quarter of all the disabled and about 7 percent of the poor, although the weaving trades of Amiens probably increased the number of vision problems ("Paupérisme," 399-400). Jütte, who specially examined diets of the poor in early modern western Europe, raised the possibility of avitiminosis as a cause of blindness, but was unable to prove the connection between blindness and diet in that era (Poverty, 24, 72-77; idem, "Diets in Welfare Institutions and in Outdoor Poor Relief in Early Modem Western Europe," Ethnologia Europaea 16, no. 2 [1988]: 117-35).
95. Pelling notes that the blind and "almost" blind comprised a minute proportion of all the poor in Norwich - just 10 out of 2,359 ("Healing," 120), but Charles Engrand found that in eighteenth-century Amiens the blind and those with serious vision problems constituted about a quarter of all the disabled and about 7 percent of the poor, although the weaving trades of Amiens probably increased the number of vision problems ("Paupérisme," 399-400). Jütte, who specially examined diets of the poor in early modern western Europe, raised the possibility of avitiminosis as a cause of blindness, but was unable to prove the connection between blindness and diet in that era (Poverty, 24, 72-77; idem, "Diets in Welfare Institutions and in Outdoor Poor Relief in Early Modem Western Europe," Ethnologia Europaea 16, no. 2 [1988]: 117-35).
96. Pelling notes that the blind and "almost" blind comprised a minute proportion of all the poor in Norwich - just 10 out of 2,359 ("Healing," 120), but Charles Engrand found that in eighteenth-century Amiens the blind and those with serious vision problems constituted about a quarter of all the disabled and about 7 percent of the poor, although the weaving trades of Amiens probably increased the number of vision problems ("Paupérisme," 399-400). Jütte, who specially examined diets of the poor in early modern western Europe, raised the possibility of avitiminosis as a cause of blindness, but was unable to prove the connection between blindness and diet in that era (Poverty, 24, 72-77; idem, "Diets in Welfare Institutions and in Outdoor Poor Relief in Early Modem Western Europe," Ethnologia Europaea 16, no. 2 [1988]: 117-35).
97. Pelling notes that the blind and "almost" blind comprised a minute proportion of all the poor in Norwich - just 10 out of 2,359 ("Healing," 120), but Charles Engrand found that in eighteenth-century Amiens the blind and those with serious vision problems constituted about a quarter of all the disabled and about 7 percent of the poor, although the weaving trades of Amiens probably increased the number of vision problems ("Paupérisme," 399-400). Jütte, who specially examined diets of the poor in early modern western Europe, raised the possibility of avitiminosis as a cause of blindness, but was unable to prove the connection between blindness and diet in that era (Poverty, 24, 72-77; idem, "Diets in Welfare Institutions and in Outdoor Poor Relief in Early Modem Western Europe," Ethnologia Europaea 16, no. 2 [1988]: 117-35).
98. Viatka. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1887), 60. Julie V. Brown provides a brief survey of mental illness and its treatment in Russia, devoting the great bulk of her attention to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ("Society Responses to Mental Disorders in Prerevolutionary Russia," in The Disabled in the Soviet Union: Past and Present, Theory and Practice, eds. William O. McCagg and Lewis Siegelbaum [Pittsburgh, 1989], 13-37). By the end of the sixteenth century in Norwich, the insane were regularly institutionalized, often to share quarters with lepers and epileptics, also regarded as incurable (Pelling, "Healing," 132).
99. Viatka. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1887), 60. Julie V. Brown provides a brief survey of mental illness and its treatment in Russia, devoting the great bulk of her attention to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ("Society Responses to Mental Disorders in Prerevolutionary Russia," in The Disabled in the Soviet Union: Past and Present, Theory and Practice, eds. William O. McCagg and Lewis Siegelbaum [Pittsburgh, 1989], 13-37). By the end of the sixteenth century in Norwich, the insane were regularly institutionalized, often to share quarters with lepers and epileptics, also regarded as incurable (Pelling, "Healing," 132).
100. Viatka. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1887), 60. Julie V. Brown provides a brief survey of mental illness and its treatment in Russia, devoting the great bulk of her attention to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ("Society Responses to Mental Disorders in Prerevolutionary Russia," in The Disabled in the Soviet Union: Past and Present, Theory and Practice, eds. William O. McCagg and Lewis Siegelbaum [Pittsburgh, 1989], 13-37). By the end of the sixteenth century in Norwich, the insane were regularly institutionalized, often to share quarters with lepers and epileptics, also regarded as incurable (Pelling, "Healing," 132).
101. Muscovite criminal law provided that perjurers be punished by having their tongues cutout (Muscovite Law Code, 14.10 [pp. 99-100]). Sectarians sometimes had their tongues removed as well ("The Life of Archpriest Avvakum By Himself," in Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles, and Tales, rev. ed., ed. Serge A. Zenkovsky [New York, 1974], 445).
102. Muscovite criminal law provided that perjurers be punished by having their tongues cutout (Muscovite Law Code, 14.10 [pp. 99-100]). Sectarians sometimes had their tongues removed as well ("The Life of Archpriest Avvakum By Himself," in Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles, and Tales, rev. ed., ed. Serge A. Zenkovsky [New York, 1974], 445).
103. Personal communication, July 8, 1995. However, Margaret Pelling found that in sixteenth-century Norwich blindness was about twice as usual as deafness, indicating perhaps that the Russian data, according to which vision impairments were eight times as usual as hearing disabilities, are defective ("Illness," 281). The 1769 count in Amiens round only a single case of deafness among the 277 persons identified with a serious Physical disability (Engrand, "Paupérisme," 400).
104. "Falling sickness" was also common among the poor in sixteenth-century Norwich (Pelling, "Illness," 281).
105. In Norwich, too, about a third of the sick poor were described simply as "sick, sickly, or very sick" (Pelling, "Healing," 120).
106. Riazan'. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 130; Tula. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 141. The term gryz' has several meanings, hernia the most soecific of them. It may be that the boy simply suffered from an unspecified pain or colic; the context makes it impossible to know for certain (Slovar' russkogo iazyka XI-XVII vv., 23 vols. to date [Moscow, 1975-), 4: 148; see also Slovar' russkikh narodnykh govorov, 31 vols. to date [Moscow-Leningrad, 1965-], 7: 180).
107. Riazan'. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 130; Tula. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 141. The term gryz' has several meanings, hernia the most soecific of them. It may be that the boy simply suffered from an unspecified pain or colic; the context makes it impossible to know for certain (Slovar' russkogo iazyka XI-XVII vv., 23 vols. to date [Moscow, 1975-), 4: 148; see also Slovar' russkikh narodnykh govorov, 31 vols. to date [Moscow-Leningrad, 1965-], 7: 180).
