The princess of Monaco's hair: The revolutionary tribunal and the pregnancy plea

Journal of Family History

Volumn 23, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 136-158

  Brown, Stephanie ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0032040525     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909802300203     Document Type: Article

References (132)

1. Archives nationales, Series W (hereafter A.N. W), carton 432, plaquette 971, pièce 47. Born in 1767, the Princess of Monaco was the younger daughter of Jacques Philippe, comte de Stainville, and Thérèse de Clermont d'Amboise. Her eldest uncle, the duc de Choiseul, former minister and secretary of state, had died the year before she was born; her aunt Béatrix de Choiseul, duchesse de Grammont, had been executed by the same tribunal three months earlier. The fifteen-year-old mademoiselle de Stainville had married Joseph Grimaldi, Prince of Monaco, in 1782. After Monaco was annexed to France in 1793, Madame de Monaco journeyed to Paris to establish residency to protect her property. She was arrested there in the winter of 1793-94. See Jean-Joël Brégeon, Les Grimaldi de Monaco (Paris: Criterion, 1991), 197, 285, and Gaston Maugras, La Disgrace du duc et de la duchesse de Choiseul (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1903), 453-55.
2. Archives nationales, Series W (hereafter A.N. W), carton 432, plaquette 971, pièce 47. Born in 1767, the Princess of Monaco was the younger daughter of Jacques Philippe, comte de Stainville, and Thérèse de Clermont d'Amboise. Her eldest uncle, the duc de Choiseul, former minister and secretary of state, had died the year before she was born; her aunt Béatrix de Choiseul, duchesse de Grammont, had been executed by the same tribunal three months earlier. The fifteen-year-old mademoiselle de Stainville had married Joseph Grimaldi, Prince of Monaco, in 1782. After Monaco was annexed to France in 1793, Madame de Monaco journeyed to Paris to establish residency to protect her property. She was arrested there in the winter of 1793-94. See Jean-Joël Brégeon, Les Grimaldi de Monaco (Paris: Criterion, 1991), 197, 285, and Gaston Maugras, La Disgrace du duc et de la duchesse de Choiseul (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1903), 453-55.
3. Archives nationales, Series W (hereafter A.N. W), carton 432, plaquette 971, pièce 47. Born in 1767, the Princess of Monaco was the younger daughter of Jacques Philippe, comte de Stainville, and Thérèse de Clermont d'Amboise. Her eldest uncle, the duc de Choiseul, former minister and secretary of state, had died the year before she was born; her aunt Béatrix de Choiseul, duchesse de Grammont, had been executed by the same tribunal three months earlier. The fifteen-year-old mademoiselle de Stainville had married Joseph Grimaldi, Prince of Monaco, in 1782. After Monaco was annexed to France in 1793, Madame de Monaco journeyed to Paris to establish residency to protect her property. She was arrested there in the winter of 1793-94. See Jean-Joël Brégeon, Les Grimaldi de Monaco (Paris: Criterion, 1991), 197, 285, and Gaston Maugras, La Disgrace du duc et de la duchesse de Choiseul (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1903), 453-55.
4. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968, 11.
5. Ibid., 9.
6. Ibid., 8.
7. Ibid., 7, in Olivier Blanc, Last Letters: Prisons and Prisoners of the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan (London: André Deutsch Limited, 1987), 69.
8. Blanc, 228, n. 113.
9. On the creation of the tribunal, see Emile Campardon, Le Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Henri Pion, 1866), I: 5-23; James Logan Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice: A Study of the Organization, Personnel, and Procedure of the Paris Tribunal, 1793-1795 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 3-24; and Henri Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1880-1882), I: 41-79.
10. On the creation of the tribunal, see Emile Campardon, Le Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Henri Pion, 1866), I: 5-23; James Logan Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice: A Study of the Organization, Personnel, and Procedure of the Paris Tribunal, 1793-1795 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 3-24; and Henri Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1880-1882), I: 41-79.
