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Volumn 22, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 243-254

The proceduralization of telecommunications law

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DECISION MAKING; EFFICIENCY; PUBLIC POLICY; SOCIETIES AND INSTITUTIONS; TELECOMMUNICATION;

EID: 0032045855     PISSN: 03085961     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/S0308-5961(98)00008-1     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (9)

References (102)
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    • For example, there is in the UK a debate developing as to whether Oftel and the various broadcasting regulators should be subsumed within a single Office of Communications, with similar scope (if not powers) to the US Federal Communications Commission: Collins, R. and Murroni, C., New Media New Policies. Polity Press, Cambridge, 1996.
    • (1996) New Media New Policies
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    • See generally Stevenson, J., New Zealand. In Telecommunications Law and Practice ed. C. Long. Sweet & Maxwell, London, 1995, pp. 563-589.
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    • note
    • See the Disclosure Regulations, SR 1990 no. 120, and amended by Amendment no. 1 SR 1993 No 380, issued under the Telecommunications Act 1987.
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    • (1996) Regulation of Access to Natural Monopolies
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    • Figures 1 and 2 are based on the models developed by Ayres, I. and Braithwaite, J., Responsive Regulation. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1992. The pyramid is used to show the chief effort will be in the base portion of the pyramid, provided that there are credible and appropriate further steps which may be taken above the base should action at the base fail. Thus, a credible and effective regime is effective without being intrusive because the threat of more interventionist (and less desirable) measures encourages the actors to cooperate at the base.
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    • Clear Communications v. Telecom New Zealand [1995] 1 NZLR 385 (PC).
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    • between Telecom New Zealand Limited and Clear Communications Ltd, Wellington
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    • Initially through a Network Interworking Industry Forum (NIF) to be replaced by a Communications Industry Forum (CIF). An Access Code is to be negotiated through another industry body, the Telecommunications Access Forum (TAF): Horton, B., Post '97 Regulation: An Unknown Culture. In the papers of the Communications Research Forum, Bureau of Transport and Communications Economics, Melbourne, 1996.
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    • The simplification put in place by the new, 1997 regime, does not prevent the main legislative enactment (which is supplemented by others) running to 594 sections, which appears exceedingly long to a British lawyer's eyes. Telecommunications Act 1997 (Australian Commonwealth). The full text is available at http://www/austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/ consol_act/ta1997214/.
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    • published by Oftel provides details of current and decided cases, indicating the approach Oftel has taken
    • . Additionally, a regular Competition Bulletin published by Oftel provides details of current and decided cases, indicating the approach Oftel has taken.
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    • Telecommunications services and the World Trade Organization
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    • and reproduced at 36 ILM 367
    • The World Trade Organization 'Reference Paper' was not formally published but is referred to in the Introductory Note to the Agreement on Telecommunications Services 36 International Legal Materials 354, 1997 and reproduced at 36 ILM 367.
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    • This description obviously excludes the experience of the United States where regulated private monopoly has been the general rule in this century, though this has given way to competition in the long distance telecommunications market since the 1960s and the Communications Act of 1996 holds out the prospect of competition developing in local telecommunications markets.
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    • note
    • The fact that Oftel proposed regimes which were less burdensome in respect of interconnection and price controls than might have been anticipated, following extensive consultation, might be taken as evidence of capture by the dominant firm. However, the very fact of extensive consultation has meant that other firms and consumer groups have better information than hitherto, as do analysts, and there has been no suggestion of hidden motives. Where there has been some questioning, particularly the slippage in the terms on which competition rules based on Articles 85 and 86 were to be applied to BT, this may be attributed to a statutory structure which encourages Oftel and BT to negotiate behind closed doors in the final stages of a licence modification.
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    • This concern applies more generally to the issue of the creation of EU-level regulatory authorities. No agency has been created distinct from the Commission which has classical regulatory powers of rule-making, monitoring and enforcement. The European Environment Agency, for example, exists chiefly to gather and disseminate information: Ladeur, K.-H., The European Environment Agency and prospects for a European network of environmental administrations. In The New European Agencies ed. A.Kreher European University Institute, Florence, 1996;
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    • Hayek notes of a certain type of 'social' legislation: The aim of it is to direct private activity towards particular ends and to the benefit of particular groups. It was as the result of such endeavours, inspired by the will-o-the-wisp of 'social justice' that the gradual transformation of purpose-independent rules of just conduct (or the rules of private law) into purpose-dependent rules of organisation (or rules of public law) has taken place.' (142). This is not to say that Hayek opposes the development of mechanisms to supply collectively goods which would not be supplied by the market alone. Indeed, he anticipates the administration of levies and funds by firms for the provision of collective goods, resonant with EC proposals for the creation of universal service funds to finance universal service in voice telephony: Hayek, F. A., Law Legislation and Liberty, Vol. 3: The Political Order of a Free People. Routledge, London, 1979, p. 146.