108. Riazan'. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 130; Tula. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 141. The term gryz' has several meanings, hernia the most soecific of them. It may be that the boy simply suffered from an unspecified pain or colic; the context makes it impossible to know for certain (Slovar' russkogo iazyka XI-XVII vv., 23 vols. to date [Moscow, 1975-), 4: 148; see also Slovar' russkikh narodnykh govorov, 31 vols. to date [Moscow-Leningrad, 1965-], 7: 180).
109. Riazan'. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 130; Tula. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1884), 141. The term gryz' has several meanings, hernia the most soecific of them. It may be that the boy simply suffered from an unspecified pain or colic; the context makes it impossible to know for certain (Slovar' russkogo iazyka XI-XVII vv., 23 vols. to date [Moscow, 1975-), 4: 148; see also Slovar' russkikh narodnykh govorov, 31 vols. to date [Moscow-Leningrad, 1965-], 7: 180).
110. Tula, 144, 126.
111. Olga Semyonova Tian-Shanskaia, Village Life in Late Tsarist Russia, ed. David L. Ransel (Bloomington 1993), 108. Aleksandr Nikolaevich Engelgardt, who arrived on his Smolensk estate in exile in the early 1870s, reported that there too "The beggar usually is a criple, a sick man, a man not capable of work, a weak old man, a fool" (Letters from the Country, 1872-1887, trans., ed. Cathy A. Frierson [New York, 1993], 30).
112. Olga Semyonova Tian-Shanskaia, Village Life in Late Tsarist Russia, ed. David L. Ransel (Bloomington 1993), 108. Aleksandr Nikolaevich Engelgard, who arrived on his Smolensk estate in exile in the early 1870s, reported that there too "The beggar usually is a criple, a sick man, a man not capable of work, a weak old man, a fool" (Letters from the Country, 1872-1887, trans., ed. Cathy A. Frierson [New York, 1993], 30).
113. The 1570 Norwich Census of the Poor also reported that some very ill individuals continued to work, or at least lived independently, despite their illness (Pelling, "Healing," 120).
114. Tula, 148-49.
115. "In old Russia, as in most traditional societies, primary responsibility for both the mentally and the physically handicapped rested with the family and the local community (Brown, "Society Responses," 14).
116. Belev. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1885), 42.
117. Ibid., 44.
118. Toropets. Materially dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1883), 36. Poletov and his wife clearly exaggerated their age, a not uncommon practice among the elderly (Steven R. Smith, "Growing Old in an Age of Transition," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, ed. Peter N. Steams [New York, 1982], 165).
119. Toropets. Materially dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1883), 36. Poletov and his wife clearly exaggerated their age, a not uncommon practice among the elderly (Steven R. Smith, "Growing Old in an Age of Transition," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, ed. Peter N. Steams [New York, 1982], 165).
120. David Herlihy, "Growing Old in the Quattrocento," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 104; Richard C. Trexler, "A Widows' Asylum of the Renaissance: The Orbatello of Florence," ibid., 127; Smith, "Growing Old," 195-96. More recently Joel T. Rosenthal reports that in medieval England those who survived infancy might expect another 43-53 years of life (Old Age in Late Medieval England [Philadelphia, 1996], 6).
121. David Herlihy, "Growing Old in the Quattrocento," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 104; Richard C. Trexler, "A Widows' Asylum of the Renaissance: The Orbatello of Florence," ibid., 127; Smith, "Growing Old," 195-96. More recently Joel T. Rosenthal reports that in medieval England those who survived infancy might expect another 43-53 years of life (Old Age in Late Medieval England [Philadelphia, 1996], 6).
122. David Herlihy, "Growing Old in the Quattrocento," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 104; Richard C. Trexler, "A Widows' Asylum of the Renaissance: The Orbatello of Florence," ibid., 127; Smith, "Growing Old," 195-96. More recently Joel T. Rosenthal reports that in medieval England those who survived infancy might expect another 43-53 years of life (Old Age in Late Medieval England [Philadelphia, 1996], 6).
123. David Herlihy, "Growing Old in the Quattrocento," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 104; Richard C. Trexler, "A Widows' Asylum of the Renaissance: The Orbatello of Florence," ibid., 127; Smith, "Growing Old," 195-96. More recently Joel T. Rosenthal reports that in medieval England those who survived infancy might expect another 43-53 years of life (Old Age in Late Medieval England [Philadelphia, 1996], 6).
124. David G. Troyansky, Old Age in the Old Regime: Image and Experience in Eighteenth-Century France (Ithaca, 1989), 13, passim.
125. Peter Laslett, "Necessary Knowledge: Age and Aging in the Societies of the Past," in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, eds. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley, 1995), 19-21; TroyanSky, Old Age, 8-9, 137. Edward Bever in surveying population data for several early modern European communities, observed that people over sixty made up between 5 and 10 percent of the population ("Old Age and Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 165).
126. Peter Laslett, "Necessary Knowledge: Age and Aging in the Societies of the Past," in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, eds. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley, 1995), 19-21; TroyanSky, Old Age, 8-9, 137. Edward Bever in surveying population data for several early modern European communities, observed that people over sixty made up between 5 and 10 percent of the population ("Old Age and Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 165).
127. Peter Laslett, "Necessary Knowledge: Age and Aging in the Societies of the Past," in Aging in the Past: Demography, Society, and Old Age, eds. David I. Kertzer and Peter Laslett (Berkeley, 1995), 19-21; TroyanSky, Old Age, 8-9, 137. Edward Bever in surveying population data for several early modern European communities, observed that people over sixty made up between 5 and 10 percent of the population ("Old Age and Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 165).
128. Steven Hoch, Serfdom and Social Control: Petrovskoe, a Village in Tambov (Chicago, 1986), 68-69.
129. In eighteenth-century Turin, the youngest age identified as justification for admission to the charity hospital was 50. However, since the authorities required documentation of an inability to work before granting requests for admission, most of those admitted because of old age were older than 50 (Cavallo, "Patterns," 82). At the Lyon Hôpital de la Charité the minimum age for admission was 70 (Troyansky, Old Age, 167), while in Blois about half of all the aged inmates of the Hôpital were between 65 and 75 years old; fewer than a fifth were younger than 65 (Marie-Claude Dinet-Lecomte, "Vieillir et mourir à l'Hôpital de Blois au XVIIIe siècle," Annales de démographie historique 1985: 90-91). In 1782 at age 60 the Russian infantryman Kozma Rezvikov received a discharge from the army because of "old age and illness," but it was not until 1798, when he was 76, that he requested a place in a state poorhouse because of "extreme old age" (Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Social Misfits: Veterans and Soldiers' Families in Servile Russia," The Journal of Military History 59 [1995]: 225-26; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for pointing this case out to me).
