Hysterical cures: Hypnosis, gender and performance in World War I and Weimar Germany

History Workshop Journal

Volumn 45, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 79-101

  Lerner, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; GERMANY; HISTORY; HUMAN; HYPNOSIS; HYSTERIA; NEUROLOGY; SEX; WAR;

GERMANY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; HYPNOSIS; HYSTERIA; NEUROLOGY; SEX; WAR;

EID: 0032015749     PISSN: 13633554     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/hwj/1998.45.79     Document Type: Article

References (164)

1. Versions of this paper were presented at the Department of the History and Philosophy of Science (History of Psychiatry Seminar), Cambridge University, 23 October 1996 and at the third triennial conference of the European Association for the History of Psychiatry, 13 September 1996, in Munich. I am grateful to the Wellcome Trust for funding the research and to Deborah Cohen, Mark Micale, Juanita Roche, Edward Shorter, Mary Sutphen, Cornelie Usborne and the anonymous reviewers for their many helpful comments and suggestions.
2. Nonne recounts this event in his posthumously published autobiography, Anfang und Ziel Meines Lebens, Hamburg, 1971, p. 178.
3. Nonne estimated that he successfully treated some 1600 'hysterics' and 'neurotics' with hypnosis during the war. See Anfang und Ziel, p. 178.
4. The film was called Funktionell-motorische Reiz und Lähmungs Zustände bei Kriegsteilnehmern und deren Heilung durch Suggestion und Hypnose, Hamburg, 1916. I am grateful to Alfons Labisch for sharing this film with me and to Ulf Schmidt for the information and citations he provided.
5. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 181.
6. I discuss this in some detail in 'Hysterical Men: War, Neurosis and German Mental Medicine' (PhD Thesis, Columbia University, 1996),
7. esp. chapter 3 'Science and Magic in the Therapeutic Arsenal: The Development of Active Treatment'.
8. See, for example, Letter from Karl Bonhoeffer to A. Bumm, Berlin 3.13.1922, Archive of the Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Charité Nervenklinik, Akte 37 (Gesetzte u. Gesetzesentwürfe Reichsgesundheitsamt (Erbgesetz), 1992-1934.
9. Ruth Harris, Murders and Madness: Medicine, Law, and Society in the fin de siècle, Oxford, 1989, p. 203.
10. Recently, a great deal of literature on the history of hypnosis has appeared. Most of it, however, emphasizes the practice's intellectual history and its usage by leading medical figures, and none mentions either Max Nonne or the usage of hypnosis as a treatment for war neurosis. The most useful works along these lines include: Alan Gauld, A History of Hypnotism, Cambridge, 1992;
11. Maurice Tinterow, Foundations of Hypnosis: From Mesmer to Freud, Springfield, IL, 1970;
12. and Adam Crabtree, From Mesmer to Freud: Magnetic Sleep and the Roots of Psychological Healing, New Haven, 1993.
13. Works on hypnosis and popular culture include: Alison Winter, 'Mesmerism and Popular Culture in Early Victorian England', History of Science 32 (1994), pp. 317-343;
14. Clara Gallini, La Sonnambula Meravigliosa: Magnetismo e ipnotismo nell'Ottocento Italiano, Milan, 1983;
15. and Robert Darnton, Mesmerism and the End of the Enlightenment in France, Cambridge, MA, 1968.
16. Numerous articles referred to hypnosis as 'Nonne's method', crediting him with its 'rediscovery' and with refashioning it into a useful treatment for war neurosis. See for example, Kurt Goldstein, 'Über die Behandlung der Kriegshysteriker', Medizinische Klinik 13, 1917, p. 751.
17. Max Nonne (1861-1959). I have drawn biographical information on Nonne from Nonne, Anfang und Ziel
18. and G. Schaltenbrand, 'Max Nonne', in Kolle (ed.), Grosse Nervenärzte, vol. 3, Stuttgart, 1963, pp. 164-171.
