"Cities Sacrificed on the Altar of Oil": Popular Opposition to Oil Development in 1920s Los Angeles

Environmental History

Volumn 3, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 189-209

  Quam Wickham, Nancy ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY; ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS; OIL PRODUCTION; POLLUTION CONTROL; TWENTIETH CENTURY;

CALIFORNIA; LOS ANGELES; USA;

EID: 0031711902     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3985379     Document Type: Article

References (167)

1. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
2. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
3. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
4. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
5. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
6. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
7. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
8. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
9. Isaac F. Marcosson, "The Black Golconda - California's Oil Empire," Saturday Evening Post, 5 April 1924, 230; Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California Through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 67; James A. B. Scherer, "What Kind of a Pittsburgh is Los Angeles?" The World's Work 41 (1921): 392; petroleum geologist Joseph Jenson, quoted in Fred W. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs: The Influence of the Extractive Industry on the Suburbanization of Los Angeles, 1890-1930," Journal of Urban History 8 (1981): 13. On the role of oil in the regional development of Los Angeles, see Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 3-26; James Clifford Findley, "The Economic Boom of the 'Twenties in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, 1958), 341-78; Starr, Material Dreams, 85-89; John Ise, The United States Oil Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1926), 91; Nancy Quam-Wickham, "Petroleocrats and Proletarians: Work, Class, and Politics in the California Oil Industry, 1917-1925" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1994).
10. Marcosson, "Black Golconda," 12-13, 230-38.
11. This overly brief account of oil field development is taken from William Rintoul, Spudding In: Recollections of Pioneer Days in the California Oil Fields (Fresno, Calif.: Valley Publishers, 1978), 82-91; Kenny A. Franks and Paul F. Lambert, Early California Oil: A Photographic History, 1865-1940 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 72-100; Roy P. McLaughlin, Petroleum Industry of California, California State Mining Bureau Bulletin No. 69, (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1914), 308-67 (production figures by field for 1913 appear on p. 10).
12. This overly brief account of oil field development is taken from William Rintoul, Spudding In: Recollections of Pioneer Days in the California Oil Fields (Fresno, Calif.: Valley Publishers, 1978), 82-91; Kenny A. Franks and Paul F. Lambert, Early California Oil: A Photographic History, 1865-1940 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 72-100; Roy P. McLaughlin, Petroleum Industry of California, California State Mining Bureau Bulletin No. 69, (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1914), 308-67 (production figures by field for 1913 appear on p. 10).
13. This overly brief account of oil field development is taken from William Rintoul, Spudding In: Recollections of Pioneer Days in the California Oil Fields (Fresno, Calif.: Valley Publishers, 1978), 82-91; Kenny A. Franks and Paul F. Lambert, Early California Oil: A Photographic History, 1865-1940 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 72-100; Roy P. McLaughlin, Petroleum Industry of California, California State Mining Bureau Bulletin No. 69, (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1914), 308-67 (production figures by field for 1913 appear on p. 10).
14. Ise, United States Oil Policy, 110; Joe S. Bain, The Economics of the Pacific Coast Petroleum Industry, Part II, Price Behavior and Competition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1945), 25-29, 54-60; Joseph Jensen, "A Study of the Present California Oil Situation," American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Bulletin 8 (1924): 1.
15. Ise, United States Oil Policy, 110; Joe S. Bain, The Economics of the Pacific Coast Petroleum Industry, Part II, Price Behavior and Competition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1945), 25-29, 54-60; Joseph Jensen, "A Study of the Present California Oil Situation," American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Bulletin 8 (1924): 1.
16. Ise, United States Oil Policy, 110; Joe S. Bain, The Economics of the Pacific Coast Petroleum Industry, Part II, Price Behavior and Competition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1945), 25-29, 54-60; Joseph Jensen, "A Study of the Present California Oil Situation," American Association of Petroleum Geologists, Bulletin 8 (1924): 1.
17. Quoted in Ise, United States Oil Policy, 109; Standard Oil Bulletin, December 1923; G. C. Gester, S. H. Gester, and E. H. Wagy, "Oil and Gas Conservation," Mining and Oil Bulletin 10 (1924): 141, 143, 187.
18. Quoted in Ise, United States Oil Policy, 109; Standard Oil Bulletin, December 1923; G. C. Gester, S. H. Gester, and E. H. Wagy, "Oil and Gas Conservation," Mining and Oil Bulletin 10 (1924): 141, 143, 187.