130. In eighteenth-century Turin, the youngest age identified as justification for admission to the charity hospital was 50. However, since the authorities required documentation of an inability to work before granting requests for admission, most of those admitted because of old age were older than 50 (Cavallo, "Patterns," 82). At the Lyon Hôpital de la Charité the minimum age for admission was 70 (Troyansky, Old Age, 167), while in Blois about half of all the aged inmates of the Hôpital were between 65 and 75 years old; fewer than a fifth were younger than 65 (Marie-Claude Dinet-Lecomte, "Vieillir et mourir à l'Hôpital de Blois au XVIIIe siècle," Annales de démographie historique 1985: 90-91). In 1782 at age 60 the Russian infantryman Kozma Rezvikov received a discharge from the army because of "old age and illness," but it was not until 1798, when he was 76, that he requested a place in a state poorhouse because of "extreme old age" (Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Social Misfits: Veterans and Soldiers' Families in Servile Russia," The Journal of Military History 59 [1995]: 225-26; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for pointing this case out to me).
131. In eighteenth-century Turin, the youngest age identified as justification for admission to the charity hospital was 50. However, since the authorities required documentation of an inability to work before granting requests for admission, most of those admitted because of old age were older than 50 (Cavallo, "Patterns," 82). At the Lyon Hôpital de la Charité the minimum age for admission was 70 (Troyansky, Old Age, 167), while in Blois about half of all the aged inmates of the Hôpital were between 65 and 75 years old; fewer than a fifth were younger than 65 (Marie-Claude Dinet-Lecomte, "Vieillir et mourir à l'Hôpital de Blois au XVIIIe siècle," Annales de démographie historique 1985: 90-91). In 1782 at age 60 the Russian infantryman Kozma Rezvikov received a discharge from the army because of "old age and illness," but it was not until 1798, when he was 76, that he requested a place in a state poorhouse because of "extreme old age" (Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Social Misfits: Veterans and Soldiers' Families in Servile Russia," The Journal of Military History 59 [1995]: 225-26; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for pointing this case out to me).
132. In eighteenth-century Turin, the youngest age identified as justification for admission to the charity hospital was 50. However, since the authorities required documentation of an inability to work before granting requests for admission, most of those admitted because of old age were older than 50 (Cavallo, "Patterns," 82). At the Lyon Hôpital de la Charité the minimum age for admission was 70 (Troyansky, Old Age, 167), while in Blois about half of all the aged inmates of the Hôpital were between 65 and 75 years old; fewer than a fifth were younger than 65 (Marie-Claude Dinet-Lecomte, "Vieillir et mourir à l'Hôpital de Blois au XVIIIe siècle," Annales de démographie historique 1985: 90-91). In 1782 at age 60 the Russian infantryman Kozma Rezvikov received a discharge from the army because of "old age and illness," but it was not until 1798, when he was 76, that he requested a place in a state poorhouse because of "extreme old age" (Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Social Misfits: Veterans and Soldiers' Families in Servile Russia," The Journal of Military History 59 [1995]: 225-26; my thanks to Elise Wirtschafter for pointing this case out to me).
133. Borovsk. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1888), 136.
134. Uglich. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVII i XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1887), 47.
135. Kaiser and Engel, "Time-and Age-Awareness." There is no space to detail the specifics here, but, as in many preindustrial communities, nearly half the population of these towns was under twenty years of age.
136. On the term, see Slovar' russkogo iazyka XI-XVII vv., 1:255-56 (s.v. "bogadeil'nyi," "bogadel'nyi," "bogadel'nia").
137. On the early history of poorhouses in Russia see A. E. Ianovskii, "Bogadel'nia," Entsilopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 82 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1890-1904), 7: 141-43; idem, Novyi entsiklopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 29 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1911-16), 7: 21-22; Pryzhov Nishchie 44-46; L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. (Leningrad, 1982), 244-51; and Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 27.
138. On the early history of poorhouses in Russia see A. E. Ianovskii, "Bogadel'nia," Entsilopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 82 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1890-1904), 7: 141-43; idem, Novyi entsiklopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 29 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1911-16), 7: 21-22; Pryzhov Nishchie 44-46; L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. (Leningrad, 1982), 244-51; and Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 27.
139. On the early history of poorhouses in Russia see A. E. Ianovskii, "Bogadel'nia," Entsilopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 82 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1890-1904), 7: 141-43; idem, Novyi entsiklopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 29 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1911-16), 7: 21-22; Pryzhov Nishchie 44-46; L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. (Leningrad, 1982), 244-51; and Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 27.
140. On the early history of poorhouses in Russia see A. E. Ianovskii, "Bogadel'nia," Entsilopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 82 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1890-1904), 7: 141-43; idem, Novyi entsiklopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 29 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1911-16), 7: 21-22; Pryzhov Nishchie 44-46; L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. (Leningrad, 1982), 244-51; and Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 27.
141. On the early history of poorhouses in Russia see A. E. Ianovskii, "Bogadel'nia," Entsilopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 82 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1890-1904), 7: 141-43; idem, Novyi entsiklopedicheskii slovar', eds. F. A. Brokgauz, I. A. Efron, 29 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1911-16), 7: 21-22; Pryzhov Nishchie 44-46; L. N. Semenova, Ocherki istorii byta i kul'turnoi zhizni Rossii. Pervaia polovina XVIII v. (Leningrad, 1982), 244-51; and Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 27.
142. T. N. Kopreeva, "'Vedomstvo zhelatel'nym liudem' (Iz avtobiograficheskikh materialov A. L. Ordina-Nashchokina)," Arkheograficheskii ezhegodnik za 1964 god (Moscow. 1965): 334 (my thanks to Cathy Potter for pointing out this title to me); I. S. Beliaev, "Dom kniazia Dmitriia Mikhailovicha Pozharskago na Lubianke," in Staraia Moskva (Moscow, 1993): 46; Richard Hellie, Slavery in Russia 1450-1725 (Chicago 1982) 704, N. F. Filatov, "Genealogiia Nizhegorodskikh krest'ian XVII v.," Vspomogatel'nye istoricheskie distsipliny 24 (1993): 277-78.