11. On the creation of the tribunal, see Emile Campardon, Le Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Henri Pion, 1866), I: 5-23; James Logan Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice: A Study of the Organization, Personnel, and Procedure of the Paris Tribunal, 1793-1795 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 3-24; and Henri Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal révolutionnaire de Paris (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1880-1882), I: 41-79.
12. See Joan Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988).
13. See Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 142-43.
14. See, for example, the case of Catherine-Elisabeth Durand, the widow Pasdeloup, who was imprisoned in the Bastille for selling patriotic pamphlets on the street in the summer of 1771; that of Elisabeth Fleury, the shop girl of one M. Simon, publisher to the Parlement, who was imprisoned in July 1771, also for trafficking in patriotic pamphlets; and of Louise-Charlotte Pestrelle and her daughter, who were imprisoned the following summer for their part in the "Affaire des libelles contre le Parlement Maupeou." See Frantz Funck-Brentano, Les Lettres de Cachet àParis, étude suivie d'une liste des prisonniers de la Bastille (1650-1789) (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1903), 386, 389. On women's involvement in the Maupeou crisis, see particularly Dale van Kley, "The Religious Origins of the Patriot and Ministerial Parties in Pre-Revolutionary France: Controversy over the Chancellor's Constitutional Coup, 1771-1775," Historical Reflections 18, no. 2 (1992): 17-63, esp. 41-48.
15. See, for example, the case of Catherine-Elisabeth Durand, the widow Pasdeloup, who was imprisoned in the Bastille for selling patriotic pamphlets on the street in the summer of 1771; that of Elisabeth Fleury, the shop girl of one M. Simon, publisher to the Parlement, who was imprisoned in July 1771, also for trafficking in patriotic pamphlets; and of Louise-Charlotte Pestrelle and her daughter, who were imprisoned the following summer for their part in the "Affaire des libelles contre le Parlement Maupeou." See Frantz Funck-Brentano, Les Lettres de Cachet àParis, étude suivie d'une liste des prisonniers de la Bastille (1650-1789) (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1903), 386, 389. On women's involvement in the Maupeou crisis, see particularly Dale van Kley, "The Religious Origins of the Patriot and Ministerial Parties in Pre-Revolutionary France: Controversy over the Chancellor's Constitutional Coup, 1771-1775," Historical Reflections 18, no. 2 (1992): 17-63, esp. 41-48.
16. Richard Mowery Andrews, Law Magistracy, and Crime in Old Regime Paris, 1735-1789 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 498.
17. André Laingui and Arlette Lebigre, Le droit pénal, vol. 1 of Histoire du droit pénal (Paris: Cujas, 1979), 1: 91.
18. A.N. W 268, plaq. 10, 1 bis. My thanks to Carla Hesse for sharing her notes on this dossier with me.
19. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860: receuil complet des débats des chambres franaises, lère série, 1787-1799 (Paris: Librairie Administrative Paul Dupont, 1879-1913), 62: 703-04.
20. Ibid, 704.
21. Law 5, De statu hominum: Non debet calamitas matris nocere ei qui in ventre est, quoted in D. and A. Dalloz, Répertoire méthodique et alphabétique de législation, de doctrine et de jurisprudence (Paris: Bureau de la Jurisprudence générale, 1855), 35: 683.
22. Jean Verdier, La Jurisprudence de la Médecine en France, ou Traitée historique et juridique des Etablissements, Reglemens, Police, Devoirs, Fonctions, Honneurs, Droits et Privilèges des trois Corps de Médecine; avec les Devoirs, Fonctions et Autorité des Juges à leur égard (Alençon, 1762), 2: 329-34.
23. Robert Anchel, Crimes et châtiments au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Librairie Académique Perrin, 1933), 69-70. Although Anchel does not cite an archivai source for this story, his position as archivist at the National Archives and his assertion that he has taken his work "exclusively from archival documents, that it owes almost nothing to previous authors and nothing at all to imagination, of which he has none" (vii) seem adequate reasons for trusting Madame Lescombat's tale.
