"The Mouse People": Murine Genetics Work at the Bussey Institution, 1909-1936

Journal of the History of Biology

Volumn 31, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 327-354

  Rader, Karen A ^a  

^a SARAH LAWRENCE COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ANIMAL; ART; ARTICLE; EXPERIMENTAL ANIMAL; GENETICS; HISTORY; LABORATORY; LABORATORY PERSONNEL; MOUSE; ORGANIZATION; RESEARCH; UNITED STATES; UNIVERSITY;

ACADEMIES AND INSTITUTES; ANIMALS; ANIMALS, LABORATORY; GENETICS; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; LABORATORIES; LABORATORY PERSONNEL; MICE; PORTRAITS; RESEARCH; UNITED STATES; UNIVERSITIES;

EID: 0032149789     PISSN: 00225010     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1004389408064     Document Type: Article

References (158)

1. See L. C. Dunn, "William Ernest Castle, 1867-1962," Biographical Memoirs, National Academy of Sciences, 38 (1962), 31-80, p. 62, for Castle's quoted description of his speech at Bar Harbor in a letter to Dunn, 31 December 1954; photo of the "live" Castle academic-genealogical tree in "Photos" Box, Jackson Laboratory Archive, Joan Staats Library, Jackson Laboratory, Bar Harbor, Maine (hereafter referred to as JLA-BH). Another version of this photo (with first-generation students only) was first published with Margaret Dickie's drawing of Castle's family tree in Elizabeth S. Russell, "One Man's Influence: A Tribute to William Ernest Castle," J. Hered., 45, 211-213.
2. See L. C. Dunn, "William Ernest Castle, 1867-1962," Biographical Memoirs, National Academy of Sciences, 38 (1962), 31-80, p. 62, for Castle's quoted description of his speech at Bar Harbor in a letter to Dunn, 31 December 1954; photo of the "live" Castle academic-genealogical tree in "Photos" Box, Jackson Laboratory Archive, Joan Staats Library, Jackson Laboratory, Bar Harbor, Maine (hereafter referred to as JLA-BH). Another version of this photo (with first-generation students only) was first published with Margaret Dickie's drawing of Castle's family tree in Elizabeth S. Russell, "One Man's Influence: A Tribute to William Ernest Castle," J. Hered., 45, 211-213.
3. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
4. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
5. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
6. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
7. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
8. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
9. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
10. For scientific accounts of Castle (which include lists of his students), see Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), and Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965); George D. Snell and Sheldon Reed, "William Ernest Castle, Pioneer Mammalian Geneticist," Genetics, 135 (April 1993), 751-753.) For historical accounts, see Garland Allen, "William Ernest Castle," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribner's, 1970), III, 120-124; William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 41-53 (quote from p. 48). Cf. W. E. Castle, Mammalian Genetics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940). Morgan trained twenty-eight students from 1910 to 1930: see Garland Allen, Thomas Hunt Morgan: The Man and His Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978). Castle's Ph.D. production was matched by plant geneticist E. M. East, who had twenty of his own students at the Bussey: see J. A. Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey Institution," Genetics, 136 (April 1994), 1227-1231.
11. From 1900 to 1910, Lucien Cuenot in France and William Bateson in England initiated the earliest experiments in mouse coat-color genetics, and even T. H. Morgan and A. H. Sturtevant did some of their pre-Drosophila work on mice. On Cuenot's work, see Andree Tetry, "Lucien Cuenot," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribners, 1970), III, 492-494, and the entry for "Cuenot" in Jacques Ahrweiler, ed., Ecrits sur l'hérédité (Paris: Editions Seghers, 1964). On Bateson, see Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1982), pp. 544-545, 733. Cf. Allen, Morgan (above, n. 2).
12. From 1900 to 1910, Lucien Cuenot in France and William Bateson in England initiated the earliest experiments in mouse coat-color genetics, and even T. H. Morgan and A. H. Sturtevant did some of their pre-Drosophila work on mice. On Cuenot's work, see Andree Tetry, "Lucien Cuenot," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribners, 1970), III, 492-494, and the entry for "Cuenot" in Jacques Ahrweiler, ed., Ecrits sur l'hérédité (Paris: Editions Seghers, 1964). On Bateson, see Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1982), pp. 544-545, 733. Cf. Allen, Morgan (above, n. 2).
13. From 1900 to 1910, Lucien Cuenot in France and William Bateson in England initiated the earliest experiments in mouse coat-color genetics, and even T. H. Morgan and A. H. Sturtevant did some of their pre-Drosophila work on mice. On Cuenot's work, see Andree Tetry, "Lucien Cuenot," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribners, 1970), III, 492-494, and the entry for "Cuenot" in Jacques Ahrweiler, ed., Ecrits sur l'hérédité (Paris: Editions Seghers, 1964). On Bateson, see Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1982), pp. 544-545, 733. Cf. Allen, Morgan (above, n. 2).
14. From 1900 to 1910, Lucien Cuenot in France and William Bateson in England initiated the earliest experiments in mouse coat-color genetics, and even T. H. Morgan and A. H. Sturtevant did some of their pre-Drosophila work on mice. On Cuenot's work, see Andree Tetry, "Lucien Cuenot," in C. Gillispie, ed., Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York: Scribners, 1970), III, 492-494, and the entry for "Cuenot" in Jacques Ahrweiler, ed., Ecrits sur l'hérédité (Paris: Editions Seghers, 1964). On Bateson, see Ernst Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1982), pp. 544-545, 733. Cf. Allen, Morgan (above, n. 2).
15. Of this group, Clark and Reed left mouse work shortly after graduation to do genetics on other mammalian organisms or to work in other zoological fields. Reed switched to (human) medical genetics in the early 1940s, and went to achieve distinction in that field; cf. Sheldon Reed, Counseling in Medical Genetics (Philadelphia: Saunders, 1955). It is less clear, however, what became of Clark; see listing in American Men of Science, 1938.
16. Of this group, Clark and Reed left mouse work shortly after graduation to do genetics on other mammalian organisms or to work in other zoological fields. Reed switched to (human) medical genetics in the early 1940s, and went to achieve distinction in that field; cf. Sheldon Reed, Counseling in Medical Genetics (Philadelphia: Saunders, 1955). It is less clear, however, what became of Clark; see listing in American Men of Science, 1938.
17. J. A. Weir, "A History of the Bussey Institution of Harvard University" (Grant Report, Penrose Fund), Amer. Phil. Soc. Yearbk (1969), 684-685, quote from p. 685. Weir is currently working on a full-length institutional history of the Bussey: see Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey" (above, n. 2).
18. J. A. Weir, "A History of the Bussey Institution of Harvard University" (Grant Report, Penrose Fund), Amer. Phil. Soc. Yearbk (1969), 684-685, quote from p. 685. Weir is currently working on a full-length institutional history of the Bussey: see Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey" (above, n. 2).