143. T. N. Kopreeva, "'Vedomstvo zhelatel'nym liudem' (Iz avtobiograficheskikh materialov A. L. Ordina-Nashchokina)," Arkheograficheskii ezhegodnik za 1964 god (Moscow. 1965): 334 (my thanks to Cathy Potter for pointing out this title to me); I. S. Beliaev, "Dom kniazia Dmitriia Mikhailovicha Pozharskago na Lubianke," in Staraia Moskva (Moscow, 1993): 46; Richard Hellie, Slavery in Russia 1450-1725 (Chicago 1982) 704, N. F. Filatov, "Genealogiia Nizhegorodskikh krest'ian XVII v.," Vspomogatel'nye istoricheskie distsipliny 24 (1993): 277-78.
144. T. N. Kopreeva, "'Vedomstvo zhelatel'nym liudem' (Iz avtobiograficheskikh materialov A. L. Ordina-Nashchokina)," Arkheograficheskii ezhegodnik za 1964 god (Moscow. 1965): 334 (my thanks to Cathy Potter for pointing out this title to me); I. S. Beliaev, "Dom kniazia Dmitriia Mikhailovicha Pozharskago na Lubianke," in Staraia Moskva (Moscow, 1993): 46; Richard Hellie, Slavery in Russia 1450-1725 (Chicago 1982) 704, N. F. Filatov, "Genealogiia Nizhegorodskikh krest'ian XVII v.," Vspomogatel'nye istoricheskie distsipliny 24 (1993): 277-78.
145. T. N. Kopreeva, "'Vedomstvo zhelatel'nym liudem' (Iz avtobiograficheskikh materialov A. L. Ordina-Nashchokina)," Arkheograficheskii ezhegodnik za 1964 god (Moscow. 1965): 334 (my thanks to Cathy Potter for pointing out this title to me); I. S. Beliaev, "Dom kniazia Dmitriia Mikhailovicha Pozharskago na Lubianke," in Staraia Moskva (Moscow, 1993): 46; Richard Hellie, Slavery in Russia 1450-1725 (Chicago 1982) 704, N. F. Filatov, "Genealogiia Nizhegorodskikh krest'ian XVII v.," Vspomogatel'nye istoricheskie distsipliny 24 (1993): 277-78.
146. PSZ, 2, no. 956; Akty sobrannye V bibtoekakh i arkhivakh Rossiis imperii arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1836-58), vol. 4, no. 228; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 28-29; and Ivan Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii, arkheologii i statistik goroda Moskvy, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1883-91), vol. 1, pp. 1084-1102; PSP, vol. 1, no. 12.
147. PSZ, 2, no. 956; Akty sobrannye V bibtoekakh i arkhivakh Rossiis imperii arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1836-58), vol. 4, no. 228; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 28-29; and Ivan Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii, arkheologii i statistik goroda Moskvy, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1883-91), vol. 1, pp. 1084-1102; PSP, vol. 1, no. 12.
148. PSZ, 2, no. 956; Akty sobrannye V bibtoekakh i arkhivakh Rossiis imperii arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1836-58), vol. 4, no. 228; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 28-29; and Ivan Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii, arkheologii i statistik goroda Moskvy, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1883-91), vol. 1, pp. 1084-1102; PSP, vol. 1, no. 12.
149. PSZ, 2, no. 956; Akty sobrannye V bibtoekakh i arkhivakh Rossiis imperii arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1836-58), vol. 4, no. 228; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 28-29; and Ivan Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii, arkheologii i statistik goroda Moskvy, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1883-91), vol. 1, pp. 1084-1102; PSP, vol. 1, no. 12.
150. PSZ, 2, no. 956; Akty sobrannye V bibtoekakh i arkhivakh Rossiis imperii arkheograficheskoiu ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1836-58), vol. 4, no. 228; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 28-29; and Ivan Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii, arkheologii i statistik goroda Moskvy, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1883-91), vol. 1, pp. 1084-1102; PSP, vol. 1, no. 12.
151. PSZ, 4, no. 1856. In a rare show of sympathy for the poor, Peter provided that for every ten disabled persons there should be one healthy person "who could act in behalf of the sick and render them every assistance." The law also established healers (lekari) to treat the sick, and provided them with pay for their trouble.
152. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Iaroslavskoi oblasti (hereafter GAIaO), f. 582, op. 5, ed. khr. 1638, fols. 8v., 7v., 4 v.
153. Adele Lindenmeyr reports that the nineteenth-century poorhouses were primarily old-age homes that catered to aged women; according to the 1897 census, almost three quarters of all residents of poorhouses and other charitable institutions were women ("Work, Charity, and the Elderly in Late-Nineteenth-Century Russia," in Old Age in Preindustrial Society, 238).
154. Viatka, 60. On the reliability of age data, see Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition," 53-55.
155. Viatka, 60. On the reliability of age data, see Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition," 53-55.
156. The reason that I cannot establish exactly how many were blind is that in one part of the record the officials, who normally added the adjective "blind" in the feminine singular (slepa) immediately after a person's name if she were blind in this case listed several women before adding the adjective in the plural (Viatka, 95-96). Exactly how many of the women previously named were blind is impossible to know.
157. Viatka, 96.
158. Zaraisk. Materialy dlia istorii goroda XVI-XVIII stoletii (Moscow, 1883), 69.
159. PSP, vol. 1, no. 282; Ia. E. Vodarskii, Naselenie Rossii za 400 let (XVI-nachalo XX vv.) (1973), 53-55.
160. PSP, vol. 1, no. 282; Ia. E. Vodarskii, Naselenie Rossii za 400 let (XVI-nachalo XX vv.) (1973), 53-55.
161. One especially graphic indication of women's unequal share in poverty is the differential in height between men and women which grows greater in periods of famine (John Coatsworth, "Presidential Address: Welfare," American Historical Review 101 [1996]: 7).
162. Alan D. Dyer, The City of Worcester in the Sixteenth Century (Leicester, 1973), 166. Almost exactly two thirds of all requests for poor relief in eighteenth-century Turin came from women (Cavallo, "Poverty," 83). Sixteenth-century Toledo was "man-poor," and widows there represented overall 20 percent of the population. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that women received the greatest share of poor relief, even if men outnumbered women in hospitals where the "less honorably, less established, but equally impoverished" sought refuge (Martz, Poverty and Welfare, 104-105, 206-208).
163. Alan D. Dyer, The City of Worcester in the Sixteenth Century (Leicester, 1973), 166. Almost exactly two thirds of all requests for poor relief in eighteenth-century Turin came from women (Cavallo, "Poverty," 83). Sixteenth-century Toledo was "man-poor," and widows there represented overall 20 percent of the population. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that women received the greatest share of poor relief, even if men outnumbered women in hospitals where the "less honorably, less established, but equally impoverished" sought refuge (Martz, Poverty and Welfare, 104-105, 206-208).