19. Anne Harrington, 'Hysteria, Hypnosis, and the Lure of the Invisible: The Rise of Neomesmerism in fin-de-siècle French Psychiatry'. In The Anatomy of Madness ed. William F. Bynum, Roy Porter and Michael Shepherd, vol. 3, London, 1989, p. 240. Charcot's interest in these subjects, Harrington shows, began with the arrival of Jean-Marie Burq, a practitioner who demonstrated the healing powers of metals and magnets at the Salpêtrière in 1876.
20. Edward Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue. A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era, New York, 1992, pp. 181-186.
21. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 76.
22. On the Nancy-Salpêtrière debate see Henri Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious, New York, 1970, esp. pp. 85-101;
23. Dominique Barrucand, Histoire de l'hypnose en France, Paris, 1967;
24. and Harris, Murders and Madness, pp. 160-193.
25. See Harris, Murders and Madness, p. 179;
26. Gauld, A History of Hypnotism, esp. chapter 16.
27. Harris, Murders and Madness, p. 178.
28. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 79 [emphasis in text].
29. Nonne, 'Zur therapeutischen Verwerthung der Hypnose', Neurologisches Centralblatt 7, 1888, p. 185.
30. On his early experiments with soldiers, see also Nonne, 'Über erfolgreiche Suggestivbehandlung der hysterieformen Störungen bei Kriegsneurosen', Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 37, 1917, p. 198.
31. See Daniel Pick's introduction in the Penguin edition, 1995.
32. Harris, Murders and Madness, p. 196.
33. See letter from Vorsitzender der medizinischen Gesellschaft in Göttingen to Preussischer Minister für Volkswohlfahrt, Medizinalabteilung, 30 October 1919, Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz [hereafter GStA PK], Berlin-Dahlem, I. HA, Rep. 76, viii B Ministerium des Innern, Akte 1325, B1.259.
34. Gauld, History of Hypnotism, esp. chapter 25.
35. For an interesting discussion of Freud's work with hypnosis, see John Forrester, 'The Balance of Power between Freud and His Early Women Patients', in Cahiers Psychiatriques Genevois Special Issue, ed. André Haynal and Ernst Falzeder, 1994, pp. 41-54.
36. Schaltenbrand, 'Max Nonne', p. 164.
37. Thomas Mann's, Magic Mountain
38. vividly depicts this world. For a social-historical account see also Edward Shorter, A History of Psychiatry from the Era of the Asylum to the Age of Prozac, New York, 1997, chapter 4.
39. For an excellent evocation of the occult and its influence on late nineteenth-century psychology and medicine, see Sonu Shamdasani, 'Encountering Hélène: Théodore Flournoy and the Genesis of Subliminal Psychology', introduction to Théodore Flournoy, From India to the Planet Mars: A Case of Multiple Personality with Imaginary Languages, ed. Shamdasani, Princeton, 1994.
40. The classic work on spiritualism and gender in the British context is: Alex Owen, The Darkened Room: Women, Power and Spiritualism in Late Victorian England, Philadelphia, 1990.
41. Quoted in Nonne, 'Über erfolgreiche Suggestivbehandlung', p. 214.
42. On the establishment of the League and the Hartmannbund, German doctors' professional association, see Paul Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 217-8;
43. on the professionalization of German doctors and general issues associated with the professionalization process in Germany, see Charles E. McClelland, The German Experience of Professionalization: Modern Learned Professions and Their Organizations from the Early Nineteenth Century to the Hitler Era, Cambridge, 1991.
44. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, pp. 177-8.
45. See, among others, Thomas-Peter Schindler, 'Psychiatrie im Wilhelminischen Deutschland im Spiegel der Verhandlungen des "Vereins der deutschen Irrenärzte" (ab 1903 "Deutscher Verein für Psychiatrie").' Diss. Med., Freie Universität Berlin, 1990, pp. 85-91.
46. Kurt Goldstein, 'Über die Behandlung der Kriegshysteriker', Medizinische Klinik 13, 1917, p. 751.
47. For a more detailed treatment of this argument see Lerner, 'Hysterical Men', chapters 3 and 4.
48. Nonne, 'Über erfolgreiche Suggestivbehandlung', p. 194.
49. Max Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen an den Kriegsneurosen in den Jahren 1914-1918', in Karl Bonhoeffer (ed.), 'Geistes und Nervenkrankheten', vol. 4 of Handbuch der ärztlichen Erfahrungen im Weltkriege, 1914-1918, Leipzig, 1922, p. 109.