19. Dissertation dates and subjects obtained from Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2) and confirmed by means of researching Dissertation Abstracts On-Line (University Microfilms) and looking at the dissertations themselves in the Harvard University Archives, Pusey Library of Harvard University, Cambridge (hereafter referred to as HUA-PL).
20. Robert E. Kohler, Lords of the Fly: Drosophila Genetics and the Experimental Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), esp. p. 89 and chap. 4 ("The Fly People"), pp. 91-132. See also Kohler, "Systems of Production: Drosophila, Neurospora and Biochemical Genetics," Hist. Stud. Phys. Biol. Sci., 22 (1991), 87-130; and Kohler, "Drosophila: A Life in the Lab," J. Hist. Biol., 26 (1993), 281-310.
21. Robert E. Kohler, Lords of the Fly: Drosophila Genetics and the Experimental Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), esp. p. 89 and chap. 4 ("The Fly People"), pp. 91-132. See also Kohler, "Systems of Production: Drosophila, Neurospora and Biochemical Genetics," Hist. Stud. Phys. Biol. Sci., 22 (1991), 87-130; and Kohler, "Drosophila: A Life in the Lab," J. Hist. Biol., 26 (1993), 281-310.
22. Robert E. Kohler, Lords of the Fly: Drosophila Genetics and the Experimental Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), esp. p. 89 and chap. 4 ("The Fly People"), pp. 91-132. See also Kohler, "Systems of Production: Drosophila, Neurospora and Biochemical Genetics," Hist. Stud. Phys. Biol. Sci., 22 (1991), 87-130; and Kohler, "Drosophila: A Life in the Lab," J. Hist. Biol., 26 (1993), 281-310.
23. Robert E. Kohler, Lords of the Fly: Drosophila Genetics and the Experimental Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), esp. p. 89 and chap. 4 ("The Fly People"), pp. 91-132. See also Kohler, "Systems of Production: Drosophila, Neurospora and Biochemical Genetics," Hist. Stud. Phys. Biol. Sci., 22 (1991), 87-130; and Kohler, "Drosophila: A Life in the Lab," J. Hist. Biol., 26 (1993), 281-310.
24. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
25. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
26. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
27. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
28. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
29. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
30. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
31. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
32. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
33. Barbara Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests in Scientific Research: R. A. Emerson's Claims for the Unique Contributions of Agricultural Genetics," in A. Clarke and J. Fujimura, eds., The Right Tools for the Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 198-232, quote p. 199; cf. also Paolo Palladino, "Bringing the World into the Laboratory, or the (Ir)resistible rise of Drosophila melanogaster," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 29 (1996), 217-221. Histories of alternative genetics research programs include Jan Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Jonathan Harwood, "The Politics of Nuclear-Cytoplasmic Relations," in his Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 315-350; Evelyn Fox Keller, A Feeling for the Organism: The Life and Work of Babara McClintock (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1983); and Deborah Fitzgerald, The Business of Breeding (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991). Other studies that focus on research organisms are Kimmelman's (above, n. 8) and Gregg Mitman and Anne Fausto-Sterling, "Whatever Happened to Planaria? C. M. Child and the Physiology of Inheritance," also in Clarke and Fujimura, Right Tools (above, n. 8), pp. 172-197; and those featured in the 1993 thematic issue of J. Hist. Biol., 26 (no. 2), especially Bonnie Tocher Clause, "The Wistar Rat as a Right Choice: Establishing Mammalian Standards and the Ideal of a Standardized Mammal," 329-349.
34. Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), p. 50.
35. This suggestion mirrors the type of analysis recommended by James A. Secord for the study of research schools: see Secord, "The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a Research School," Hist. Sci., 24 (1986), 223-265, esp. p. 264. Ironically, Kohler himself notes this same thing about disciplines: "[T]hey are creatures of history and reflect human habits and preferences, not a fixed order of nature." See his From Medical Chemistry to Biochemistry: The Making of a Biomedical Discipline (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), introduction ("On Discipline History"), p. 2.
36. This suggestion mirrors the type of analysis recommended by James A. Secord for the study of research schools: see Secord, "The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a Research School," Hist. Sci., 24 (1986), 223-265, esp. p. 264. Ironically, Kohler himself notes this same thing about disciplines: "[T]hey are creatures of history and reflect human habits and preferences, not a fixed order of nature." See his From Medical Chemistry to Biochemistry: The Making of a Biomedical Discipline (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), introduction ("On Discipline History"), p. 2.
37. This suggestion mirrors the type of analysis recommended by James A. Secord for the study of research schools: see Secord, "The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a Research School," Hist. Sci., 24 (1986), 223-265, esp. p. 264. Ironically, Kohler himself notes this same thing about disciplines: "[T]hey are creatures of history and reflect human habits and preferences, not a fixed order of nature." See his From Medical Chemistry to Biochemistry: The Making of a Biomedical Discipline (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), introduction ("On Discipline History"), p. 2.
38. Clyde Keeler, "How It Began," in Herbert Morse III, ed., The Origins of Inbred Mice (New York: Academic Press, 1978), pp. 179-193, quote p. 185.
39. William Morton Wheeler, "The Bussey Institution, 1871-1929," in S. E. Morison, ed., The Development of Harvard University (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930), pp. 508-517. L. C. Dunn, "The Bussey Institution of Harvard University," Genetics, 21 (July 1936), 295-296. Caroline (Morse) Ford, daughter of an early Bussey professor and a frequent visitor, recalled the Bussey as an intriguing place for outsiders: "The Bussey building held much interests. . . . One room had blackboards and a big chart on the wall which showed that cows have four stomachs. . . . [T]hink if it, four stomachs! No wonder cows needed to chew a great deal. . . ." See "Bussey Brook and Beyond," typescript in "Bussey Institute" Materials (one box), Arnold Arboretum Archives, Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University, Jamaica Plains, Mass, (hereafter referred to as BIM-AA). Cf. Charles Eliot to Dean Frank Storer, 26 December 1894, BIM-AA.
40. William Morton Wheeler, "The Bussey Institution, 1871-1929," in S. E. Morison, ed., The Development of Harvard University (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930), pp. 508-517. L. C. Dunn, "The Bussey Institution of Harvard University," Genetics, 21 (July 1936), 295-296. Caroline (Morse) Ford, daughter of an early Bussey professor and a frequent visitor, recalled the Bussey as an intriguing place for outsiders: "The Bussey building held much interests. . . . One room had blackboards and a big chart on the wall which showed that cows have four stomachs. . . . [T]hink if it, four stomachs! No wonder cows needed to chew a great deal. . . ." See "Bussey Brook and Beyond," typescript in "Bussey Institute" Materials (one box), Arnold Arboretum Archives, Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University, Jamaica Plains, Mass, (hereafter referred to as BIM-AA). Cf. Charles Eliot to Dean Frank Storer, 26 December 1894, BIM-AA.