164. Alan D. Dyer, The City of Worcester in the Sixteenth Century (Leicester, 1973), 166. Almost exactly two thirds of all requests for poor relief in eighteenth-century Turin came from women (Cavallo, "Poverty," 83). Sixteenth-century Toledo was "man-poor," and widows there represented overall 20 percent of the population. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that women received the greatest share of poor relief, even if men outnumbered women in hospitals where the "less honorably, less established, but equally impoverished" sought refuge (Martz, Poverty and Welfare, 104-105, 206-208).
165. Margaret Pelling, "Old People and Poverty in Early Modern Towns," The Society for the Social History of Medicine Bulletin 34 (1984): 42, 45; Henderson, Piety, 260-63, 288-91 322-253, 340-42, 383-84; idem, "The Parish and the Poor in Florence at the Time of the Black Death: The Case of S. Frediano," Charity and the Poor, 264; idem, "Women, Children and Poverty in Florence at the Time of the Black Death," in Poor Women and Children, 165-75; Charles-M. de la Roncière, "Pauvres et pauvreté a Florence au XIVe siècle," Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2 vols., ed. Michel Mollat (Paris, 1974), 2:691.
166. Margaret Pelling, "Old People and Poverty in Early Modern Towns," The Society for the Social History of Medicine Bulletin 34 (1984): 42, 45; Henderson, Piety, 260-63, 288-91 322-253, 340-42, 383-84; idem, "The Parish and the Poor in Florence at the Time of the Black Death: The Case of S. Frediano," Charity and the Poor, 264; idem, "Women, Children and Poverty in Florence at the Time of the Black Death," in Poor Women and Children, 165-75; Charles-M. de la Roncière, "Pauvres et pauvreté a Florence au XIVe siècle," Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2 vols., ed. Michel Mollat (Paris, 1974), 2:691.
167. Margaret Pelling, "Old People and Poverty in Early Modern Towns," The Society for the Social History of Medicine Bulletin 34 (1984): 42, 45; Henderson, Piety, 260-63, 288-91 322-253, 340-42, 383-84; idem, "The Parish and the Poor in Florence at the Time of the Black Death: The Case of S. Frediano," Charity and the Poor, 264; idem, "Women, Children and Poverty in Florence at the Time of the Black Death," in Poor Women and Children, 165-75; Charles-M. de la Roncière, "Pauvres et pauvreté a Florence au XIVe siècle," Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2 vols., ed. Michel Mollat (Paris, 1974), 2:691.
168. Margaret Pelling, "Old People and Poverty in Early Modern Towns," The Society for the Social History of Medicine Bulletin 34 (1984): 42, 45; Henderson, Piety, 260-63, 288-91 322-253, 340-42, 383-84; idem, "The Parish and the Poor in Florence at the Time of the Black Death: The Case of S. Frediano," Charity and the Poor, 264; idem, "Women, Children and Poverty in Florence at the Time of the Black Death," in Poor Women and Children, 165-75; Charles-M. de la Roncière, "Pauvres et pauvreté a Florence au XIVe siècle," Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2 vols., ed. Michel Mollat (Paris, 1974), 2:691.
169. Margaret Pelling, "Old People and Poverty in Early Modern Towns," The Society for the Social History of Medicine Bulletin 34 (1984): 42, 45; Henderson, Piety, 260-63, 288-91 322-253, 340-42, 383-84; idem, "The Parish and the Poor in Florence at the Time of the Black Death: The Case of S. Frediano," Charity and the Poor, 264; idem, "Women, Children and Poverty in Florence at the Time of the Black Death," in Poor Women and Children, 165-75; Charles-M. de la Roncière, "Pauvres et pauvreté a Florence au XIVe siècle," Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2 vols., ed. Michel Mollat (Paris, 1974), 2:691.
170. Robert M. Schwartz, Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, 1988), 100. However, among vagrants and beggars women constituted only a minority one woman for every five or six men (Jean-Pierre Gutton, "Les pauvres face à leur pauvreté: le cas français 1500-1800," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, 97), and at Aix men accounted for more than 70 percent of the beggars received into public charities in 1724 (Fairchilds, Poverty, 110). But see Trenard, "Pauvreté," 481, who notes that by the end of the eighteenth century in Lille, women accounted for nearly as many vagrant beggars as did men.
171. Robert M. Schwartz, Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, 1988), 100. However, among vagrants and beggars women constituted only a minority one woman for every five or six men (Jean-Pierre Gutton, "Les pauvres face à leur pauvreté: le cas français 1500-1800," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, 97), and at Aix men accounted for more than 70 percent of the beggars received into public charities in 1724 (Fairchilds, Poverty, 110). But see Trenard, "Pauvreté," 481, who notes that by the end of the eighteenth century in Lille, women accounted for nearly as many vagrant beggars as did men.
172. Robert M. Schwartz, Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, 1988), 100. However, among vagrants and beggars women constituted only a minority one woman for every five or six men (Jean-Pierre Gutton, "Les pauvres face à leur pauvreté: le cas français 1500-1800," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, 97), and at Aix men accounted for more than 70 percent of the beggars received into public charities in 1724 (Fairchilds, Poverty, 110). But see Trenard, "Pauvreté," 481, who notes that by the end of the eighteenth century in Lille, women accounted for nearly as many vagrant beggars as did men.
173. Robert M. Schwartz, Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, 1988), 100. However, among vagrants and beggars women constituted only a minority one woman for every five or six men (Jean-Pierre Gutton, "Les pauvres face à leur pauvreté: le cas français 1500-1800," in Aspects of Poverty in Early Modern Europe II, 97), and at Aix men accounted for more than 70 percent of the beggars received into public charities in 1724 (Fairchilds, Poverty, 110). But see Trenard, "Pauvreté," 481, who notes that by the end of the eighteenth century in Lille, women accounted for nearly as many vagrant beggars as did men.
174. Kaiser, "Urban Household Composition," 49-51.
175. Actually, it is likely that females made up an even larger percentage of the poor. The present figure depends upon households described as poor, but in most towns one also finds the poor - sometimes alone, sometimes in the company of other family members - in regular, tax-paying households.
176. In the north Italian town of Piacenza early in the nineteenth century, the sex ratio among the poor was almost exactly the same as that reported here, 78 males to 100 females (Subacchi, "Conjunctural poor," 71). The Russian figures may nevertheless serve of as indirect confirmation that Peter's census-takers intentionally depressed the number of males counted as poor with a view to increasing the pool of potential military recruits.