50. For a vivid description of this process, see Paul Engelen, Suggestion und Hypnose, Munich, 1922, esp. pp. 22-3.
51. 'Submissive' is possibly too weak a translation for 'willenslos' which literally means 'without will', denoting a state in which the patient has no will of his own. Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen', p. 109.
52. For a similar view, see also M. Liebers, 'Zur Behandlung der Zitterneurosen nach Granatshock', Neurologisches Centralblatt 35, 1916, pp. 871-4.
53. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 179.
54. Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen', p. 105. 'He who is not yet fully convinced of the purely psychological [seelisch] nature of all war neuroses may not attempt to treat them; he who is called upon to treat them must stand decisively on their purely psychological origins, and may do that with little concern, as this point of view will become more and more certain with the success of his treatments.'
55. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 183. Nonne's choice of the word fluid is curious. The belief in the existence of a fluid between the doctor and patient harks back to Fran Anton Mesmer's theories of animal magnetism - its usage by Nonne is certainly metaphorical, but shows that his debt to his predecessors may be more than he would have cared to acknowledge.
56. See Jonathan Miller, 'Going Unconscious', New York Review of Books 42, April 20, 1995, pp. 59-65;
57. see also, Engelen, Suggestion und Hypnose, esp. p. 20.
58. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 179.
59. See Karl Birnbaum, 'Ergebnisse der Neurologie und Psychiatrie. Kriegsneurosen und -Psychosen auf Grund der gegenwärtigen Kriegsbeobachtungen. Sammelbericht II', Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie: Referate und Ergebnisse 12, 1915, p. 45;
60. and Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen', p. 109.
61. Ernst Simmel, Kriegs-Neurosen und 'psychisches Trauma': Ihre gegenseitige Beziehung dargestellt auf Grund psycho-analytischer, hypnotischer Studien, Leipzig, 1918, p. 23. John Forrester draws attention to issues of power and control in Freud's early use of hypnosis in 'The Balance of Power between Freud and His Early Women Patients'.
62. See M. Liebers in 'Verhandlungen Psychiatrischer Vereine: Kriegstagung des Deutschen Vereins für Psychiatrie zu München am 21. und 22. September 1916', Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie 73, 1917, p. 221;
63. see also his 'Zur Behandlung der Zitterneurosen nach Granatshock', p. 873.
64. In 'Verhandlungen Psychiatrischer Vereine', p. 220.
65. The Hamburg doctor Kurt Böttiger criticized Nonne's hypnosis as 'degrading', calling it 'medieval nonsense'. See 'Diskussion zum Vortrag Nonne, Zur Therapeutischen Verwendung der Hypnose bei Fällen von Kriegshysterie', Neurologisches Zentralblat 35, 1916, pp. 261-2.
66. E. Niessl von Maiendorf, 'Über pathologische Tremorformen zur Kriegszeit', Monatsschrift für Psychiatrie und Neurologie 23, 1916, p. 236.
67. For example, F. Kehrer, 'Behandlung und ärztliche Fürsorge bei Kriegsneurosen', Die Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge 2, 1917, pp. 158-164.
68. On the British hypnosis debate in World War I, see Ruth Leys, 'Traumatic Cures: Shell Shock, Janet and the Question of Memory', Critical Inquiry 20, Summer, 1994, pp. 623-662.
69. There is, of course, a large and rapidly growing body of literature on shell shock and its treatment, particularly for the case of Britain, but for the other belligerent nations as well. For a bibliographic guide, see Mark Micale and Paul Lerner (eds), Traumatic Pasts: History Psychiatry and Trauma in the Modern Age, 1860-1930, New York, forthcoming, 1998, introduction.
70. Nonne, 'Zur therapeutischen Verwendung der Hypnose bei Fällen von Kriegshysterie'.
71. Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen';
72. Karl Pönitz, Die Klinische Neuorientierung zum Hysterieproblem unter dem Einflüsse der Kriegserfahrungen, Berlin, 1921, p. 28.