19. Quoted in Ise, United States Oil Policy, 109; Standard Oil Bulletin, December 1923; G. C. Gester, S. H. Gester, and E. H. Wagy, "Oil and Gas Conservation," Mining and Oil Bulletin 10 (1924): 141, 143, 187.
20. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
21. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
22. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
23. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
24. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
25. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
26. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
27. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
28. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
29. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
30. H. C. George, Oil Well Completion and Operation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1931), 35, 23-24, 78-86; H. L. Masser, "Natural Gas Production and Utilization in Southern California," California Oil Fields 8 (1923): 5-67, esp. 5, 12-13; Long Beach Telegram, 31 December 1923, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, Long Beach Public Library (LBPL); Albert F. Atwood, "When the Oil Flood is On," Saturday Evening Post, 7 July 1923, 89; Los Angeles Times, 25 June 1921, II:6; 6 January 1922, II:1; Long Beach Press, 18 June 1922, "Oil-1920s" Clippings File, LBPL; California Oil World, 26 January 1922, 1. See especially the collection of photographs in the Petroleum Industry Collection at the Long Beach Public Library; Rintoul, Spudding In, and Drilling Through Time (Sacramento: California State Department of Conservation, 1990); Franks and Lambert, Early California Oil; Ise, United States Oil Policy, numerous bulletins of the California State Mining Bureau, Division of Oil and Gas; and various technical papers of the U.S. Bureau of Mines.
31. Deed to Ada L. Hathaway, 8 April 1914, Fairview Addition Lot in Huntington Beach, California (Brazamon Realty Company, Los Angeles, California); S. H. Finley Company Map of Pacific City (n.p., 1901, copy in possession of the author) [I am indebted to Barbara Milkovich for both of these references]; Mody C. Boatright and William C. Owens, Tales from the Derrick Floor (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Company, 1970), 61.
32. Deed to Ada L. Hathaway, 8 April 1914, Fairview Addition Lot in Huntington Beach, California (Brazamon Realty Company, Los Angeles, California); S. H. Finley Company Map of Pacific City (n.p., 1901, copy in possession of the author) [I am indebted to Barbara Milkovich for both of these references]; Mody C. Boatright and William C. Owens, Tales from the Derrick Floor (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Company, 1970), 61.
33. Kenneth Heuler, "Growing Up On an Oil Lease," The Pumper (Taft) 11 (January 1992): 6-7; Naki Nakashima Diaz, interview by Kaye Briegel, tape annotation, 18 December 1989, Petroleum Collection, California State University, Long Beach; Ray Stricklin, interview by Barbara Milkovich, tape in possession of author, [Costa Mesa, Calif.], 14 December 1987, 22 February 1988 (thanks to Barbara Milkovich); Esther Briscoe Stowe, Oil Field Child (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 1989), 150.
34. Kenneth Heuler, "Growing Up On an Oil Lease," The Pumper (Taft) 11 (January 1992): 6-7; Naki Nakashima Diaz, interview by Kaye Briegel, tape annotation, 18 December 1989, Petroleum Collection, California State University, Long Beach; Ray Stricklin, interview by Barbara Milkovich, tape in possession of author, [Costa Mesa, Calif.], 14 December 1987, 22 February 1988 (thanks to Barbara Milkovich); Esther Briscoe Stowe, Oil Field Child (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 1989), 150.
35. Long Beach Morning Sun, 11 June 1938, "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL; Los Angeles Times, 6 July 1923, II:1; Ise, United States Oil Policy, plate opposite p. 152; Frank Sunstedt interview by Harvey Schwartz, 26 March 1984, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU)-Nanonal Endowment for the Humanities Oral History Program, ILWU Archives, San Francisco, California [hereafter ILWU-NEH].
36. Long Beach Morning Sun, 11 June 1938, "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL; Los Angeles Times, 6 July 1923, II:1; Ise, United States Oil Policy, plate opposite p. 152; Frank Sunstedt interview by Harvey Schwartz, 26 March 1984, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU)-Nanonal Endowment for the Humanities Oral History Program, ILWU Archives, San Francisco, California [hereafter ILWU-NEH].