177. "Female Householding in Late Eighteenth-Century America and the Problem of Poverty," Journal of Social History 28 (1994-95): 83. See also Henderson and Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children, 13. Barbara Diefendorf, however notes that in sixteenth-century Paris, "There were proportionately more female-headed households at the top than at the bottom of the [economic] scale" ("Widowhood and Remarriage in Sixteenth-Century Paris," Journal of Family History 7 [1982]: 381). In eighteenth-century Italian cities, widows accounted for 14-24 percent of all heads of household, and although some were well-off, most were clustered in the poorest parts of town (Maura Palazzi, "Female Solitude and Patrilineage: Unmarried Women and Widows During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Journal of Family History 15 [1990]: 453-54).
178. "Female Householding in Late Eighteenth-Century America and the Problem of Poverty," Journal of Social History 28 (1994-95): 83. See also Henderson and Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children, 13. Barbara Diefendorf, however notes that in sixteenth-century Paris, "There were proportionately more female-headed households at the top than at the bottom of the [economic] scale" ("Widowhood and Remarriage in Sixteenth-Century Paris," Journal of Family History 7 [1982]: 381). In eighteenth-century Italian cities, widows accounted for 14-24 percent of all heads of household, and although some were well-off, most were clustered in the poorest parts of town (Maura Palazzi, "Female Solitude and Patrilineage: Unmarried Women and Widows During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Journal of Family History 15 [1990]: 453-54).
179. "Female Householding in Late Eighteenth-Century America and the Problem of Poverty," Journal of Social History 28 (1994-95): 83. See also Henderson and Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children, 13. Barbara Diefendorf, however notes that in sixteenth-century Paris, "There were proportionately more female-headed households at the top than at the bottom of the [economic] scale" ("Widowhood and Remarriage in Sixteenth-Century Paris," Journal of Family History 7 [1982]: 381). In eighteenth-century Italian cities, widows accounted for 14-24 percent of all heads of household, and although some were well-off, most were clustered in the poorest parts of town (Maura Palazzi, "Female Solitude and Patrilineage: Unmarried Women and Widows During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Journal of Family History 15 [1990]: 453-54).
180. "Female Householding in Late Eighteenth-Century America and the Problem of Poverty," Journal of Social History 28 (1994-95): 83. See also Henderson and Wall, "Introduction," in Poor Women and Children, 13. Barbara Diefendorf, however notes that in sixteenth-century Paris, "There were proportionately more female-headed households at the top than at the bottom of the [economic] scale" ("Widowhood and Remarriage in Sixteenth-Century Paris," Journal of Family History 7 [1982]: 381). In eighteenth-century Italian cities, widows accounted for 14-24 percent of all heads of household, and although some were well-off, most were clustered in the poorest parts of town (Maura Palazzi, "Female Solitude and Patrilineage: Unmarried Women and Widows During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Journal of Family History 15 [1990]: 453-54).
181. Julie Hardwick, "Widowhood and Patriarchy in Seventeenth-Century France," Journal of Social History 24 (1992): 133-34.
182. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Richard M. Smith (Cambridge, 1984), 360-61, 380-81. Also see W. Newman Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in ibid., 412; and David Vassberg, "The Status of Widows in Sixteenth-Century Rural Castile," in Poor Women and Children, 183-86. Sokoll reports that although widow-headed households constituted a significant share of all pauper households in Braintree, in Ardleigh they seem not to have earned special attention (Household and Family among the Poor: The Case of Two Essex Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries [Bochum, 1993], 159, 248).
183. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim
184. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Richard M. Smith (Cambridge, 1984), 360-61, 380-81. Also see W. Newman Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in ibid., 412; and David Vassberg, "The Status of Widows in Sixteenth-Century Rural Castile," in Poor Women and Children, 183-86. Sokoll reports that although widow-headed households constituted a significant share of all pauper households in Braintree, in Ardleigh they seem not to have earned special attention (Household and Family among the Poor: The Case of Two Essex Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries [Bochum, 1993], 159, 248).
185. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Richard M. Smith (Cambridge, 1984), 360-61, 380-81. Also see W. Newman Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in ibid., 412; and David Vassberg, "The Status of Widows in Sixteenth-Century Rural Castile," in Poor Women and Children, 183-86. Sokoll reports that although widow-headed households constituted a significant share of all pauper households in Braintree, in Ardleigh they seem not to have earned special attention (Household and Family among the Poor: The Case of Two Essex Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries [Bochum, 1993], 159, 248).
186. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Richard M. Smith (Cambridge, 1984), 360-61, 380-81. Also see W. Newman Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in ibid., 412; and David Vassberg, "The Status of Widows in Sixteenth-Century Rural Castile," in Poor Women and Children, 183-86. Sokoll reports that although widow-headed households constituted a significant share of all pauper households in Braintree, in Ardleigh they seem not to have earned special attention (Household and Family among the Poor: The Case of Two Essex Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries [Bochum, 1993], 159, 248).
187. Davis, "Poor Relief," 22; Slack, "Reactions," 26; Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, ed. Richard M. Smith (Cambridge, 1984), 360-61, 380-81. Also see W. Newman Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in ibid., 412; and David Vassberg, "The Status of Widows in Sixteenth-Century Rural Castile," in Poor Women and Children, 183-86. Sokoll reports that although widow-headed households constituted a significant share of all pauper households in Braintree, in Ardleigh they seem not to have earned special attention (Household and Family among the Poor: The Case of Two Essex Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries [Bochum, 1993], 159, 248).
188. Jütte, Poverty, 40-41. Jeremy Boulton has demonstrated exactly how sex ratios can affect the numbers of widows and, consequently, the number of women dependent upon charity ("London Widowhood Revisited: The Decline of Female Remarriage in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 323-55).
189. Jütte, Poverty, 40-41. Jeremy Boulton has demonstrated exactly how sex ratios can affect the numbers of widows and, consequently, the number of women dependent upon charity ("London Widowhood Revisited: The Decline of Female Remarriage in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries," Continuity and Change 5 [1990]: 323-55).
190. Isabelle Chabot rightly connects the widows' difficulties with marriage systems ("Widowhood and Poverty in Late Medieval Florence," in Charity and the Poor, 291, 297). On the position of widows in nineteenth-century Russian peasant society, see Rodney D. Bohac, "Widows and the Russian Serf Community," in Russia's Women: Accommodation, Resistance, Transformation, eds. Barbara Evans Clements et al. (Berkeley, 1991), 95-112.