73. Nonne, 'Über erfolgreiche Suggestivbehandlung', p. 203.
74. Nonne, 'Zur therapeutischen Verwendung der Hypnose bei Fällen von Kriegshysterie', pp. 136-8.
75. Schaltenbrand, 'Max Nonne', pp. 164-173;
76. F. Stern, 'Bericht über die Kriegstagung des Deutschen Vereins für Psychiatrie in München am 21., 22., und 23. September 1916', Ärtzliche Sachverständige Zeitung 22, 1916, pp. 236-239; 249-252.
77. For an account of the Munich War Conference, see my essay, 'From Traumatic Neurosis to Male Hysteria: The Decline and Fall of Hermann Oppenheim, 1889-1919' in Micale and Lerner (eds), Traumatic Pasts, chapter 8.
78. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 179;
79. see also Max Nonne, 'Soll man wieder traumatische Neurosen diagnostizieren?' Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten 56, 1915, pp. 337-339.
80. According to Nonne himself: 'The demonstration in Munich in 1916 had a virtually revolutionizing effect . . . The presentation convinced the mass meeting that these various forms of motility and sensory disorders were not "organic", rather that it was a question of purely functional disorders.' And as the Breslau neurologist Ludwig Mann recounted: '[Nonne] placed a number of patients into deep hypnosis through simple suggestion ("when I count to three" or "when I touch your scalp", or something to that effect, "You will sleep"). On command the patient promptly produced a severe convulsive shaking, a paralysis, a contraction or the like. Then he was freed of the symptoms just as quickly again through hypnotic suggestion.' L. Mann, 'Neue Methoden und Gesichtspunkte zur Behandlung der Kriegsneurosen,' Berliner Klinische Wochenschrift 53, 1916, p. 1334. And Hermann Oppenheim, Nonne's opponent in the congress debate, remarked on the way Nonne made symptoms disappear and reappear magically: 'Nonne demonstrated before us with pictures and on subjects, that many of these conditions thoroughly conform to the well-known hysterical forms, and can be easily called forth and just as easily made to disappear through magic [hinweggezaubert].'
81. In 'Verhandlungen Psychiatrischer Vereine', p. 227.
82. Nonne, 'Über erfolgreiche Suggestivbehandlung', p. 197.
83. As note 53, p. 198.
84. See n. 4, above.
85. Nonne, 'Über Psychotherapie mit Filmvorfürhrungen und Lichtbildern', Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 64, 1918, pp. 467-78.
86. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, pp. 180-81;
87. Schaltenbrand, 'Max Nonne', p. 167.
88. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, pp. 180-181.
89. Furthermore, hypnosis became even more popular as a treatment when electrotherapy, especially in the form of the notorious 'Kaufmann method', began generating controversy toward the end of the war. See 'Zusammenkunft der Kriegsneurotiker-Ärzte', Münchener Medizinische Wochenschrift 64, 1918, pp. 1,226-7.
90. Willy Hellpach, 'Lazarettdisziplin als Heilfaktor', Medizinische Klinik 11, 1915, p. 1,208.
91. On the politicization of the concepts of will and willpower around World War I, see J. T. Verhey, 'The "Spirit of 1914": the Myth of Enthusiasm and the Rhetoric of Unity in World War I Germany', Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1991.
92. 'Gaupp spricht über die Neurosen und Psychosen des Krieges', Universitätsarchiv Tübingen, Akte 308/42. And in the words of Dr Gustav Oppenheim, 'However, the success of psychic methods of treatment is above all dependent on the personality of the practising doctor.' G. Oppenheim, 'Zur Behandlung des Zitterns', Neurologisches Zentralblatt 36, 1917, p. 620.
93. See Lerner, 'Hysterical Men', chapter 3.
94. See, for example, Karl Wilmanns in 'Bericht über die Sitzung des bad. Landesausschusses der Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, 26 October, 1917', pp. 43-44, Bundesarchiv Potsdam, Reichsarbeitsministerium, film #36069.
95. See also F. Kehrer, 'Behandlung und ärztliche Fürsorge bei Kriegsneurosen', pp. 158-164;
96. and Ernst Kretschmer, Gestalten und Gedanken, Stuttgart, 1963, pp. 91-2 for another account of the role of magic in the treatment of war neuroses.