24. Cissie Fairchilds, "Female Sexual Attitudes and the Rise of Illegitimacy: A Case Study," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 8, no. 4 (1978), 630 and n. 8.
25. Ibid., 634, n. 15. In Fairchilds's study of déclarations de grossesse in Aix-en-Provence between 1727 and 1789, she found only 57 cases (out of 3,001 in the sample) in which upper-class women made declarations.
26. James C. Oldham, "On Pleading the Belly: A History of the Jury of Matrons," Criminal Justice History 6 (1985): 3.
27. Misson, Travels over England, quoted in Leon Radzinowicz, A History of English Criminal Law and its Administration from 1750 (London: Stevens and Sons 1948) 1: 12, n. 35.
28. See Daniel Defoe, The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders (1722; London: Penguin Library, 1978), 260, and John Gay, The Beggar's Opera, ed. Edgar Roberts (London: E. Arnold, 1969), 7, 62.
29. See Daniel Defoe, The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders (1722; London: Penguin Library, 1978), 260, and John Gay, The Beggar's Opera, ed. Edgar Roberts (London: E. Arnold, 1969), 7, 62.
30. Oldham, "On Pleading the Belly," 23.
31. Ibid., 18-19 and 22-23.
32. J. M. Beattie, "The Administration of the English Criminal Law in the Eighteenth Century: Trial Jury Verdicts and Pardons in Surrey" (paper presented at the History of Law, Labour and Crime Conference, Legal Research Institute of the School of Law, University of Warwick, 15-18 Sept. 1983), 22, cited in Oldham, "On Pleading the Belly," 19.
33. Oldham, 21.
34. A lawyer from Calvados, Henri-Larivière (1761-1838), had ties to the Girondins. In early June 1793, he was placed under arrest and fled Paris; he remained in hiding until May 1795, when he resumed his place in the convention. See August Kuscinski, Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Paris: Société de l'Histoire de la Révolution française, 1916), 328; Colin Jones, The Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1988), 362.
35. A lawyer from Calvados, Henri-Larivière (1761-1838), had ties to the Girondins. In early June 1793, he was placed under arrest and fled Paris; he remained in hiding until May 1795, when he resumed his place in the convention. See August Kuscinski, Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Paris: Société de l'Histoire de la Révolution française, 1916), 328; Colin Jones, The Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1988), 362.
36. In this form of punishment, the neck of a criminal was attached to an iron collar attached to a post planted in the ground. See the Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (Stuttgart, 1966), II: 674.
37. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à1860: receuil complet des débats des chambres françaises, lère série, 1787-1799 (Paris: Librairie Administrative Paul Dupont, 1879-1913), 49: 140.
38. Ibid., 140.
39. I have defined childbearing age as being between fifteen and forty-five.
40. Eighteen of those who claimed pregnancy did so during germinal year two and after, with ten of the claims being made during the first nine days of Thermidor.
41. The Law of 10 June (22 prairial year II) eliminated the public cross-examination of defendants, the office of defense counsel, and the need to call defense witnesses; allowed "moral" as well as material evidence to be heard in court; and permitted the tribunal to pronounce only verdicts of acquittal or death. This law set in motion the "Great Terror," during which the abbreviated court procedure produced a tremendous increase in sentences, most of them to death. For a brief summary of the law, see Jones, The Longman Companion, 113; for the text of the law, see the Archives parlementaires 91: 484; for a discussion of the law, see Georges Lefebvre, "Sur la loi du 22 prairial," in Etudes sur la Révolution française, ed. Georges Lefebvre (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 110.