191. Isabelle Chabot rightly connects the widows' difficulties with marriage systems ("Widowhood and Poverty in Late Medieval Florence," in Charity and the Poor, 291, 297). On the position of widows in nineteenth-century Russian peasant society, see Rodney D. Bohac, "Widows and the Russian Serf Community," in Russia's Women: Accommodation, Resistance, Transformation, eds. Barbara Evans Clements et al. (Berkeley, 1991), 95-112.
192. Borovsk, 141.
193. Viatka, 77.
194. Borovsk, 130.
195. Borovsk, 139. On "clustering," see Olwen Hufton, "Women Without Men: Widows and Spinsters in Britain and France in the Eighteenth Century," in Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widowhood, eds. Jan Bremmer and Lourens van den Bosch (London, 1995), 129-31.
196. Borovsk, 139. On "clustering," see Olwen Hufton, "Women Without Men: Widows and Spinsters in Britain and France in the Eighteenth Century," in Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widowhood, eds. Jan Bremmer and Lourens van den Bosch (London, 1995), 129-31.
197. Zaraisk, 68. Thomas Sokoll notes that in Braintree early in the nineteenth century, "Most solitary widows in primary poverty lived together with other widows or single women who were also poor" in order to save on expenses ("The Household Position of Elderly Widows in Poverty: Evidence from two English Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries," in Poor Women and Children 217-18). Antoine Marchini found the practice also popular in a Corsican community late in the eighteenth century ("Poverty, the Life Cycle of the Household and Female Life Course in Eighteenth-Century Corsica," ibid., 231). Such a pattern is unusual among men, but not uncommon among women, and may therefore be a function of gender-based socialization (Sara Arber and Jay Ginn, Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of Resources and Constraints [London, 1991], 167-69).
198. Zaraisk, 68. Thomas Sokoll notes that in Braintree early in the nineteenth century, "Most solitary widows in primary poverty lived together with other widows or single women who were also poor" in order to save on expenses ("The Household Position of Elderly Widows in Poverty: Evidence from two English Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries," in Poor Women and Children 217-18). Antoine Marchini found the practice also popular in a Corsican community late in the eighteenth century ("Poverty, the Life Cycle of the Household and Female Life Course in Eighteenth-Century Corsica," ibid., 231). Such a pattern is unusual among men, but not uncommon among women, and may therefore be a function of gender-based socialization (Sara Arber and Jay Ginn, Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of Resources and Constraints [London, 1991], 167-69).
199. Zaraisk, 68. Thomas Sokoll notes that in Braintree early in the nineteenth century, "Most solitary widows in primary poverty lived together with other widows or single women who were also poor" in order to save on expenses ("The Household Position of Elderly Widows in Poverty: Evidence from two English Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries," in Poor Women and Children 217-18). Antoine Marchini found the practice also popular in a Corsican community late in the eighteenth century ("Poverty, the Life Cycle of the Household and Female Life Course in Eighteenth-Century Corsica," ibid., 231). Such a pattern is unusual among men, but not uncommon among women, and may therefore be a function of gender-based socialization (Sara Arber and Jay Ginn, Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of Resources and Constraints [London, 1991], 167-69).
200. Zaraisk, 68. Thomas Sokoll notes that in Braintree early in the nineteenth century, "Most solitary widows in primary poverty lived together with other widows or single women who were also poor" in order to save on expenses ("The Household Position of Elderly Widows in Poverty: Evidence from two English Communities in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries," in Poor Women and Children 217-18). Antoine Marchini found the practice also popular in a Corsican community late in the eighteenth century ("Poverty, the Life Cycle of the Household and Female Life Course in Eighteenth-Century Corsica," ibid., 231). Such a pattern is unusual among men, but not uncommon among women, and may therefore be a function of gender-based socialization (Sara Arber and Jay Ginn, Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of Resources and Constraints [London, 1991], 167-69).
201. Viatica, 89-90.
202. Viatka, 57-58.
203. Zaraisk, 68.
204. Richard Wall found that elderly women in England and Wales were less likely than elderly men to live with a spouse or to live with an unmarried child and were much more likely to live with a nonrelative ("Elderly Persons and Members of Their Households in England and Wales from Preindustrial Times to the Present," in Aging in the Past, 90; "Woman Alone in English Society," Annales de démographie historique [1981]: 312).
205. Richard Wall found that elderly women in England and Wales were less likely than elderly men to live with a spouse or to live with an unmarried child and were much more likely to live with a nonrelative ("Elderly Persons and Members of Their Households in England and Wales from Preindustrial Times to the Present," in Aging in the Past, 90; "Woman Alone in English Society," Annales de démographie historique [1981]: 312).
206. Toropets, 44. Thomas Sokoll discovered that in eighteenth-century Ardleigh, too, children often took in their improverished parents, especially widowed mothers ("The Household Position," 214.
207. Toropets, 44. Thomas Sokoll discovered that in eighteenth-century Ardleigh, too, children often took in their improverished parents, especially widowed mothers ("The Household Position," 214.
208. Toropets, 43. Again, the ages of the elder generation in this example are probably not accurate.
209. Toropets, 33.
210. Toropets, 20.
211. For example, the sixteenth-century writer, William Harrison began his classification of poverty with the "impotent" poor, first among whom was "the fatherless child." Children, especially orphaned children, regularly appear in the lists of those given shelter or financial relief in early modern Europe (Jütte, Poverty, 11, 37-40).
212. Ransel, Mothers, 26; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 31; PSZ, vol. 4, 2467-2477; ibid vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953.
213. Ransel, Mothers, 26; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 31; PSZ, vol. 4, 2467-2477; ibid vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953.
214. Ransel, Mothers, 26; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 31; PSZ, vol. 4, 2467-2477; ibid vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953.
215. Ransel, Mothers, 26; Lindenmeyr, Poverty, 31; PSZ, vol. 4, 2467-2477; ibid vol. 5, nos. 2856, 2953.
216. Ransel, Mothers, 28-29, 41-50.
217. Peter Laslett, "Family, Kinship and Collectivity as Systems of Support in PreIndustrial Europe: A Consideration of the 'Nuclear-Hardship Hypothesis,'" in Charity and the Poor, 162; Hervé Le Bras, "Evolution des liens de famille au cours de l'existence: Une comparaison entre la France actuelle et la France du XVIIIe," in Les Âges de la vie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), vol. 1, 27-39. Steven Hoch has observed that in the early marriage, high-fertility, high-mortality regime of Petrovskoe in nineteenth-century Russia, "the lilelihood that a minor would be left with no related adult workers in the household was small.... Orphans, in almost all cases, continued to live with grandparents, aunts, or uncles" (Serfdom, 79). The available evidence, slight thought it is, indicates that marriage in these Petrine-era towns did not take place at so early an age as it did in nineteenth-century Russian villages, nor were households so large peasant Russian households were (Kaiser, "Vozrast," 228-229, 232; idem, "Urban Household Composition," 59). Both factors, if confirmed, would discount the likehood of ascendant relatives surviving, but laterals might well survive, just as Le Bras has shown for eighteenth-century France.