97. Wilhelm Stekel, The Autobiography of Wilhelm Stekel: The Life Story of a Pioneer Psychoanalyst, New York, 1950, pp. 160-1.
98. Stekel writes, 'As is known, it is difficult to hypnotize individual neurotics in the office, but it is easy to hypnotize a group of people simultaneously. Each is impressed by seeing the others. Therefore, men working with hypnosis often have several particularly submissive patients on whom they perform their miracles before starting with the new patients. . . . Public hypnotists generally have one or two bogus 'mediums' (assistants) to implant the suggestion upon others . . . Sometimes while making my rounds I would achieve a general sedative effect by commanding, 'Sleep one hour!' while pointing with the index finger at the individual patient, and one after the other would fall asleep and remain quiet for the required time.' Stekel, Autobiography, p. 161.
99. See Jan Goldstein, Console and Classify: The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, 1987 for a particularly interesting discussion of Pinel, moral treatment and the medico-scientific adoption of 'charlatan' methods. On performance and 'psychiatric' treatment in early modern England,
100. see Natsu Hattori, '"The Pleasure of Your Bedlam": the Theatre of Madness in the Renaissance', History of Psychiatry 6, 1996, pp. 283-308.
101. Nonne, 'Therapeutische Erfahrungen', p. 106.
102. For example, see GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B Ministerium des Innern, Akte 1325, Bl. 56.
103. Letter from Polizeipräsident Berlin-Schöneberg to Minister für Volkswohlfahrt, Berlin 12 June, 1925. GStA PK Rep. 76, viii B Ministerium des Innern, Akte 1325, Bl. 69-70.
104. Ernst Schultze, 'Das Verbot hypnotischer Schaustellungen', Berliner Klinische Wochenschrift 56 (1919), p. 1,105.
105. For a brief survey of the relationship between mainstream medicine and alternative healing in twentieth-century Germany, see Alfred Haug, '"Neue Deutsche Heilkunde" - Naturheilkunde und "Schulmedizin" im Nationalsozialismus', in Johanna Bleker and Norbert Jachertz (eds), Medizin im 'Dritten Reich', Cologne, 1993, pp. 129-136;
106. see also Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis, Cambridge, MA, 1988, esp. chapter 8.
107. Schultze, 'Das Vebot hypnotischer Schaustellungen', p. 1,108. My descriptions of these shows is based almost entirely on medical and police reports, which are inevitably one-sided and unreliable. However, my attempts to find other, more cultural-historically useful sources have been unsuccessful so far.
108. Letter from Regierungspräsident Hildesheim to Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, 10 June 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Bl. 89.
109. Letter from Regierungspräsident Stade to Preußische, Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, 22 May 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Bl. 91.
110. Letter from Landesgesundheitsamt, Abt. I, Dresden to Minister des Innern, I. Abt, Dresden, 21 August 1924, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 378-384.
111. Letter from Minister des Innern to Regierungspräsident and Polizeipräsident Berlin, 6 October 1919, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Blatt 258.
112. See Erwin Stransky, 'Der Seelische Wiederaufbau des deutschen Volkes und die Aufgaben der Psychiatrie', Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 60, 1920, p. 274;
113. Willy Hellpach, 'Die Kriegsneurasthenie', Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 45, 1919, pp. 177-229;
114. Robert Gaupp, 'Neurasthenie und Schreckneurosen', in Karl Bonhoeffer (ed.), 'Geistes und Nervenkrankheiten' vol. 4, Handbuch der ärztlichen Erfahrungen im Weltkriege, 1914-1918, Leipzig, 1922, pp. 68-101;
115. Gaupp, 'Der Nervöse Zusammenbruch und die Revolution', Blätter für Volksgesundheitspflege 19, 1919, p. 44.
116. Schultze, 'Das Verbot hypnotischer Schaustellungen', p. 1,105.
117. Letter from Regierungspräsident Arnsberg to Minister für Volkswohlfahrt, 27 May 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Bl. 101.
118. Letter from Regierungspräsident Hannover to Minister für Folkswohlfahrt, 25 May 1924, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Blatt 356.