37. Long Beach Morning Sun, 11 June 1938, "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL; Los Angeles Times, 6 July 1923, II:1; Ise, United States Oil Policy, plate opposite p. 152; Frank Sunstedt interview by Harvey Schwartz, 26 March 1984, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU)-Nanonal Endowment for the Humanities Oral History Program, ILWU Archives, San Francisco, California [hereafter ILWU-NEH].
38. Los Angeles Times, 10 April 1926,I:1, 8. Initial reports indicated that three underground reservoirs, each having a capacity of 750,000 barrels, were ablaze, along with an undetermined number of surface tanks, some of them filled with gasoline and other light-end products. This conflagration, however, was dwarfed by another Union Oil tank farm fire, apparently caused by the same electrical storm, in San Luis Obispo County, where six million barrels were aflame. The estimate of oil spilled as a result of the Exxon Valdez disaster is from Marguerite Holloway, "Soiled Shores," Scientific American, October 1991, 102-3.
39. Los Angeles Times, 10 April 1926,I:1, 8. Initial reports indicated that three underground reservoirs, each having a capacity of 750,000 barrels, were ablaze, along with an undetermined number of surface tanks, some of them filled with gasoline and other light-end products. This conflagration, however, was dwarfed by another Union Oil tank farm fire, apparently caused by the same electrical storm, in San Luis Obispo County, where six million barrels were aflame. The estimate of oil spilled as a result of the Exxon Valdez disaster is from Marguerite Holloway, "Soiled Shores," Scientific American, October 1991, 102-3.
40. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
41. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
42. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
43. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
44. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
45. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
46. U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Mines, Pollution by Oil of the Coast Waters of the United States, Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Mines and American Petroleum Institute, September 1923), 10; Preliminary Conference on Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, Washington, D.C., 8-16 June 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 108, 110; Findley states that "petroleum products accounted for an average of 95.6 per cent of the foreign exports and 96.9 per cent of the coastwise shipments during the decade." "Economic Boom," 111-13. Oil companies were quick to point out their roles in harbor development. "Oil has built the magnificent Long Beach harbor," reported the Richfield Corporation in Long Beach and Richfield Grow Together (Long Beach, Calif.: Richfield Corporation, 1955), n.p. See also Annual Report of the Board of Harbor Commissioners of the City of Los Angeles, Fiscal Year 1923/24 (Los Angeles, 1924), 1, 41; Los Angeles Citizen, 12 October 1923, 4; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173. So much oil covered harbor waters that longshoremen were prohibited from smoking on the job during some periods of intense pollution.
47. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
48. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
49. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
50. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
51. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
52. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
53. Los Angeles Times, 9 September 1925, II:6; 7 June 1926, I:15; Ed Thayne, interview by Harvey Schwartz, Harbor City, Calif., 8 December 1983 ILWU-NEH; Pollution by Oil, 10; U.S. Interdepartmental Committee [On Oil Pollution of Navigable Water], Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters: Report to the Secretary of State, [13 March 1926] (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926), 65-66. In the late 1920s, the majority of the Los Angeles basin's crude oil refineries were small plants having a refining capacity of less than five thousand barrels per day; these smaller plants, however, represented just 10.5 percent of the total refining capacity in the region. See Roy Cross, A Handbook of Petroleum, Asphalt, and Natural Gas (Kansas City, Kans.: Kansas City Testing Laboratory, 1928), 91-93, 105-6; Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, 66, 67. Recent studies have estimated that some two-thirds of all illegal and environmentally damaging releases of oil can be traced to unspectacular, nonaccidental, everyday causes, primarily normal tank vessel operations and "industrial and urban runoff." See Holloway, "Soiled Shores," 116.
54. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
55. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
56. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
57. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
58. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from
59. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
60. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
61. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
62. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
63. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
64. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
65. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
66. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
67. For historical discussions of contemporary efforts to minimize oil pollution, see Joseph A. Pratt, "Letting the Grandchildren Do it: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (1980): 28-61; Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Responses to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1980): 1-29; Douglas C. Drake, "Herbert Hoover, Ecologist: The Politics of Oil Pollution Control, 1921-1926," Mid-America 55 (1973): 207-28; E. Downing to National Coast Antipollution League, 27 December 1923, Senate Committee on Commerce, Subcommittee on Pollution of Navigable Waters, Pollution of Navigable Waters: Hearings on Senate Bills 42, 936, and 1388, Relative to the Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68th Cong., 1st sess., 9 January 1924, 9, 53, 62. David Neuberger's assertion that California's commercial fish harvest had decreased by this tonnage is not supported by the commercial fish landings statistics published by the California Department of Fish and Game, which actually show a threefold increase in the tonnage of fin-fish landed in California's harbors during the period in question. However, these same statistics indicate that commercial fin-fish landings did decline by some 5 to 50 percent is some areas, especially in harbors in Southern California's oil regions during the period from 1920 to 1927. Moreover, although fish landings increased in Los Angeles harbor, this increase reflects a tremendous increase in the landings of certain wetfish species, such as sardines and anchovies, and not an overall increase in all fin-fish species. In fact, there was a drastic drop in the harvest of crustaceans (primarily shrimps and spiny lobsters), which as bottom feeders were more vulnerable to stock depletion from pollution than were certain fin-fishes. This important crustacean fishery of southern California never recovered from its 1920s decline. See California Fish and Game, vols. 6-14 (1920-1928). Mechanization, especially the new lampara net brought by Sicilian immigrants, was certainly a factor in the exploitation of new fish stocks. See Arthur F. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. 123-84; Los Angeles Times, 12 September 1925, II:1; California Fish and Game 9 (1923): 173; California Fish and Game 11 (1925): 139; California Fish and Game 12 (1926): 189; California Fish and Game 13 (1927): 65-66, 139, 293-94; California Fish and Game 14 (1928): 80-81, 167-68, 245-47, 315-16; Pollution of Navigable Waters, 68. One investigation found "evidences of oil on each beach [in the Los Angeles area] with the exception of the most northerly one." See Oil Pollution of Navigable Waters, [Report to the Secretary of State], 69.
68. Robert M. Fogelson notes the importance of single-family subdivisions in the decentralization of the Los Angeles region. The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 147, 151, 154, 164, 190-91; Lomita News-Letter, 20 January 1922, 1; 3 February 1922, 1; 24 February 1922, 1.
69. Robert M. Fogelson notes the importance of single-family subdivisions in the decentralization of the Los Angeles region. The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 147, 151, 154, 164, 190-91; Lomita News-Letter, 20 January 1922, 1; 3 February 1922, 1; 24 February 1922, 1.
70. Robert M. Fogelson notes the importance of single-family subdivisions in the decentralization of the Los Angeles region. The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 147, 151, 154, 164, 190-91; Lomita News-Letter, 20 January 1922, 1; 3 February 1922, 1; 24 February 1922, 1.
71. Robert M. Fogelson notes the importance of single-family subdivisions in the decentralization of the Los Angeles region. The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 147, 151, 154, 164, 190-91; Lomita News-Letter, 20 January 1922, 1; 3 February 1922, 1; 24 February 1922, 1.
72. Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 2 June 1922, 1; 14 July 1922, 1, 3; 28 July 1922, 1.
73. Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 2 June 1922, 1; 14 July 1922, 1, 3; 28 July 1922, 1.
74. Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 2 June 1922, 1; 14 July 1922, 1, 3; 28 July 1922, 1.
75. Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 2 June 1922, 1; 14 July 1922, 1, 3; 28 July 1922, 1.
76. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
77. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
78. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
79. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
80. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
81. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
82. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1, 6; Lomita News-Letter, 31 March 1922, 1; 7 April 1922, 1; 7 July 1922, 1; 28 July 1922, 1, 2; 10 November 1922, 1; Torrance Herald, 14 April 1922; 1 September 1922.
83. Lomita News-Letter, 22 September 1922, 1.
84. Lomita News-Letter, 22 December 1922, 1; 19 January 1923, 1; 23 January 1923, 1.
85. Lomita News-Letter, 22 December 1922, 1; 19 January 1923, 1; 23 January 1923, 1.
86. Lomita News-Letter, 22 December 1922, 1; 19 January 1923, 1; 23 January 1923, 1.
87. Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1; 15 June 1923, 1; Gardena Reporter, 12 May 1923. See also Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8.
88. Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1; 15 June 1923, 1; Gardena Reporter, 12 May 1923. See also Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8.
89. Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1; 15 June 1923, 1; Gardena Reporter, 12 May 1923. See also Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8.
90. Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1; 15 June 1923, 1; Gardena Reporter, 12 May 1923. See also Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8.