42. The Law of 10 June (22 prairial year II) eliminated the public cross-examination of defendants, the office of defense counsel, and the need to call defense witnesses; allowed "moral" as well as material evidence to be heard in court; and permitted the tribunal to pronounce only verdicts of acquittal or death. This law set in motion the "Great Terror," during which the abbreviated court procedure produced a tremendous increase in sentences, most of them to death. For a brief summary of the law, see Jones, The Longman Companion, 113; for the text of the law, see the Archives parlementaires 91: 484; for a discussion of the law, see Georges Lefebvre, "Sur la loi du 22 prairial," in Etudes sur la Révolution française, ed. Georges Lefebvre (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 110.
43. In July, the tribunal condemned 935 individuals (129 of them women) to death, 35 percent of the total number it condemned throughout the entire period. See Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 137, and A.N. W 263-433.
44. 36. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968. Their indictment was for having left France "the better to conspire against the people," for corresponding with the "enemies of the Republic," and displaying clearly their "hope and desire for the counter-revolution." For the record, Joly de Fleury appears to have been quite a character. She had been separated from her husband for most of their marriage. In 1778, her father had her incarcerated in a convent because of her "scandalous conduct"; after leaving the convent, Madame de Fleury journeyed to Italy, where she seems to have taken up with a manservant named Joseph Tosi. The two returned together to France. During the Revolution, Tosi served on the Revolutionary Committee for the Bonnet-Rouge Section in Paris. When Madame de Fleury was arrested, she wrote to Tosi to ask for his help and he responded, "I have not forgotten, citoyenne, the time when I had the honor to offer you my hand to enter your carriage. The only service I would offer you presently is to give you my hand to mount to the guillotine." H. de Broc, "Un témoin de la Révolution française à Paris: Jean-Gabriel-Philippe Morice," in Revue des questions historiques (Paris, 1892), VIII: 472, quoted in Paul Bisson de Barthélemy, Les Joly de Fleury: Procureurs généraux au parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Société d'Edition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1964), 45. On Tosi, see also Albert Soboul and Raymonde Monnier, Répertoire du personnel sectionnaire parisien en l'an II (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1985), 472
45. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968. Their indictment was for having left France "the better to conspire against the people," for corresponding with the "enemies of the Republic," and displaying clearly their "hope and desire for the counter-revolution." For the record, Joly de Fleury appears to have been quite a character. She had been separated from her husband for most of their marriage. In 1778, her father had her incarcerated in a convent because of her "scandalous conduct"; after leaving the convent, Madame de Fleury journeyed to Italy, where she seems to have taken up with a manservant named Joseph Tosi. The two returned together to France. During the Revolution, Tosi served on the Revolutionary Committee for the Bonnet-Rouge Section in Paris. When Madame de Fleury was arrested, she wrote to Tosi to ask for his help and he responded, "I have not forgotten, citoyenne, the time when I had the honor to offer you my hand to enter your carriage. The only service I would offer you presently is to give you my hand to mount to the guillotine." H. de Broc, "Un témoin de la Révolution française à Paris: Jean-Gabriel-Philippe Morice," in Revue des questions historiques (Paris, 1892), VIII: 472, quoted in Paul Bisson de Barthélemy, Les Joly de Fleury: Procureurs généraux au parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Société d'Edition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1964), 45. On Tosi, see also Albert Soboul and Raymonde Monnier, Répertoire du personnel sectionnaire parisien en l'an II (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1985), 472
46. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968. Their indictment was for having left France "the better to conspire against the people," for corresponding with the "enemies of the Republic," and displaying clearly their "hope and desire for the counter-revolution." For the record, Joly de Fleury appears to have been quite a character. She had been separated from her husband for most of their marriage. In 1778, her father had her incarcerated in a convent because of her "scandalous conduct"; after leaving the convent, Madame de Fleury journeyed to Italy, where she seems to have taken up with a manservant named Joseph Tosi. The two returned together to France. During the Revolution, Tosi served on the Revolutionary Committee for the Bonnet-Rouge Section in Paris. When Madame de Fleury was arrested, she wrote to Tosi to ask for his help and he responded, "I have not forgotten, citoyenne, the time when I had the honor to offer you my hand to enter your carriage. The only service I would offer you presently is to give you my hand to mount to the guillotine." H. de Broc, "Un témoin de la Révolution française à Paris: Jean-Gabriel-Philippe Morice," in Revue des questions historiques (Paris, 1892), VIII: 472, quoted in Paul Bisson de Barthélemy, Les Joly de Fleury: Procureurs généraux au parlement de Paris au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Société d'Edition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1964), 45. On Tosi, see also Albert Soboul and Raymonde Monnier, Répertoire du personnel sectionnaire parisien en l'an II (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1985), 472