41. William Morton Wheeler, "The Bussey Institution, 1871-1929," in S. E. Morison, ed., The Development of Harvard University (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930), pp. 508-517. L. C. Dunn, "The Bussey Institution of Harvard University," Genetics, 21 (July 1936), 295-296. Caroline (Morse) Ford, daughter of an early Bussey professor and a frequent visitor, recalled the Bussey as an intriguing place for outsiders: "The Bussey building held much interests. . . . One room had blackboards and a big chart on the wall which showed that cows have four stomachs. . . . [T]hink if it, four stomachs! No wonder cows needed to chew a great deal. . . ." See "Bussey Brook and Beyond," typescript in "Bussey Institute" Materials (one box), Arnold Arboretum Archives, Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University, Jamaica Plains, Mass, (hereafter referred to as BIM-AA). Cf. Charles Eliot to Dean Frank Storer, 26 December 1894, BIM-AA.
42. Castle's initial grant was $1500; W. E. Castle to C. B. Davenport, 10 February 1908, C. B. Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as CBD-APS). Wheeler essay quote from Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 181; I could not find a published version, so perhaps it was a typescript circulated only to Bussey students. Cf. Karl Sax, "The Bussey Institution," J. Hered., 57 (1966), 175-178, and Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey" (above, n. 2).
43. Castle's initial grant was $1500; W. E. Castle to C. B. Davenport, 10 February 1908, C. B. Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as CBD-APS). Wheeler essay quote from Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 181; I could not find a published version, so perhaps it was a typescript circulated only to Bussey students. Cf. Karl Sax, "The Bussey Institution," J. Hered., 57 (1966), 175-178, and Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey" (above, n. 2).
44. Castle's initial grant was $1500; W. E. Castle to C. B. Davenport, 10 February 1908, C. B. Davenport Papers, American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as CBD-APS). Wheeler essay quote from Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 181; I could not find a published version, so perhaps it was a typescript circulated only to Bussey students. Cf. Karl Sax, "The Bussey Institution," J. Hered., 57 (1966), 175-178, and Weir, "Harvard, Agriculture, and the Bussey" (above, n. 2).
45. On Cattell's public acknowledgment of the Bussey, see "Memorandum regarding the proposed changes in the Bussey Institution," as written by E. M. East, c. 1936, BIM-AA. I suspect these remarks were made in a speech or public lecture because I could not find any such statement through a comprehensive search of Cattell's writings in Science from 1909 to 1924; Wheeler to M. J. Greenman, 3 February 1910, W. M. Wheeler Papers, Pusey Library, Harvard University (hereafter referred to as WMW-PL ).
46. On Cattell's public acknowledgment of the Bussey, see "Memorandum regarding the proposed changes in the Bussey Institution," as written by E. M. East, c. 1936, BIM-AA. I suspect these remarks were made in a speech or public lecture because I could not find any such statement through a comprehensive search of Cattell's writings in Science from 1909 to 1924; Wheeler to M. J. Greenman, 3 February 1910, W. M. Wheeler Papers, Pusey Library, Harvard University (hereafter referred to as WMW-PL ).
47. The Bussey-Cambridge confrontations are thus described in L. C. Dunn's Columbia University Oral History Interview (transcript available on microfiche), 1959-60, p. 50; for Dunn quote, see p. 49 of the same. Bussey annual budget and funding sources are reported in the Bussey Institution Annual Reports (cf. 1914-1915 to 1934-1935), which are contained in the Harvard University Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On the Bussey at the Harvard tercentenary, see Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185 ("There was a chart with ceramic mouse models showing size effects produced by each of six recessive gene mutations in mice, studied by Castle, Gates, Reed, and Law." ).
48. The Bussey-Cambridge confrontations are thus described in L. C. Dunn's Columbia University Oral History Interview (transcript available on microfiche), 1959-60, p. 50; for Dunn quote, see p. 49 of the same. Bussey annual budget and funding sources are reported in the Bussey Institution Annual Reports (cf. 1914-1915 to 1934-1935), which are contained in the Harvard University Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On the Bussey at the Harvard tercentenary, see Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185 ("There was a chart with ceramic mouse models showing size effects produced by each of six recessive gene mutations in mice, studied by Castle, Gates, Reed, and Law." ).
49. The Bussey-Cambridge confrontations are thus described in L. C. Dunn's Columbia University Oral History Interview (transcript available on microfiche), 1959-60, p. 50; for Dunn quote, see p. 49 of the same. Bussey annual budget and funding sources are reported in the Bussey Institution Annual Reports (cf. 1914-1915 to 1934-1935), which are contained in the Harvard University Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On the Bussey at the Harvard tercentenary, see Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185 ("There was a chart with ceramic mouse models showing size effects produced by each of six recessive gene mutations in mice, studied by Castle, Gates, Reed, and Law." ).
50. The Bussey-Cambridge confrontations are thus described in L. C. Dunn's Columbia University Oral History Interview (transcript available on microfiche), 1959-60, p. 50; for Dunn quote, see p. 49 of the same. Bussey annual budget and funding sources are reported in the Bussey Institution Annual Reports (cf. 1914-1915 to 1934-1935), which are contained in the Harvard University Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On the Bussey at the Harvard tercentenary, see Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185 ("There was a chart with ceramic mouse models showing size effects produced by each of six recessive gene mutations in mice, studied by Castle, Gates, Reed, and Law." ).
51. Cf. W. E. Castle, "The Beginning of Mendelism in America," in L. C. Dunn, ed., Genetics in the Twentieth Century (New York: Macmillan, 1951), pp. 59-76, esp. p. 67, where Castle himself describes his interests as fourfold: "1. First came the problem, how extensive is the application of Mendel's law? . . . 2. The assumed purity of gametes. . . . Is it true? 3. The assumption that a character . . . cannot be modified by selection. Is it true? 4. The conclusion of Weismann that germ cells and body cells are distinct . . . Is it true?"