119. See Gerald Feldman, The Great Disorder: Politics, Economics, and Society in the German Inflation, New York, 1993.
120. Several doctors diagnosed cases of so-called 'mobilization psychosis' during national mobilization and the early months of the First World War. See, for example, H. Stelzner, 'Aktuelle Massensuggestion', Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten 55, 1914, p. 371
121. and R. Wollenberg, 'Nervöse Erkrankungen bei Kriegsteilnehmen', Münchener Medizinische Wochenschrift 61, 1914, pp. 2,181-3.
122. A brief discussion of press coverage of these issues can be found in Verhey, '"Spirit of 1914"', pp. 130-4; 175-84.
123. Anton Kaes has pointed to a number of connections between Caligari and the experience (and treatment) of shock and trauma in World War I. Even the figure of Caligari, Kaes suggests, bears a striking resemblance to Charcot. These ideas can be found in an unpublished paper entitled 'Shell Shock and Weimar Film: The Case of Caligari', (1996)
124. and will appear in Kaes's forthcoming book on shell shock and Weimar cinema (Princeton University Press). The standard history of Weimar film, Siegried Kracauer's, From Caligari to Hitler. A Psychological History of the German Film, Princeton, 1947,
125. draws connections between Caligari and Hitler's hypnotic charisma. Hitler, in fact, was treated with hypnosis for hysterical blindness after a mustard gas attack in October 1918. See Esther Fischer-Homburger, Die traumatische Neurose: Vom somatischem zum sozialen Leiden, Bern, 1975, pp. 144-5.
126. On sexual depravity and crime in the Weimar period, see Maria Tatar, Lustmord: Sexual Murder in Weimar Germany, Princeton, 1995.
127. For a fascinating discussion of masculinity, war and sexual violence, see Carolyn Dean, 'The Great War, Pornography, and the Transformation of Modern Male Subjectivity', Modernism/Modernity 3:2, 1996, pp. 59-72.
128. For a contemporary account of the alleged licentiousness of the Revolution by a mental health professional, see Helenfriderike Stelzner, 'Psychopathologisches in der Revolution', Zeitschrift für die Gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 49, 1919, pp. 393-403.
129. See Richard Bessel, Germany After the First World War, Oxford, 1993, esp. chapter 7.
130. Venereal diseases, for example, were suddenly declared a national emergency when, in fact, infection rates remained roughly the same as before the war. Paul Weindling, 'The Medical Profession, Social Hygiene and the Birth Rate in Germany, 1914-1918', in Richard Wall and Jay Winter (eds), The Upheaval of War: Family, Work and Welfare in Europe, 1914-1918, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 417-438
131. and Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany, Basingstoke and London, 1992.
132. Bessel, Germany after the First World War, p. 223.
133. On World War I, work and gender, see Ute Daniel, The War from Within: German Women in the First World War, New York, 1997
134. and Elisabeth Domansky, 'Der Erste Weltkrieg', in Lutz Niethammer and others (eds), Bürgerlicher Gesellschaft in Deutschland, Frankfurt, 1990, pp. 285-322.
135. See E. Stransky, 'Der Seelische Wiederaufbau des deutschen Volkes und die Aufgaben der Psychiatrie', Zeitschrift für die Gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie 60, 1920, pp. 271-280;
136. Robert Gaupp, 'Der Arzt als Erzieher seines Volkes', Blätter für Volksgesundheitspflege 19, 1919, pp. 77-80;
137. Emil Kraepelin, 'Psychiatrische Randbemerkungen zur Zeitgeschichte', Süddeutsche Monatshefte 16, 1919, pp. 171-183.
138. For an account of these events, see Lerner, 'Hysterical Men,' chapter 6, 'The "Nervous Collapse": Doctors and Patients through Defeat and Revolution'.
139. Stransky, 'Der seelische Wiederbau', p. 272;
140. see also Arthur Schüller, 'Die Kriegsneurosen und das Publikum', Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift 68, 1918, p. 1,090.
141. Wagner-Jauregg was tried on allegations of therapeutic brutality before an Austrian tribunal created to investigate breaches of discipline in the Austrian army. For a detailed account and transcription of the case, and a discussion of Freud's testimony, see Kurt R. Eissler, Freud as an Expert Witness, trans. Christine Trollope, Madison, 1986.