47. A. N. W 431, plaq. 968, 41.
48. Ibid., 13.
49. Ibid., 12.
50. Ibid., 14.
51. Léon le Grand, "L'Hospice national du Tribunal révolutionnaire," in Revue des Questions historiques (July 1890), 135-38.
52. According to Le Grand, this Théry is not the same individual as the Thiéry who was employed as a doctor at the Conciergerie in November 1792. This Théry was appointed to the position with the tribunal in June 1793 on Robespierre's recommendation. See Le Grand, 145-46, n. 5.
53. Souberbeille, born in 1754 in Pontacq (Basses-Pyrénées), had tended to the wounded during the taking of the Bastille. He served as a surgeon in the prisons, attending to Marie-Antoinette among others. Outside prison, he was Robespierre's own physician. See Max Billard, Les Femmes enceintes devant le Tribunal révolutionnaire (Paris: Perrin, 1911), 90, n. 1. Billard's book relies both on archival work and on undocumented, anecdotal evidence; he described his book as "touching on the greatest crimes of the Revolution, crime which will remain a stain on the honor of the Republic" (p. 12). His analysis, although it is the only work on this problem that I have found, romanticizes the issue to the point of being of limited use.
54. Françoise-Alphonse Aulard. La Société des Jacobins, receuil de documents (Paris: Librairie Jouaust, 1889; New York: AMS Press, 1973), 1: lxv; 5: 453, 491; 6: 166. Aulard lists Naury as a member of the Jacobin club from 1790 and Souberbielle as having joined in October 1793.
55. Jean-Charles Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire (1789-1799) (Paris: Payot, 1989), 217; Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, ibid. On doctors, see also Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 14, 35; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 25, 121, 158; Soboul and Monnier, Répertoire, 351.
56. Jean-Charles Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire (1789-1799) (Paris: Payot, 1989), 217; Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, ibid. On doctors, see also Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 14, 35; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 25, 121, 158; Soboul and Monnier, Répertoire, 351.
57. Jean-Charles Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire (1789-1799) (Paris: Payot, 1989), 217; Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, ibid. On doctors, see also Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 14, 35; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 25, 121, 158; Soboul and Monnier, Répertoire, 351.
58. Jean-Charles Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire (1789-1799) (Paris: Payot, 1989), 217; Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, ibid. On doctors, see also Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 14, 35; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 25, 121, 158; Soboul and Monnier, Répertoire, 351.
59. Jean-Charles Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire (1789-1799) (Paris: Payot, 1989), 217; Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, ibid. On doctors, see also Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 14, 35; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 25, 121, 158; Soboul and Monnier, Répertoire, 351.
60. Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire, 219.
61. Ibid.
62. A. N. W 339, plaq. 345, 347.
63. Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire, 219.
64. A. N. AE I, carton 5, no. 20.
65. Ibid.
66. Ibid.
67. See P.-J.-B. Buchez and P.-C. Roux, Histoire parlementaire de la Révolution française (Paris: Imprimerie d'Adolphe Everat, 1834-1838) 35: 76-77.
68. A.N. W 293, plaq. 210, 41.
69. Ibid., 42.
70. Ibid., 43.
71. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968; A.N. W 411, plaq. 945. See also Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 66-67.