91. Lomita News-Letter, 10 August 1923, 1; 17 August 1923, 1. See also Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 12-13.
92. Lomita News-Letter, 10 August 1923, 1; 17 August 1923, 1. See also Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 12-13.
93. Lomita News-Letter, 10 August 1923, 1; 17 August 1923, 1. See also Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 12-13.
94. Lomita News-Letter, 31 August 1923, 1, 2. La Habra, an oil town near the Brea-Olinda fields in northern Orange County, was incorporated in 1926, after drilling had resumed in that field; Norwalk bordered the vast Santa Fe Springs oil field. In both communities, fears of ecological damage, declining property values, and concern over such fiscal questions as adequate fire protection merged in the discussions about incorporation. See for example, Richard L. Kahanek, A History of Norwalk, Los Angeles County, California (Norwalk, Calif.: n.p., 1968). See also issues of the Norwalk Call, 1924-1926, and Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 10-13.
95. Lomita News-Letter, 31 August 1923, 1, 2. La Habra, an oil town near the Brea-Olinda fields in northern Orange County, was incorporated in 1926, after drilling had resumed in that field; Norwalk bordered the vast Santa Fe Springs oil field. In both communities, fears of ecological damage, declining property values, and concern over such fiscal questions as adequate fire protection merged in the discussions about incorporation. See for example, Richard L. Kahanek, A History of Norwalk, Los Angeles County, California (Norwalk, Calif.: n.p., 1968). See also issues of the Norwalk Call, 1924-1926, and Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 10-13.
96. Lomita News-Letter, 31 August 1923, 1, 2. La Habra, an oil town near the Brea-Olinda fields in northern Orange County, was incorporated in 1926, after drilling had resumed in that field; Norwalk bordered the vast Santa Fe Springs oil field. In both communities, fears of ecological damage, declining property values, and concern over such fiscal questions as adequate fire protection merged in the discussions about incorporation. See for example, Richard L. Kahanek, A History of Norwalk, Los Angeles County, California (Norwalk, Calif.: n.p., 1968). See also issues of the Norwalk Call, 1924-1926, and Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 10-13.
97. Lomita News-Letter, 31 August 1923, 1, 2. La Habra, an oil town near the Brea-Olinda fields in northern Orange County, was incorporated in 1926, after drilling had resumed in that field; Norwalk bordered the vast Santa Fe Springs oil field. In both communities, fears of ecological damage, declining property values, and concern over such fiscal questions as adequate fire protection merged in the discussions about incorporation. See for example, Richard L. Kahanek, A History of Norwalk, Los Angeles County, California (Norwalk, Calif.: n.p., 1968). See also issues of the Norwalk Call, 1924-1926, and Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 10-13.
98. This analysis has benefitted from Andrew Szasz's work on the process of issue identification, activism, and regulatory solutions involving governmental intervention in the market See Andrew Szasz, EcoPopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 28-35; Huntington Beach Labor News, 27 July 1922, quoted in Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1. In the midst of the campaign, another area labor newspaper asked whether Huntington Beach was doomed to be "anything but an oil town, or an industrial town" where "the worker should never hope to make it anything but a place MERELY TO EXIST IN WHILE CREATING WEALTH FOR OTHERS!" Long Beach Labor News, 10 August 1922, 1, 8 (emphasis in original). Themes of class exploitation by uncontrolled capital run constantly through the discussion of oil pollution and industry regulation in the southland's blue-collar communities during the 1920s, and deserve much more scholarly attention.
99. This analysis has benefitted from Andrew Szasz's work on the process of issue identification, activism, and regulatory solutions involving governmental intervention in the market See Andrew Szasz, EcoPopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 28-35; Huntington Beach Labor News, 27 July 1922, quoted in Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1. In the midst of the campaign, another area labor newspaper asked whether Huntington Beach was doomed to be "anything but an oil town, or an industrial town" where "the worker should never hope to make it anything but a place MERELY TO EXIST IN WHILE CREATING WEALTH FOR OTHERS!" Long Beach Labor News, 10 August 1922, 1, 8 (emphasis in original). Themes of class exploitation by uncontrolled capital run constantly through the discussion of oil pollution and industry regulation in the southland's blue-collar communities during the 1920s, and deserve much more scholarly attention.