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    • Such a generalization of norms in economic form is, however, unlikely to be complete as a social regulatory agenda, for example in relation to provision of universal service, continues to be reflected in evolving rule-systems: Scott, C., Changing patterns of European Community utilities law and policy: an institutional hypothesis. In New Legal Dynamics of European Union, ed. J. Shaw and G. More. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1996.
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    • In some cases such barriers are intended, as in the case of the prohibition on the two main UK public telecommunications operators on providing broadcast entertainment services over their national telecommunications networks. This prohibition, intended to last until 2001 (though it may be subject to earlier review by the new Labour government) was to protect the investments of cable TV operators during their early years.
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    • Collins and Murroni adopt the term 'fuzzy law' to capture the notion of general rules. 'Regulation needs to apply general principles to particular issues case by case and needs to steer an optimal path between contradictory policy goals'. They recognize that the deployment of such general principles must be accompanied by regulatory discretion so as to avoid risks of political interference: New Media New Policies op. cit. pp. 175-176.
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    • This is not to say the national governments implementing supranational norms will necessarily retain the simplicity and general characteristics of supranational norms. However, at least within the European Union, the promulgation of unduly complex regulatory systems might create barrier to trade, thereby falling foul of either the specific duties to implement the relevant legislation, or the general duty of loyalty of the Member States, Article 5 EC.
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    • Cotterrell's communitarian vision is of collective participation in political decision making, and of law which, instead of directing behaviour, seeks to build on the existing behavioural incentives of individuals, encouraging actions that are favoured and constraining those which are not. Thus law approves some motivations, purports to reinforce and reward some attitudes, 'officially' confirms some assumptions about what counts as merit and demerit, and potentially discourages, deters, and disconfirms other motivations, attitudes and assumptions.' Cotterrell, R., Law's Community: Legal Theory in Sociological Perspective. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1995, 270.
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    • Such a programme would involve subtle changes to power relations, and recognition that general legal rules and specific and discretionary rules are in a continuum in which both forms are likely to be part of any regulatory strategy: Cotterrell Law's Community: Legal Theory in Sociological Perspective op. cit. p. 271.
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    • The Guardian 11 September 1996.
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    • The most developed model, 'responsive regulation', is one in which the capacity of firms to develop their own regulatory rules is exploited through the development of general regulatory norms. 'Enforced self-regulation' is a model under which the content of regulatory rules is determined by the firm, which also monitors for compliance, each aspect being subject to the approval of a state regulatory authority. Ayres, I. and Braithwaite, J., Responsive Regulation - Transcending the Deregulation Debate, Chapter 4, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1992.
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    • Paradoxically such requirements may reduce the extent to which domestic governments can rely on non-legal and less formal oversight mechanisms: Wilks, S., Regulatory compliance and capitalist diversity in Europe. Journal of European Public Policy, 1996, 3, 536-59, 547. Supranational regulatory developments may therefore reduce the extent to which problems of regulatory law may be overcome.
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    • This is precisely contrary to the arguments of Tony Prosser who suggests that whereas most issues of utilities regulation should be proceduralized with the regulator supervising transparent procedures for rule making, the protection of certain social continued from page 253 obligations is so important that social principles should, in a sense, trump other concerns and be protected by regulators absolutely: Prosser, T., Law and the Regulators. Oxford University Press, Oxford 1997.
    • (1997) Law and the Regulators
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    • Universal service in liberalised telecommunications markets
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    • The British regulator, Oftel, has eschewed the use of legislative powers to regulate the quality of dominant firms' service and persuaded all firms to develop codes of practice on such matters. Oftel has abandoned access deficit contributions and universal service funds in favour of a decision that the reputational and other advantages of meeting loss-making universal service obligations exceed the cost to British Telecom of providing the services. The regulator is withdrawing from a role in regulating the closure of public call-boxes and putting such decisions down to negotiation between local authorities and BT. Such steps have occurred alongside more traditional regulatory involvement in requiring BT to offer low-cost services which permit incoming and emergency calls only, and the development of principles under which disconnection for non-payment is greatly reduced. See generally Murroni, C., Universal service in liberalised telecommunications markets. In The Economics of the Information Society ed A. Dumort and J. Dryden, pp. 109-116 . Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, Luxembourg; 1996.
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