72. Sournia, La médecine révolutionnaire, 220. For a sample of these assurances, see A.N. W 431, plaq. 968, 5: "It is impossible for men to communicate with women in the Lazare prison." See also A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 2e partie, 5.
73. Nougaret, Histoire des Prisons (Paris, year V [1797]), I: 280, quoted in Le Grand, "L'Hospice national," 153, n. 2.
74. Nougaret, Histoire des Prisons (Paris, year V [1797]), I: 280, quoted in Le Grand, "L'Hospice national," 153, n. 2.
75. It is interesting to recall that the same prison culture evidently existed in England, as demonstrated above and in the following: "in 1702 a group from the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge visited the gaol several times and was scandalized to see female prisoners openly soliciting in hope of becoming pregnant so that they could 'plead their belly' and be pardoned." W. J. Sheehan, "Finding Solace in Eighteenth-Century Newgate," in Crime in England 1550-1800, ed. J. S. Cockburn (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 243.
76. Bulletin du Tribunal criminel révolutionnaire (Paris 1793) 26: 103.
77. Ibid., 104.
78. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 1e p., 83.
79. J. Primerose, Des Erreurs Vulgaires de la Médecine, avec des Additions de M. de Rostagny (Lyon, 1689), 222, cited in Jacques Gélis, History of Childbirth: Fertility, Pregnancy and Birth in Early Modern Europe, trans. Rosemary Morris (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1991), 52, 72.
80. J. Primerose, Des Erreurs Vulgaires de la Médecine, avec des Additions de M. de Rostagny (Lyon, 1689), 222, cited in Jacques Gélis, History of Childbirth: Fertility, Pregnancy and Birth in Early Modern Europe, trans. Rosemary Morris (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1991), 52, 72.
81. Peter Brooks, The Melodramatic Imagination (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 4.
82. Based on evidence from her husband's letters, her biographers agree that Madame de Kolly had only three sons. It seems likely, then, that she had been pregnant a total of seven times but that only three of her children had survived infancy. See Paul Gaulot, Amours d'autrefois, 3d ed. (Paris: P. Ollendorff, 1903), 323-24, 332; Blanc, Last Letters, 137.
83. Based on evidence from her husband's letters, her biographers agree that Madame de Kolly had only three sons. It seems likely, then, that she had been pregnant a total of seven times but that only three of her children had survived infancy. See Paul Gaulot, Amours d'autrefois, 3d ed. (Paris: P. Ollendorff, 1903), 323-24, 332; Blanc, Last Letters, 137.
84. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 2e p., 6.
85. The practice of delaying judgment for a period of months when women pled pregnancy was also followed in England. See Oldham, "On Pleading the Belly," 27-28.
86. A.N. W. 269, plaq. 23, 1e p., 91.
87. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 89.
88. Ibid., 90.
89. Nicolas, De la Conservation, 27; J. Guillemeau, De l'Heureux Accouchement des Femmes (Paris, 1609), 45, quoted in Gélis, History of Childbirth 83.
90. Nicolas, De la Conservation, 27; J. Guillemeau, De l'Heureux Accouchement des Femmes (Paris, 1609), 45, quoted in Gélis, History of Childbirth 83.
91. Nicolas, De la Conservation, 27; J. Guillemeau, De l'Heureux Accouchement des Femmes (Paris, 1609), 45, quoted in Gélis, History of Childbirth 83.
92. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 2e p., 2.
93. Ibid., 3.
94. Ibid.
95. For summaries of Olympe de Gouges's trial, see Olivier Blanc, Une Femme de libertés: Olympe de Gouges (Paris: Syros/Alternatives, 1989), 153-200,
96. and Paul Noack, Olympe de Gouges: Courtisane et militante des droits de la femme, 1748-1793, trans. Isabelle Duclos (Paris: Editions de Fallois, 1992), 163-80.
97. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 1e p., 94.
98. For the Law of Suspects, see the Moniteur, 17: 680-81; for the convention's debates on women's clubs, see the Moniteur, 18: 219, 298-300.