100. This analysis has benefitted from Andrew Szasz's work on the process of issue identification, activism, and regulatory solutions involving governmental intervention in the market See Andrew Szasz, EcoPopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 28-35; Huntington Beach Labor News, 27 July 1922, quoted in Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1. In the midst of the campaign, another area labor newspaper asked whether Huntington Beach was doomed to be "anything but an oil town, or an industrial town" where "the worker should never hope to make it anything but a place MERELY TO EXIST IN WHILE CREATING WEALTH FOR OTHERS!" Long Beach Labor News, 10 August 1922, 1, 8 (emphasis in original). Themes of class exploitation by uncontrolled capital run constantly through the discussion of oil pollution and industry regulation in the southland's blue-collar communities during the 1920s, and deserve much more scholarly attention.
101. This analysis has benefitted from Andrew Szasz's work on the process of issue identification, activism, and regulatory solutions involving governmental intervention in the market See Andrew Szasz, EcoPopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 28-35; Huntington Beach Labor News, 27 July 1922, quoted in Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1. In the midst of the campaign, another area labor newspaper asked whether Huntington Beach was doomed to be "anything but an oil town, or an industrial town" where "the worker should never hope to make it anything but a place MERELY TO EXIST IN WHILE CREATING WEALTH FOR OTHERS!" Long Beach Labor News, 10 August 1922, 1, 8 (emphasis in original). Themes of class exploitation by uncontrolled capital run constantly through the discussion of oil pollution and industry regulation in the southland's blue-collar communities during the 1920s, and deserve much more scholarly attention.
102. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
103. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
104. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
105. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
106. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
107. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
108. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
109. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
110. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
111. Long Beach Labor News, 6 July 1922, 1, 8; 10 August 1922, 1. From 1920 to 1922, the absolute number of Huntington Beach voters rose from 710 to 2,113, while the relative percentage of blue-collar male voters in the electorate increased from 20.8 percent to 47.9 percent. Orange County Great Register of Voters, 1920, 1922, City of Huntington Beach, California State Library, Sacramento. An analysis of election statistics reveals that opposition to the measure was strongest in those city precincts having the highest percentages of oil worker residents. The 1922 campaign is reviewed in California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8; 24 August 1922, 1, 6. Election statistics can be found in the Office of the Orange County Clerk. See also Huntington Beach News, 4 August 1922, 1; 11 August 1922, 4; 18 August 1922, 1. A few months later, the ordinance was upheld in a ruling by a judge of the Superior Court, who forcefully reaffirmed the right of local communities to enact such restrictions, under the provisions of the California Municipal Code. Huntington Beach News, 26 January 1923, 1. The new working-class character of Huntington Beach is illustrated in Barbara Ann Milkovich, "A Study of the Impact of the Oil Industry on the Development of Huntington Beach, California, Prior to 1930," M.A. thesis (California State University, Long Beach, 1988), 97-98, 100, 112, 122-25.
112. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
113. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
114. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
115. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
116. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
117. California Oil World, 13 July 1922, 1,6; 20 July 1922, 1, 3, 6, 7; 27 July 1922, 1; Lomita News-Letter, 28 July 1922, 1, 2; Los Angeles Citizen, 15 September 1922, 4; 19 February 1926; Los Angeles Times, 1931, in "Oil-1930s Clippings File, LBPL.
118. California Oil World, 22 June 1922, 1, 3; Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8; 27 July 1923, 1, 2; Wilhelmina L. Breuer, "A Sociological Community Study of Newport-Balboa," M.A. thesis (University of Southern California, 1932), 16-19, 40-41, 82-83. The new township management was responsible for having the manager of a local oil refinery arrested for polluting the air a few years later.
119. California Oil World, 22 June 1922, 1, 3; Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8; 27 July 1923, 1, 2; Wilhelmina L. Breuer, "A Sociological Community Study of Newport-Balboa," M.A. thesis (University of Southern California, 1932), 16-19, 40-41, 82-83. The new township management was responsible for having the manager of a local oil refinery arrested for polluting the air a few years later.
120. California Oil World, 22 June 1922, 1, 3; Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8; 27 July 1923, 1, 2; Wilhelmina L. Breuer, "A Sociological Community Study of Newport-Balboa," M.A. thesis (University of Southern California, 1932), 16-19, 40-41, 82-83. The new township management was responsible for having the manager of a local oil refinery arrested for polluting the air a few years later.