52. W. E. Castle, Genetics and Evolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), esp. Parts I-IV: "Relation of Genetics to Evolutionary Theory." Cf. W. E. Castle, "Color Varieties of the Rabbit and Other Rodents: Their Origin and Inheritance," Science, 26 (1907), 287-291; W. E. Castle and J. C. Phillips, Piebald Rats and Selection: An Experimental Test of the Effectiveness of Selection and of the Theory of Gametic Purity in Mendelian Crosses (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1914). In 1916, Castle took up a project on local cattle that combined his intellectual and social interests: he hoped to produce a "new breed of dairy cattle which would make much milk of excellent quality" and determine "whether [cow] inheritance is by simple or multiple factors." This project ended abruptly in 1918, see 1916-1917 and 1918-19 Bussey Annual Reports, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On genetics and the agricultural connection, see Barbara Kimmelman, "A Progressive Era Discipline: Genetics at American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations, 1900-1920" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
53. W. E. Castle, Genetics and Evolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), esp. Parts I-IV: "Relation of Genetics to Evolutionary Theory." Cf. W. E. Castle, "Color Varieties of the Rabbit and Other Rodents: Their Origin and Inheritance," Science, 26 (1907), 287-291; W. E. Castle and J. C. Phillips, Piebald Rats and Selection: An Experimental Test of the Effectiveness of Selection and of the Theory of Gametic Purity in Mendelian Crosses (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1914). In 1916, Castle took up a project on local cattle that combined his intellectual and social interests: he hoped to produce a "new breed of dairy cattle which would make much milk of excellent quality" and determine "whether [cow] inheritance is by simple or multiple factors." This project ended abruptly in 1918, see 1916-1917 and 1918-19 Bussey Annual Reports, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On genetics and the agricultural connection, see Barbara Kimmelman, "A Progressive Era Discipline: Genetics at American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations, 1900-1920" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
54. W. E. Castle, Genetics and Evolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), esp. Parts I-IV: "Relation of Genetics to Evolutionary Theory." Cf. W. E. Castle, "Color Varieties of the Rabbit and Other Rodents: Their Origin and Inheritance," Science, 26 (1907), 287-291; W. E. Castle and J. C. Phillips, Piebald Rats and Selection: An Experimental Test of the Effectiveness of Selection and of the Theory of Gametic Purity in Mendelian Crosses (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1914). In 1916, Castle took up a project on local cattle that combined his intellectual and social interests: he hoped to produce a "new breed of dairy cattle which would make much milk of excellent quality" and determine "whether [cow] inheritance is by simple or multiple factors." This project ended abruptly in 1918, see 1916-1917 and 1918-19 Bussey Annual Reports, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On genetics and the agricultural connection, see Barbara Kimmelman, "A Progressive Era Discipline: Genetics at American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations, 1900-1920" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
55. W. E. Castle, Genetics and Evolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), esp. Parts I-IV: "Relation of Genetics to Evolutionary Theory." Cf. W. E. Castle, "Color Varieties of the Rabbit and Other Rodents: Their Origin and Inheritance," Science, 26 (1907), 287-291; W. E. Castle and J. C. Phillips, Piebald Rats and Selection: An Experimental Test of the Effectiveness of Selection and of the Theory of Gametic Purity in Mendelian Crosses (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1914). In 1916, Castle took up a project on local cattle that combined his intellectual and social interests: he hoped to produce a "new breed of dairy cattle which would make much milk of excellent quality" and determine "whether [cow] inheritance is by simple or multiple factors." This project ended abruptly in 1918, see 1916-1917 and 1918-19 Bussey Annual Reports, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On genetics and the agricultural connection, see Barbara Kimmelman, "A Progressive Era Discipline: Genetics at American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations, 1900-1920" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
56. W. E. Castle, Genetics and Evolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1916), esp. Parts I-IV: "Relation of Genetics to Evolutionary Theory." Cf. W. E. Castle, "Color Varieties of the Rabbit and Other Rodents: Their Origin and Inheritance," Science, 26 (1907), 287-291; W. E. Castle and J. C. Phillips, Piebald Rats and Selection: An Experimental Test of the Effectiveness of Selection and of the Theory of Gametic Purity in Mendelian Crosses (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1914). In 1916, Castle took up a project on local cattle that combined his intellectual and social interests: he hoped to produce a "new breed of dairy cattle which would make much milk of excellent quality" and determine "whether [cow] inheritance is by simple or multiple factors." This project ended abruptly in 1918, see 1916-1917 and 1918-19 Bussey Annual Reports, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. On genetics and the agricultural connection, see Barbara Kimmelman, "A Progressive Era Discipline: Genetics at American Agricultural Colleges and Experiment Stations, 1900-1920" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
57. W. E. Castle, "The Incompleteness of Our Knowledge of Mammalian Genetics," J. Mammal., 14 (1933), 183-188, quote p. 183. Notably, Castle was not the only Busseyite skeptical of Morgan's work. As Dunn recalled, "Wheeler's rejection [of the transmission school] was in fact almost theological in tone." Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 95-95a.
58. W. E. Castle, "The Incompleteness of Our Knowledge of Mammalian Genetics," J. Mammal., 14 (1933), 183-188, quote p. 183. Notably, Castle was not the only Busseyite skeptical of Morgan's work. As Dunn recalled, "Wheeler's rejection [of the transmission school] was in fact almost theological in tone." Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 95-95a.
59. By contrast, Kohler argues that Morgan "foraged" or experimented with many organisms as a "conscious strategy for keeping up with or insinuating himself into fast-moving research fronts" - see Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), p. 27; 1924-1925 Bussey Institution Annual Report, Harvard Annual Reports, pp. 160-165 (quote on p. 161), HUA-PL.
60. By contrast, Kohler argues that Morgan "foraged" or experimented with many organisms as a "conscious strategy for keeping up with or insinuating himself into fast-moving research fronts" - see Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), p. 27; 1924-1925 Bussey Institution Annual Report, Harvard Annual Reports, pp. 160-165 (quote on p. 161), HUA-PL.
61. W. E. Castle, F. W. Carpenter, A. H. Clarke, S. O. Mast, and W. M. Barrows, "The Effects of Inbreeding, Cross-Breeding and Selection upon the Fertility and Variability of Drosophila," Proc. Amer. Acad. Sci., 41 (1911), 729-786.
62. "Dr. W. E. Castle," undated typescript reminiscences by Sheldon Reed, provided to the author by George Snell; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 61-61; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47.
63. "Dr. W. E. Castle," undated typescript reminiscences by Sheldon Reed, provided to the author by George Snell; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 61-61; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47.
64. "Dr. W. E. Castle," undated typescript reminiscences by Sheldon Reed, provided to the author by George Snell; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 61-61; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47.
65. Interview with George Snell (interviewer unknown), summer 1977, pp. 2-9 (quote p. 4, but see also p. 7: "I don't remember worrying over whether it was Morgan or Castle who was doing the more fundamental work."), JLA-BH. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 90-91, 41 ("Morgan was one of my gods."), and 853. Another reason for Dunn's choice was the chilly reception he received ("I was virtually ignored") on a undergraduate visit to Morgan's Columbia lab.
66. Interview with George Snell (interviewer unknown), summer 1977, pp. 2-9 (quote p. 4, but see also p. 7: "I don't remember worrying over whether it was Morgan or Castle who was doing the more fundamental work."), JLA-BH. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 90-91, 41 ("Morgan was one of my gods."), and 853. Another reason for Dunn's choice was the chilly reception he received ("I was virtually ignored") on a undergraduate visit to Morgan's Columbia lab.
67. Cf. C. C. Little, "The Relation of Heredity to Cancer in Man and Animals," Sci. Monthly, 3 (1916), 196-202. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 60.
68. Cf. C. C. Little, "The Relation of Heredity to Cancer in Man and Animals," Sci. Monthly, 3 (1916), 196-202. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 60.
69. Hans Grüneberg, The Genetics of the Mouse (London: Cambridge University Press, 1943), chap. 2.
70. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 49; 1934-1935 Bussey Annual Report, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. From the perspective of the Bussey graduate students, this situation was thought of slightly differently: Snell and Reed, "William Ernest Castle" (above, n. 2, p. 752) recall that Castle was simply "a prudent spender of the large funds at his disposal."
71. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 49; 1934-1935 Bussey Annual Report, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. From the perspective of the Bussey graduate students, this situation was thought of slightly differently: Snell and Reed, "William Ernest Castle" (above, n. 2, p. 752) recall that Castle was simply "a prudent spender of the large funds at his disposal."
72. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 49; 1934-1935 Bussey Annual Report, Harvard Annual Reports, HUA-PL. From the perspective of the Bussey graduate students, this situation was thought of slightly differently: Snell and Reed, "William Ernest Castle" (above, n. 2, p. 752) recall that Castle was simply "a prudent spender of the large funds at his disposal."
73. Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), p. 48. Cf. Retrospective analysis of mouse mutant reports in folder "Mouse Linkage Group Map Info," undated but c. 1950s, JLA-BH.
74. Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), p. 48. Cf. Retrospective analysis of mouse mutant reports in folder "Mouse Linkage Group Map Info," undated but c. 1950s, JLA-BH.
75. On fanciers, see Clyde Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 91-92, where Dunn discusses how he got black-and-tan mice from fanciers: cf. L. C. Dunn, "The Genetic Behavior of the [mouse] Color Varieties 'Black-and-Tan' and 'Red,'" Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 664-675. Cf. George Snell, "Inheritance in the House Mouse, the Linkage Relations of Short-Ear, Hairless, and Naked," Genetics, 16 (1931), 43, where Snell discusses how Castle obtained the "naked" mutant from two little-known researchers working at the University of Latvia in Riga.
76. On fanciers, see Clyde Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 91-92, where Dunn discusses how he got black-and-tan mice from fanciers: cf. L. C. Dunn, "The Genetic Behavior of the [mouse] Color Varieties 'Black-and-Tan' and 'Red,'" Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 664-675. Cf. George Snell, "Inheritance in the House Mouse, the Linkage Relations of Short-Ear, Hairless, and Naked," Genetics, 16 (1931), 43, where Snell discusses how Castle obtained the "naked" mutant from two little-known researchers working at the University of Latvia in Riga.
77. On fanciers, see Clyde Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 91-92, where Dunn discusses how he got black-and-tan mice from fanciers: cf. L. C. Dunn, "The Genetic Behavior of the [mouse] Color Varieties 'Black-and-Tan' and 'Red,'" Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 664-675. Cf. George Snell, "Inheritance in the House Mouse, the Linkage Relations of Short-Ear, Hairless, and Naked," Genetics, 16 (1931), 43, where Snell discusses how Castle obtained the "naked" mutant from two little-known researchers working at the University of Latvia in Riga.
78. On fanciers, see Clyde Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 185; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 91-92, where Dunn discusses how he got black-and-tan mice from fanciers: cf. L. C. Dunn, "The Genetic Behavior of the [mouse] Color Varieties 'Black-and-Tan' and 'Red,'" Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 664-675. Cf. George Snell, "Inheritance in the House Mouse, the Linkage Relations of Short-Ear, Hairless, and Naked," Genetics, 16 (1931), 43, where Snell discusses how Castle obtained the "naked" mutant from
79. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 124.
80. See discussion from Provine's interview with Sewall Wright, in Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 60-62. Out of Castle's 172 publications while at the Bussey, 31 were collaborative efforts with students: cf. bibliography in Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); W. E. Castle to L. C. Dunn, 18 October 1924; WEC to LCD, 18 April 1931; both, L. C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as LCD-APS); Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 59.
81. See discussion from Provine's interview with Sewall Wright, in Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 60-62. Out of Castle's 172 publications while at the Bussey, 31 were collaborative efforts with students: cf. bibliography in Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); W. E. Castle to L. C. Dunn, 18 October 1924; WEC to LCD, 18 April 1931; both, L. C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as LCD-APS); Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 59.
82. See discussion from Provine's interview with Sewall Wright, in Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 60-62. Out of Castle's 172 publications while at the Bussey, 31 were collaborative efforts with students: cf. bibliography in Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); W. E. Castle to L. C. Dunn, 18 October 1924; WEC to LCD, 18 April 1931; both, L. C. Dunn Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as LCD-APS); Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 59.
83. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
84. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
85. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
86. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
87. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
88. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
89. George Snell, "Observations on Three Unit Characters of the House Mouse: Short Ear, Hairless, and Naked, with Special Reference to Linkage," Sc.D. 1930; L. C. Dunn, "Linked Genes in Mammals," Sc.D. 1920 (published as "Linkage in Mice and Rats," Genetics, 53 [1920], 325-343); Frank H. Clark, "The Inheritance and Linkage Relationships of a New Recessive Spotting in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1934; Sheldon Reed, "The Inheritance of Harelip and Fused in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1935. Cf. W. H. Gates, "The Japanese Waltzing Mouse: Its Origins, Heredity, and Relationship to the Genetic Characters of Other Varieties of Mice," Sc.D. 1926; Clyde Keeler, "Rodless Retinae: Studies on an Ophthalmic Mutation in the House Mouse," Sc.D. 1926. (All degrees and dissertations from Harvard; cf. HUA-PL.)
90. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
91. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
92. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
93. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
94. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
95. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
96. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), p. 47; cf. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55: "His [Castle's] enthusiasm was quiet and firm and controlled but never concealed." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), pp. 7-10; On Little's path to mouse genetics, see Karen A. Rader, "Of Mice, Medicine, and Genetics: C. C. Little's Creation of the Inbred Laboratory Mouse, 1909-1918," forthcoming in Stud. Hist. Phil. Biol. Biomed. Sci. Cf. Little, "Experimental Studies of Coat Color Inheritance in Mice," Carnegie Institute of Washington Publication No. 179, Paper No. 19 (Washington, D.C.: Gibson Brothers Press, 1913); "The Peculiar Inheritance of Pink-Eyes among Colored Mice," Science, 30 (1909), 313-315 (with W. E. Castle); and "On a Modified Mendelian Ratio among Yellow Mice," Science, 32 (1910), 868-870 (with W. E. Castle).
97. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54, cf. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 21, 61-62; Reed, "Dr. W. E. Castle" (above, n. 21). On Little's qualifying exams, see his autobiographical entries in the Harvard Class of 1910 Reports for 1917 (pp. 187-188) and 1935 (pp. 449-452), HUA-PL. See also Weir MSS in progress.
98. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54, cf. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 21, 61-62; Reed, "Dr. W. E. Castle" (above, n. 21). On Little's qualifying exams, see his autobiographical entries in the Harvard Class of 1910 Reports for 1917 (pp. 187-188) and 1935 (pp. 449-452), HUA-PL. See also Weir MSS in progress.
99. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), pp. 53-54, cf. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 21, 61-62; Reed, "Dr. W. E. Castle" (above, n. 21). On Little's qualifying exams, see his autobiographical entries in the Harvard Class of 1910 Reports for 1917 (pp. 187-188) and 1935 (pp. 449-452), HUA-PL. See also Weir MSS in progress.