218. Peter Laslett, "Family, Kinship and Collectivity as Systems of Support in PreIndustrial Europe: A Consideration of the 'Nuclear-Hardship Hypothesis,'" in Charity and the Poor, 162; Hervé Le Bras, "Evolution des liens de famille au cours de l'existence: Une comparaison entre la France actuelle et la France du XVIIIe," in Les Âges de la vie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), vol. 1, 27-39. Steven Hoch has observed that in the early marriage, high-fertility, high-mortality regime of Petrovskoe in nineteenth-century Russia, "the lilelihood that a minor would be left with no related adult workers in the household was small.... Orphans, in almost all cases, continued to live with grandparents, aunts, or uncles" (Serfdom, 79). The available evidence, slight thought it is, indicates that marriage in these Petrine-era towns did not take place at so early an age as it did in nineteenth-century Russian villages, nor were households so large peasant Russian households were (Kaiser, "Vozrast," 228-229, 232; idem, "Urban Household Composition," 59). Both factors, if confirmed, would discount the likehood of ascendant relatives surviving, but laterals might well survive, just as Le Bras has shown for eighteenth-century France.
219. Peter Laslett, "Family, Kinship and Collectivity as Systems of Support in PreIndustrial Europe: A Consideration of the 'Nuclear-Hardship Hypothesis,'" in Charity and the Poor, 162; Hervé Le Bras, "Evolution des liens de famille au cours de l'existence: Une comparaison entre la France actuelle et la France du XVIIIe," in Les Âges de la vie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), vol. 1, 27-39. Steven Hoch has observed that in the early marriage, high-fertility, high-mortality regime of Petrovskoe in nineteenth-century Russia, "the lilelihood that a minor would be left with no related adult workers in the household was small.... Orphans, in almost all cases, continued to live with grandparents, aunts, or uncles" (Serfdom, 79). The available evidence, slight thought it is, indicates that marriage in these Petrine-era towns did not take place at so early an age as it did in nineteenth-century Russian villages, nor were households so large peasant Russian households were (Kaiser, "Vozrast," 228-229, 232; idem, "Urban Household Composition," 59). Both factors, if confirmed, would discount the likehood of ascendant relatives surviving, but laterals might well survive, just as Le Bras has shown for eighteenth-century France.
220. Peter Laslett, "Family, Kinship and Collectivity as Systems of Support in PreIndustrial Europe: A Consideration of the 'Nuclear-Hardship Hypothesis,'" in Charity and the Poor, 162; Hervé Le Bras, "Evolution des liens de famille au cours de l'existence: Une comparaison entre la France actuelle et la France du XVIIIe," in Les Âges de la vie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), vol. 1, 27-39. Steven Hoch has observed that in the early marriage, high-fertility, high-mortality regime of Petrovskoe in nineteenth-century Russia, "the lilelihood that a minor would be left with no related adult workers in the household was small.... Orphans, in almost all cases, continued to live with grandparents, aunts, or uncles" (Serfdom, 79). The available evidence, slight thought it is, indicates that marriage in these Petrine-era towns did not take place at so early an age as it did in nineteenth-century Russian villages, nor were households so large peasant Russian households were (Kaiser, "Vozrast," 228-229, 232; idem, "Urban Household Composition," 59). Both factors, if confirmed, would discount the likehood of ascendant relatives surviving, but laterals might well survive, just as Le Bras has shown for eighteenth-century France.
221. Peter Laslett, "Family, Kinship and Collectivity as Systems of Support in PreIndustrial Europe: A Consideration of the 'Nuclear-Hardship Hypothesis,'" in Charity and the Poor, 162; Hervé Le Bras, "Evolution des liens de famille au cours de l'existence: Une comparaison entre la France actuelle et la France du XVIIIe," in Les Âges de la vie, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), vol. 1, 27-39. Steven Hoch has observed that in the early marriage, high-fertility, high-mortality regime of Petrovskoe in nineteenth-century Russia, "the lilelihood that a minor would be left with no related adult workers in the household was small.... Orphans, in almost all cases, continued to live with grandparents, aunts, or uncles" (Serfdom, 79). The available evidence, slight thought it is, indicates that marriage in these Petrine-era towns did not take place at so early an age as it did in nineteenth-century Russian villages, nor were households so large peasant Russian households were (Kaiser, "Vozrast," 228-229, 232; idem, "Urban Household Composition," 59). Both factors, if confirmed, would discount the likehood of ascendant relatives surviving, but laterals might well survive, just as Le Bras has shown for eighteenth-century France.
222. GAIaO, f. 582, op. 5, ed. khr. 1638, fol. 4 v.; Belev, 42; Uglich, 47.
223. GAIaO, f. 582, op. 5, ed. khr. 1638, fol. 4 v.; Belev, 42; Uglich, 47.
224. GAIaO, f. 582, op. 5, ed. khr. 1638, fol. 4 v.; Belev, 42; Uglich, 47.
225. Toropets, 19.
226. Toropets, 21. Elsewhere in early modern Europe, it sometimes happened that local authorities placed able-bodied orphans in forter households both to aid teh disabled and poor, but also to get one of their charges off their charges off their hands (Peeling, "Old People," 44-45).
227. Toropets, 21. Elsewhere in early modern Europe, it sometimes happened that local authorities placed able-bodied orphans in forter households both to aid teh disabled and poor, but also to get one of their charges off their charges off their hands (Peeling, "Old People," 44-45).
228. Toropets, 25.
229. Le Bras, however, found a relatively small difference in the number of surviving relatives for the young and aged in preindustrial France. The aged, of course, might find among their surviving kin more descendants than would the young; both could expect to enjoy relatively large numbers of surviving laterals. The key question may have been, therefore, not the number of survivors, but whether the aged were as likely to find refuge in a relative's household as was a child (Le Bras, "Evolution," 35).
230. Troyansky, citing Yves Blayo, reports that in eighteenth-century France, women's life expectancy rose significantly (Old Age, 11). Whether the same occurred in Russia cannot yet be demonstrated, but it is likely that the demographic regimes of the two preindustrial societies were roughly similar.
231. "The sight of potentially productive subjects exposed and dying in the streets must have struck [Peter] as intolerable" (Ransel, Mothers, 27).
232. Borovsk, 134.