121. California Oil World, 22 June 1922, 1, 3; Huntington Beach News, 6 July 1923, 1, 8; 27 July 1923, 1, 2; Wilhelmina L. Breuer, "A Sociological Community Study of Newport-Balboa," M.A. thesis (University of Southern California, 1932), 16-19, 40-41, 82-83. The new township management was responsible for having the manager of a local oil refinery arrested for polluting the air a few years later.
122. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
123. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
124. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
125. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
126. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council
127. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
128. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
129. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
130. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
131. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
132. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
133. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
134. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
135. Long Beach Labor News, 18 January 1923, 1; Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 18 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 156-7), 25 July 1922 (vol. 003C, 182), 1 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 204), 7 August 1922 (vol. 003C, 214), 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 217). Government ownership of public utilities was endorsed by a broad coalition of citizens in the 1920s - consumers' groups, farmers' associations, even the officially nonpartisan American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1923, for example, the annual convention of the AFL passed a resolution favoring "nationwide state ownership of water and power." See California Oil Worker, 8 November 1923, 1, 2, 4. The California Conference for Progressive Political Action, the political arm of the state Federation of Labor, similarly urged government ownership of the state's public utilities. The debate raged over the issue of municipalizing natural gas in Long Beach for nearly a year after the council's decision, with organized labor leading the campaign for public ownership. See Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 1, 6; 20 December 1923, 2; 27 December 1923, 1, 5; 3 January 1924, 1, 4; 10 January 1924, 1, 5; 17 January 1924, 1; 24 January 1924, 1, 4, 5.
136. Resolution following action to ban oil drilling at the Sunnyside property, Long Beach City Council Meeting Minutes, Office of the Long Beach City Clerk, Long Beach, California, 30 January 1923 (vol. 005C, 204, emphasis added).
137. Meeting Minutes, Long Beach Local No. 128, Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers Union (OCAW), 7 August 1922, 14 August 1922, 6 February 1924, 13 February 1924, 20 February 1924, Folders 1 and 2, Box 1, Series IV, OCAW Local 128 Collection, Western Historical Collection, University of Colorado, Boulder [hereafter Local 128 Minutes]. With more than one thousand members, Local 128 was the largest union local in the city before 1925.
138. California Oil World, 7 September 1922, 8; Local 128 Minutes, 7 August 1922. Jackson, along with international organizer Adolph Germer, union adviser Walter Yarrow, and a number of other local union officials, continued his call for production controls through government management of the industry throughout 1923 and 1924, during the depths of California's oil crisis. California Oil Worker, 6 December 1923, 2.
139. California Oil World, 7 September 1922, 8; Local 128 Minutes, 7 August 1922. Jackson, along with international organizer Adolph Germer, union adviser Walter Yarrow, and a number of other local union officials, continued his call for production controls through government management of the industry throughout 1923 and 1924, during the depths of California's oil crisis. California Oil Worker, 6 December 1923, 2.
140. Ann Andriesse, "Oil in the City: Town Lot Drilling in Long Beach in the 1920s," paper presented at the annual meeting of the Oral History Association, Long Beach, Calif., 1986; Andriesse, "Los Cerritos: The Development of a Neighborhood," The Branded Word [newsletter of the Rancho Los Cerritos Historic Site], Summer 1987, 5 (thanks to Kaye Briegel for these materials).
141. Ann Andriesse, "Oil in the City: Town Lot Drilling in Long Beach in the 1920s," paper presented at the annual meeting of the Oral History Association, Long Beach, Calif., 1986; Andriesse, "Los Cerritos: The Development of a Neighborhood," The Branded Word [newsletter of the Rancho Los Cerritos Historic Site], Summer 1987, 5 (thanks to Kaye Briegel for these materials).
142. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 13; Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1.