100. Dunn and Wright both recall this feature of Castle's general attitude; in fact, one of the longest-running and most notorious disagreements was between Wright and Castle. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2); cf. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2), p. 752. Cf. On the friction between Castle and his students, cf. Author's Notes from Informal Conversation with Will Silvers, Princeton, N.J., September 1993.
101. Dunn and Wright both recall this feature of Castle's general attitude; in fact, one of the longest-running and most notorious disagreements was between Wright and Castle. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2); cf. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2), p. 752. Cf. On the friction between Castle and his students, cf. Author's Notes from Informal Conversation with Will Silvers, Princeton, N.J., September 1993.
102. Dunn and Wright both recall this feature of Castle's general attitude; in fact, one of the longest-running and most notorious disagreements was between Wright and Castle. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 55; Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2); cf. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2), p. 752. Cf. On the friction between Castle and his students, cf. Author's Notes from Informal Conversation with Will Silvers, Princeton, N.J., September 1993.
103. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
104. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
105. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
106. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
107. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
108. Cf. Provine, Sewall Wright (above, n. 2), pp. 48-52; E. C. MacDowell, "Size Inheritance in Rabbits," Sc.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1912 in HUA-PL. Castle had designed some experiments on hooded rats to test Morgan's assumptions about the immutability of gametes; he later retracted his contrary interpretation of them. See Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 49ff; also, W. E. Castle, "Variations of Linkage in Rats and Mice," Genetics, 9 (1924), 1-12 (with W. Wachter); "Hooded Rats and Selection: A Study of the Limitations of the Pure-line Theory," J. Exp. Zool., 50 (1928), 409-439. See Kimmelman, "Organisms and Interests" (above, n. 8) on a similar strategy by Emerson.
109. Drosophila geneticists were not the only ones mapping; corn geneticists had also begun linkage studies: cf. Maize Genetics Cooperative (based in Ithaca, N.Y.), "Recent Linkage Studies in Maize," Genetics, 24 (1939), 59-63. In 1916, Castle himself published a table of linkage intensities - when only a year before he had hesitated to use the term linkage in a paper on the same subject. Dunn remembered that, in general, "linearity seemed to be repugnant to him." Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 95. But James Crow recalls that linkage became a "growing concern" for Castle later in his career, though: "For a while he [Castle] constructed three-dimensional maps, much to the annoyance of the Drosophila school." See J. Crow to G. Snell, 1 February 1993, letter provided to author by Snell.
110. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 180; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13). Keeler, for example, thanked "Mrs. Kelley," whose main job was cleaning up the laboratories and the instruments; Sax describes "Mamie Kelley" as the Bussey "janitress . . . [who] had a typical Irish wit" (p. 178).
111. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 180; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13). Keeler, for example, thanked "Mrs. Kelley," whose main job was cleaning up the laboratories and the instruments; Sax describes "Mamie Kelley" as the Bussey "janitress . . . [who] had a typical Irish wit" (p. 178).
112. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 180; Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1); Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13). Keeler, for example, thanked "Mrs. Kelley," whose main job was cleaning up the laboratories and the instruments; Sax describes "Mamie Kelley" as the Bussey "janitress . . . [who] had a typical Irish wit" (p. 178).
113. On the founding of the Bussey dormitory (in a house where Castle once contemplated living himself), see Castle to Wheeler, 13 July 1915, Box 7, WMW-PL. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 50; Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13), p. 177; "[I]t was a shock to see him [Castle] pick up a rabbit that was no longer needed and break its neck on the edge of a metal ash can." Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 182, where he also notes: "[w]hen the Bussey boys ate the discard rabbits from Dr. Castle's experiments, they snitched cabbage and carrots [form the Bussey farm] to cook with them."
114. On the founding of the Bussey dormitory (in a house where Castle once contemplated living himself), see Castle to Wheeler, 13 July 1915, Box 7, WMW-PL. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 50; Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13), p. 177; "[I]t was a shock to see him [Castle] pick up a rabbit that was no longer needed and break its neck on the edge of a metal ash can." Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 182, where he also notes: "[w]hen the Bussey boys ate the discard rabbits from Dr. Castle's experiments, they snitched cabbage and carrots [form the Bussey farm] to cook with them."
115. On the founding of the Bussey dormitory (in a house where Castle once contemplated living himself), see Castle to Wheeler, 13 July 1915, Box 7, WMW-PL. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 50; Sax, "The Bussey Institution" (above, n. 13), p. 177; "[I]t was a shock to see him [Castle] pick up a rabbit that was no longer needed and break its neck on the edge of a metal ash can." Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 182, where he also notes: "[w]hen the Bussey boys ate the discard rabbits from Dr. Castle's experiments, they snitched cabbage and carrots [form the Bussey farm] to cook with them."
116. Oral History Interview with George Snell, June 1993, by the author. Elsewhere, Snell deadpanned: "I think he [Castle] liked to work with rabbits but he stuck his students along with the smelly mice." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), p. 5; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 60.
117. Oral History Interview with George Snell, June 1993, by the author. Elsewhere, Snell deadpanned: "I think he [Castle] liked to work with rabbits but he stuck his students along with the smelly mice." Snell interview (1977) (above, n. 22), p. 5; Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 60.
118. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2). See Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), and the preface to Keeler, "The Rodless Retina Mouse" (Sc.D. thesis), Harvard University, 1926, HUA-PL; On Vicari, see American Men of Science, 5th edn. (New York: Science Press, 1933). With regard to the application of a "Miss Warmbier" to the Bussey, Harvard President A. L. Lowell wrote to Wheeler on 12 June 1928 that it should be denied, on the grounds that "there is not surely room for her work, and such room as there is may be wanted for a man who is seeking admission" (Box 22, WMW-PL).
119. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2). See Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), and the preface to Keeler, "The Rodless Retina Mouse" (Sc.D. thesis), Harvard University, 1926, HUA-PL; On Vicari, see American Men of Science, 5th edn. (New York: Science Press, 1933). With regard to the application of a "Miss Warmbier" to the Bussey, Harvard President A. L. Lowell wrote to Wheeler on 12 June 1928 that it should be denied, on the grounds that "there is not surely room for her work, and such room as there is may be wanted for a man who is seeking admission" (Box 22, WMW-PL).
120. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2). See Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), and the preface to Keeler, "The Rodless Retina Mouse" (Sc.D. thesis), Harvard University, 1926, HUA-PL; On Vicari, see American Men of Science, 5th edn. (New York: Science Press, 1933). With regard to the application of a "Miss Warmbier" to the Bussey, Harvard President A. L. Lowell wrote to Wheeler on 12 June 1928 that it should be denied, on the grounds that "there is not surely room for her work, and such room as there is may be wanted for a man who is seeking admission" (Box 22, WMW-PL).