99. For the Law of Suspects, see the Moniteur, 17: 680-81; for the convention's debates on women's clubs, see the Moniteur, 18: 219, 298-300.
100. Between March and October 1793, ten were condemned by the tribunal; in November alone, fourteen were. See Godfrey, Revolutionary Justice, 137, and A.N. W 263-433.
101. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 1e p., 94.
102. A. N. W 269, plaq. 23, 2e p., 5. If the doctors were correct in estimating the age of the fetus at four and a half months, then, according to the evidence with which Madame de Kolly presented them about her pregnancies, the fetus could not have been hers. Had she been three weeks pregnant at the beginning of August, as she had said, and then miscarried on 20 September, then the fetus would have been at most nine or ten weeks along and thus easily distinguishable from a fetus that was four and a half months along.
103. Ibid.
104. Sarah Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Causes Célèbres of Prerevolutionary France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 205-10.
105. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 2e p., 5.
106. A.N. W 269, plaq. 23, 1e p., 92.
107. Moniteur, 18: 359.
108. A.N. W 433, plaq. 972, 2e p., 94.
109. Moniteur, 17: 680-81. The relevant passage from the Law of Suspects is this: "The following are deemed suspected persons: ... 6th, those who have emigrated during the interval between 1 July, 1789, and the publication of the decree of 30 March-8 April, 1792, even though they may have returned to France within the period established by said decree or prior thereto," trans. in The Old Regime and the French Revolution, Keith Michael Baker, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 353.
110. Moniteur, 17: 680-81. The relevant passage from the Law of Suspects is this: "The following are deemed suspected persons: ... 6th, those who have emigrated during the interval between 1 July, 1789, and the publication of the decree of 30 March-8 April, 1792, even though they may have returned to France within the period established by said decree or prior thereto," trans. in The Old Regime and the French Revolution, Keith Michael Baker, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 353.
111. A.N. W 433, plaq. 972, 2e p., 94.
112. Ibid., 93.
113. A.N. W 431, 968, 11.
114. A.N. W 121, no. 100, quoted in Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 411.
115. Honorine-Camille-Athénaïs Grimaldi, born in Paris, 22 April 1784; Athénaïs-Euphrosine-Louise-Philippine Grimaldi, born in Paris, 6 June 1786. See Brégeon, 285-87.
116. A.N. W 148, (6), trans. in Blanc, Last Letters, 71.
117. See her letter to her children's governess: "Let Louise know the reason why I postponed my death, that shy may not suspect me of weakness," quoted in Blanc, Last Letters, 71.
118. Dorinda Outram, The Body and the French Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 96.
119. A.N. W 431, plaq. 968, 7.
120. Philippe Ariès, The Hour of Our Death, trans. Helen Weaver (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981), 381.
121. Ibid., 461.
122. Ibid., 462.
123. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
124. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
125. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
126. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
127. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
128. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
129. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
130. See, for example, Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 39-47; Brégeon, 208-09; Blanc, Last Letters, 69-72; Campardon, Le Tribunal, 1: 410-12; Jacques Castelnau, Le Tribunal Révolutionnaire, 1792-1795 (Paris: SFELT, 1950), 218-19; Paris de l'Epinard, Mon retour àla vie après quinze mois d'agonie (undated); Adolphe Smith, Monaco and Monte Carlo (London: Grant Richards, 1912), 98-99; Wallon, Histoire du Tribunal, 5: 162-64.
131. Billard, Les Femmes enceintes, 45-46.
132. Olivier Blanc, in his 1987 Last Letters, places his description of Madame de Monaco's death at the end of the chapter "From the Conciergerie to the Scaffold," thus heightening its dramatic weight. He writes in the last paragraph of the chapter, "A second victim was ready. The third was called. It was the Princess of Monaco. She climed the steps in her turn. On the platform, her youthful beauty shone in the dazzling July light" (p. 72).