143. Viehe, "Black Gold Suburbs," 13; Lomita News-Letter, 8 September 1922, 1.
144. Torrance Herald, 10 August 1923, reprinted in Lomita News-Letter, 17 August 1923, 1 (emphasis in the original).
145. Torrance Herald, 10 August 1923, reprinted in Lomita News-Letter, 17 August 1923, 1 (emphasis in the original).
146. California Oil World, 10 August 1922, 8.
147. California Oil World, 20 July 1922, 6, 7 (emphasis added).
148. Mining and Oil Bulletin 9 (1923): 184, 188.
149. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
150. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
151. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
152. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
153. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
154. The breadth of these proposed regulations, the important cross-section of the political spectrum represented in the backgrounds of bill proponents, and the extent of public support - especially among the (organized) working class - for such measures reveals the depth of these political struggles. Legislation declaring the state's oil industry a "public utility" subject to state regulation and providing for state-owned and operated oil transportation systems were both introduced by progressive Republicans in the Assembly during the 1921 legislative session; they were later defeated by conservatives in the Senate, many of whom were distinguished by their antilabor voting records. In subsequent legislative sessions, progressive Republicans spearheaded efforts to regulate the state's oil industry, with partial success. Virtually all lawmakers proposing measures to regulate oil industry practices received favorable ratings for their voting records from the California State Federation of Labor's Committee on Labor Legislation and Legislators, suggesting that there were relatively strong links between organized labor and these progressives. Similar links apparently existed between organized oil workers and legislators at the federal level. Both Charles Randall, who had introduced a congressional bill in 1916 calling for government ownership of the oil industry, and Walter Lineberger, who had introduced the first oil pollution control bill in the House in the early 1920s, were Long Beach progressives who enjoyed widespread support from organized labor. Jerome B. Kavanaugh and Ellsworth E. Eustice, comps., Assembly Final History: Forty-Fourth Session, 1921 (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1921), 72, 359; Mary Ann Mason, "Neither Friends Nor Foes: Organized Labor and the California Progressives," in California Progressivism Revisited, ed. William Deverell and Tom Sitton (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 57-71; Long Beach Labor News, 8 November 1923, 3; Robert De Witt Morgans, "A History of Organized Labor in Long Beach, California," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 51-62; Marion Dixon, "The History of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council," M.A. thesis (University of California, Berkeley, 1929), 166-85, 191-200; Ray Davidson, Challenging the Giants (Denver, Colo.: Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union, 1988), 53.
155. California Oil World, 8 February 1923, 1; 22 February 1923, 8; Mining and Oil Bulletin 9 (1923): 22.
156. California Oil World, 8 February 1923, 1; 22 February 1923, 8; Mining and Oil Bulletin 9 (1923): 22.
157. California Oil World, 8 February 1923, 1; 22 February 1923, 8; Mining and Oil Bulletin 9 (1923): 22.
158. Many historians credit Doherty for popularizing the idea of government intervention in the oil industry, and some have suggested that Doherty's campaign galvanized a chaotic industry in California to unite in opposition to government control. See, for example Norman E. Nordhouser, The Quest for Stability: Domestic Oil Regulation, 1917-1935 (New York: Garland, 1979). Gerald Nash likewise notes the voluntary nature of most production agreements in California after 1924. State Government and Economic Development (Berkeley, Calif.: Institute of Governmental Studies, 1964).
159. Many historians credit Doherty for popularizing the idea of government intervention in the oil industry, and some have suggested that Doherty's campaign galvanized a chaotic industry in California to unite in opposition to government control. See, for example Norman E. Nordhouser, The Quest for Stability: Domestic Oil Regulation, 1917-1935 (New York: Garland, 1979). Gerald Nash likewise notes the voluntary nature of most production agreements in California after 1924. State Government and Economic Development (Berkeley, Calif.: Institute of Governmental Studies, 1964).
160. On how local residents of one suburb were aroused to political action over plans to construct a rock quarry and cement plant in their town, see Los Angeles Times, 22 May 1928; 4 December 1928; 16 January 1929; 6 April 1929; 15 May 1929; 29 August 1929. See also Pacific Palisades News, 17 October 1929.
161. On how local residents of one suburb were aroused to political action over plans to construct a rock quarry and cement plant in their town, see Los Angeles Times, 22 May 1928; 4 December 1928; 16 January 1929; 6 April 1929; 15 May 1929; 29 August 1929. See also Pacific Palisades News, 17 October 1929.
162. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.
163. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.
164. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.
165. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.
166. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.
167. See Long Beach Independent, 27 March 1939; Long Beach Press-Telegram, 29 March 1939; 7 September 1939; Long Beach Signal, 3 April 1939; Long Beach Sun, 29 August 1939 (all in George Bentson Labor Scrapbook, vol. 1, Long Beach History Collection, LBPL). See also Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil: A Study of Private Power and Democratic Directions (New York: MacMillan Company, 1961), 345-46.