121. Snell and Reed, "Castle" (above, n. 2). See Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), and the preface to Keeler, "The Rodless Retina Mouse" (Sc.D. thesis), Harvard University, 1926, HUA-PL; On Vicari, see American Men of Science, 5th edn. (New York: Science Press, 1933). With regard to the application of a "Miss Warmbier" to the Bussey, Harvard President A. L. Lowell wrote to Wheeler on 12 June 1928 that it should be denied, on the grounds that "there is not surely room for her work, and such room as there is may be wanted for a man who is seeking admission" (Box 22, WMW-PL).
122. On Castle's retirement speech, see Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 74-75.
123. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
124. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
125. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
126. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
127. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
128. Little, for example, took successive jobs within the Harvard administration and at the Cancer Commission of the Harvard Medical School from 1914 to 1919, while still maintaining his mouse genetics breeding experiments at the Bussey. His mouse genetics work prospered during this period, and he published several papers on multiple allelomorphs and dominant spotting in mice. Cf. Jean Holstein, The First Fifty Years at the Jackson Laboratory (Bar Harbor: Jackson Laboratory, 1980), p. 7; Little, "A Note on Multiple Allelomorphs in Mice," Amer. Nat., 49 (1915), 122-124; "The Occurrence of Three Recognized Color Mutations in Mice," Amer. Nat., 50 (1916), 335-349. Also, Keeler accepted a position in the Howe Laboratory of Ophthalmology at the Harvard Medical School in 1927. As a result of this arrangement, he was able to do medically oriented work on genetic heart defects in mice, while his Bussey breeding experiments fortuitously turned up three new mouse mutants in the period from 1933 to 1935: two skeletal (parted frontal and interfrontal) and one coat pattern (waved-2). Cf. Keeler, "How It Began" (above, n. 11), p. 188; Clyde Keeler, The Laboratory Mouse (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), reviewed by C. C. Little, "Genes of Mice," in J. Hered., 23 (1932), 142.
129. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), pp. 179, 21, where he also notes there was a "well-beaten path from Harvard to Dartmouth."
130. Theodosius Dobzhansky, "Leslie Clarence Dunn," Bio. Mem. Nat. Acad. Sci., 49 (1978), 79-104; Dunn to Castle, 6 October 1928, LCD-APS.
131. "George Snell" in Current Biography, May 1986, pp. 48-50; W. E. Gates entry in American Men of Science (1933). Keeler eventually also fell into this category: he stayed at Harvard until 1939 then went to the Wistar Institute for three years, after which he ambled through a series of one- or two-year teaching positions and eventually landed at Georgia State College for Women in 1945. See American Men of Science, 8th edn. (Lancaster, Pa.: Science Press, 1949).
132. "George Snell" in Current Biography, May 1986, pp. 48-50; W. E. Gates entry in American Men of Science (1933). Keeler eventually also fell into this category: he stayed at Harvard until 1939 then went to the Wistar Institute for three years, after which he ambled through a series of one- or two-year teaching positions and eventually landed at Georgia State College for Women in 1945. See American Men of Science, 8th edn. (Lancaster, Pa.: Science Press, 1949).
133. "George Snell" in Current Biography, May 1986, pp. 48-50; W. E. Gates entry in American Men of Science (1933). Keeler eventually also fell into this category: he stayed at Harvard until 1939 then went to the Wistar Institute for three years, after which he ambled through a series of one- or two-year teaching positions and eventually landed at Georgia State College for Women in 1945. See American Men of Science, 8th edn. (Lancaster, Pa.: Science Press, 1949).
134. Gates, as quoted in "Mouse Club Newsletter," November 1922, Box 739, Clarence Cook Little Papers, Raymond Fogler Library, University of Maine, Orono (hereafter referred to as CCL-UMO).
135. See Snell's CV, provided to author by Snell; Oral History Interview with George Snell, May 1986, in the Jackson Lab Oral History Collection, American Philosophical Society; Snell to Dunn: 29 December 1929, 7 January 1930, 14 March 1930, 27 May 1930 (where he expresses distress at his lack of access to strains of mice needed for his linkage tests); all LCD-APS.
136. On Strong, see Dunn to Castle, 15 May 1925, LCD-APS. On English fanciers, see LCD to C. H. Danforth, 23 February 1928, LCD-APS. Carworth Farms was founded by Dunn's former Harvard colleague Freddy Carnochan in the 1920s: cf. Dunn Oral History (above, n. 15), p. 678.
137. Castle was periodically appointed an in-residence research associated, and the full-time geneticists included G. Harrison Shull (from 1904 to 1915) and Oscar Riddle (from 1914 to 1945). See Garland Allen, "The Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor: An Essay in Institutional History, Osiris, 2 (1986), 225-264, esp. pp. 230-231. Cf. On the changing role of summer research in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century biology, see Phillip J. Pauly, "Summer Resort and Scientific Discipline: Woods Hole and the Structure of American Biology, 1882-1925," in R. Rainger, K. Benson, and J. Maienschein, eds., The American Development of Biology (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988), pp. 121-150.
138. Castle was periodically appointed an in-residence research associated, and the full-time geneticists included G. Harrison Shull (from 1904 to 1915) and Oscar Riddle (from 1914 to 1945). See Garland Allen, "The Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor: An Essay in Institutional History, Osiris, 2 (1986), 225-264, esp. pp. 230-231. Cf. On the changing role of summer research in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century biology, see Phillip J. Pauly, "Summer Resort and Scientific Discipline: Woods Hole and the Structure of American Biology, 1882-1925," in R. Rainger, K. Benson, and J. Maienschein, eds., The American Development of Biology (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988), pp. 121-150.
139. CBD to E. C. MacDowell, 2 May 1912, plus MacDowell's [undated] reply; ECM to CBD, [?] July 1914 and 24 September 1914; CBD to ECM, 17 April 1918, plus various letters from ECM to CBD during his wartime service in France; all C. B. Davenport Papers (Cold Spring Harbor Series), American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia (hereafter referred to as CBD/CSH-APS).
140. CCL to C. B. Davenport, [?] 1918 (probably December), MacDowell to Davenport, 2 September 1919, which both mention plans for a dog-breeding colony: CBD/CSH-APS. Cf. C. C. Little, "A Note on the Origin of Piebald Spotting in Dogs," J. Hered., 11 (1920), 12-15.
141. LCD to CCL, 6 June 1929, LCD-APS; cf. Dunn, "A New Series of Allelomorphs in Mice," Nature, 129 (1932), 130, and "Analysis of a Case of Mosaicism in the House Mouse," J. Genet., 29 (1934), 317-326. For a sample of Gates's work at the SEE, see Gates and Elizabeth Lord, "Shaker: A New Mutation in the House Mouse," Amer. Nat., 63 (1929), 435.
142. LCD to CCL, 6 June 1929, LCD-APS; cf. Dunn, "A New Series of Allelomorphs in Mice," Nature, 129 (1932), 130, and "Analysis of a Case of Mosaicism in the House Mouse," J. Genet., 29 (1934), 317-326. For a sample of Gates's work at the SEE, see Gates and Elizabeth Lord, "Shaker: A New Mutation in the House Mouse," Amer. Nat., 63 (1929), 435.