142. Robert Gaupp, 'Der Arzt als Erzieher seines Volkes', Blätter für Volksgesundheitspflege 19, 1919, pp. 77-80.
143. E. Schultze, 'Das Verbot hypnotischer Schaustellungen', p. 1,105.
144. E. Schultze, 'Zur Sozialen und Sanitätspolizeilichen Bedeutung der Hypnose', Ärztliche Sachverständigen-Zeitung 21, 1918, p. 260.
145. Nonne, Anfang und Ziel, p. 181.
146. Letter from Landesgesundheitsamt, Abt. I, Dresden to Minister des Innern, I. Abt, Dresden, 21 August 1924, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 378-384.
147. As note 97.
148. Concerning attempts to prohibit the teaching of hypnosis by unlicensed individuals, see, for example, Letter from Regierungspräsident in Düsseldorf to Preuß. Min. für Volkswohlfahrt, 3 May 1927, GStA PK, Rep. 76 viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 534; and letter from Polizeipräsident Berlin-Schöneberg to Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, 21 January 1922, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 307. On attempts to suppress the representation of hypnosis in film, see the correspondence between Herr Bulcke, Leiter der Filmoberprüfstelle, Reichsministerium des Innern, and Karl Bonhoeffer, in Archiv der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Charité Nervenklinik 37 (Gesetzte u. Gesetzesentwürfe Reichsgesundheitsamt (Erbgesetz), 1922-1934) and, for example, Letter from Sächsischen Minister des Innern, Dresden, to Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten, 22 August 1923, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 377.
149. Letter from Regierungspräsident Arnsberg to the Herrn Landräte und Oberbürgermeister, 15 February 1922, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 322.
150. Letter from Regierungspräsident Hannover to Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, 5 March 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Bl. 87-88.
151. For an account of Streidl's activities, see Letter from Kreisarzt Duisburg to Regierungspräsident in Düsseldorf, 3 February 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Bl. 112-14.
152. Letter from Karl Bonhoeffer to Bumm, Berlin 3.13.1922, Archive of the Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Charité Nervenklinik, Akte 37 (Gesetzte u. Gesetzesentwürfe Reichsgesundheitsamt (Erbgesetz), 1922-1934).
153. GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B. Akte 124, Bl. 378-384.
154. Letter from Artekammer für die Provinz Sachsen to Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, Magdeburg, 18 April 1922, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 312.
155. See Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany, Princeton, 1989.
156. Letter from Landesgesundheitsamt, Abt. I, Dresden to Minster des Innern, I. Abt, Dresden, 21 August 1924, GStA PK, Rep. 76, Akte 1324, Bl. 378-384.
157. Letter from Minister für Volkswohlfahrt, Berlin to Reichsminister des Innern, 8 January 1926, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 522.
158. Letter from Preuß. Min. f. Volkswohlfahrt to Sämtliche Herren Regierungspräsidenten und den Herren Polizeipräsidenten in Berlin 14 April 1925, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1325, Blatt 45.
159. Nonne Anfang und Ziel, p. 181.
160. With 'great neuropsychiatrist' [großer Nervenarzt] Nonne is probably referring to his inclusion in Kurt Kolle's handbook, Große Nervenärzte 3 vols, Stuttgart: Thieme, 1963.
161. I discuss these issues in more detail in '"Ein Sieg deutschen Willens": Wille und Gemeinschaft in der deutschen Kriegspsychiatrie', in Die Medizin und der Erste Welktrieg, ed. Wolfang Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, Freiburg, 1996, pp. 85-107.
162. Letter from Ärztekammer für die Provinz Sachsen to Minister f. Volkswohlfahrt, Magdeburg, 18 April 1922, GStA PK, Rep. 76, viii B, Akte 1324, Bl. 312.
163. The idea that these hypnotizers were exploiting the impact of the war for their own economic gain and were hence unpatriotic appears again and again in these sources.
164. Schultze protests that most of the hypnotizers had foreign sounding names. Indeed, most that I have encountered did have Italian names, e.g. Bellachini, Cagliostro, Sortana, etc. See E. Schultze, 'Das Verbot hypnotischer Schaustellungen', p. 1,107.