143. LCD to CCL, 6 June 1929, LCD-APS; cf. Dunn, "A New Series of Allelomorphs in Mice," Nature, 129 (1932), 130, and "Analysis of a Case of Mosaicism in the House Mouse," J. Genet., 29 (1934), 317-326. For a sample of Gates's work at the SEE, see Gates and Elizabeth Lord, "Shaker: A New Mutation in the House Mouse," Amer. Nat., 63 (1929), 435.
144. L. C. Strong, "Inbred Mice in Science," in Morse, ed., Origins of Inbred Mice (above, n. 11), 45-67, quote p. 49. Cf. Davenport's "Memorandum for Dr. MacDowell," 16 December 1926, and CCL to CBD, [no month and no day] 1918 and 26 May 1918, both from CBD-APS.
145. L. C. Strong, "Inbred Mice in Science," in Morse, ed., Origins of Inbred Mice (above, n. 11), 45-67, quote p. 49. Cf. Davenport's "Memorandum for Dr. MacDowell," 16 December 1926, and CCL to CBD, [no month and no day] 1918 and 26 May 1918, both from CBD-APS.
146. On the Little-Davenport clash that led to Little's departure, see the series of correspondence between them from March 1921 to May 1922: in short, Davenport appeared to resent Little's attempts to take charge of the most mundane administrative situations (e.g., disciplining assistants) as well as the most delicate (like negotiations with the Carnegie Foundation); ECM to CBD, 31 August 1922 and 31 August 1923, where MacDowell describes himself as a "mouse geneticist"; cf. ECM's typescript Project Descriptions, 1923-1924, as well as for 1926, "Phenomena of Gestation," all CBD/CSH-APS.
147. Cf. CCL to LCD, 12 December 1928, LCD-APS. On the founding of the Mouse Club, see E. S. Russell. "Origins and History of Mouse Inbred Strains: Contributions of Clarence Cook Little," in Morse, ed., Origins of Inbred Mice (above, n. 11), pp. 33-43. Russell says Joseph Murray, one of Little's students at the University of Maine, remembers Little's starting this organization. Interestingly, Elizabeth Russell herself recalls this group as the "Mouse Men of America" or the "Founders Club": see also Oral History Interview by author with Elizabeth Russell, June 1993, Bar Harbor, Me.; and Oral History Interview with Elizabeth Russell, Jackson Laboratory Oral History Collection, American Philosophical Society, p. 13. CCL to CBD, 14 January 1921, CBD/CSH-APS.
148. Cf. CCL to LCD, 12 December 1928, LCD-APS. On the founding of the Mouse Club, see E. S. Russell. "Origins and History of Mouse Inbred Strains: Contributions of Clarence Cook Little," in Morse, ed., Origins of Inbred Mice (above, n. 11), pp. 33-43. Russell says Joseph Murray, one of Little's students at the University of Maine, remembers Little's starting this organization. Interestingly, Elizabeth Russell herself recalls this group as the "Mouse Men of America" or the "Founders Club": see also Oral History Interview by author with Elizabeth Russell, June 1993, Bar Harbor, Me.; and Oral History Interview with Elizabeth Russell, Jackson Laboratory Oral History Collection, American Philosophical Society, p. 13. CCL to CBD, 14 January 1921, CBD/CSH-APS.
149. Cf. CCL to LCD, 12 December 1928, LCD-APS. On the founding of the Mouse Club, see E. S. Russell. "Origins and History of Mouse Inbred Strains: Contributions of Clarence Cook Little," in Morse, ed., Origins of Inbred Mice (above, n. 11), pp. 33-43. Russell says Joseph Murray, one of Little's students at the University of Maine, remembers Little's starting this organization. Interestingly, Elizabeth Russell herself recalls this group as the "Mouse Men of America" or the "Founders Club": see also Oral History Interview by author with Elizabeth Russell, June 1993, Bar Harbor, Me.; and Oral History Interview with Elizabeth Russell, Jackson Laboratory Oral History Collection, American Philosophical Society, p. 13. CCL to CBD, 14 January 1921, CBD/CSH-APS.
150. On the Jackson Lab and mouse genetics, see chapter 4 of Karen A. Rader, "Making Mice: C. C. Little, the Jackson Laboratory, and the Standardization of Mus Musculus for Research" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1995). Cf. CCL to LCD (handwritten, no month or day), 1940, LCD-APS; Robert Cook, "The Roscoe B. Jackson Memorial Laboratory Celebrates Tenth Birthday," J. Hered., 30 (1939), 448-452.
151. On the Jackson Lab and mouse genetics, see chapter 4 of Karen A. Rader, "Making Mice: C. C. Little, the Jackson Laboratory, and the Standardization of Mus Musculus for Research" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1995). Cf. CCL to LCD (handwritten, no month or day), 1940, LCD-APS; Robert Cook, "The Roscoe B. Jackson Memorial Laboratory Celebrates Tenth Birthday," J. Hered., 30 (1939), 448-452.
152. Cf. Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), pp. 162-167.
153. See, e.g., Mouse Club Newsletters from 1922, Box 739 and Box 732, CCL-UMO. In 1941, this form of communication became the official "Mouse Newsletter" - the forerunner of the contemporary Mouse Genome (now Mammalian Genome): see Rader, "Making Mice" (above, n. 55).
154. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 54. Castle himself went on to a new position as research associate in genetics at the University of California Berkeley, where he had no students but continued working on a wide range of mammalian genetics studies that included, but were not limited to, mice. Cf. Snell and Reed, "William Ernest Castle" (above, n. 2), p. 752.
155. Dunn, "Castle" (above, n. 1), p. 54. Castle himself went on to a new position as research associate in genetics at the University of California Berkeley, where he had no students but continued working on a wide range of mammalian genetics studies that included, but were not limited to, mice. Cf. Snell and Reed, "William Ernest Castle" (above, n. 2), p. 752.
156. On "form of life," see Andrew Pickering's discussion of Wittgenstein's influence in science studies: "From Science as Knowledge to Science as Practice," in Pickering, ed., Science as Practice and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 1-26. On Clara Lynch and John Gowen as drosophilists, see Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), pp. 92-96; and as Mouse People, see Rader, Making Mice (above, n. 55), p. 341.
157. On "form of life," see Andrew Pickering's discussion of Wittgenstein's influence in science studies: "From Science as Knowledge to Science as Practice," in Pickering, ed., Science as Practice and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 1-26. On Clara Lynch and John Gowen as drosophilists, see Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), pp. 92-96; and as Mouse People, see Rader, Making Mice (above, n. 55), p. 341.
158. On "form of life," see Andrew Pickering's discussion of Wittgenstein's influence in science studies: "From Science as Knowledge to Science as Practice," in Pickering, ed., Science as Practice and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 1-26. On Clara Lynch and John Gowen as drosophilists, see Kohler, Lords (above, n. 7), pp. 92-96; and as Mouse People, see Rader, Making Mice (above, n. 55), p. 341.