Democracy or Ethnocracy? Territory and Settler Politics in Israel/Palestine

Middle East Report

Volumn , Issue 207, 1998, Pages

  Yiftachel, Oren ^a  

^a BEN GURION UNIVERSITY OF THE NEGEV   (Israel)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CITIZENSHIP; DEMOCRACY; ETHNOPOLITICS; POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT;

ISRAEL, PALESTINE;

EID: 0031688193     PISSN: 08992851     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3013158     Document Type: Article

References (38)

1. Ka'adan vs. Israel Land Authority, et al.
2. Israel was declared a "Jewish state," and its main immigration law (the Law of Return) made every Jew in the world a potential citizen while denying this possibility to many Palestinians born in the country In the 1990s, two Knesset basic laws defined the state as "Jewish and democratic."
3. See U. Ram, "Zionist Historiography and the Invention of Modern Jewish Nationhood: The Case of Ben Zion Dinur," History and Memory 7/1 (1995), pp. 91-124. Historical records do not support the story of forced exile. Jews remained on the land for hundreds of years after the destruction of the Second Temple.
4. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
5. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
6. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
7. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
8. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
9. On policies affecting Palestinian Arabs in Israel, see G. Falah, "Israeli Judaization Policy in Galilee and its Impact on Local Arab Urbanisation," Political Geography Quarterly 8 (1989), pp. 229-53; I. Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control over a National Minority, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); D. Rabinowitz, Overlooking Nazareth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); S. Smooha, ''Existing and Alternative Policy Towards the Arabs in Israel," Ethnic and Racial Studies 5 (1982), pp. 71-98; O. Yiftachel, Planning a Mixed Region in Israel: the Political Geography of Arab Jewish Relations in the Galilee (Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1992); and E. T. Zureik, Palestinians in Israel: a Study of Internal Colonialism (London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1979).
10. For details of Israel's land regime, see A Kedar, "Israeli Law and the Redemption of Arab Land: 1948-1969" PhD Thesis, Harvard Law School, Harvard University, Cambridge, 1996; Lustick, op. cit.; and Yiftachel, op. cit., chapter 5.
11. For details of Israel's land regime, see A Kedar, "Israeli Law and the Redemption of Arab Land: 1948- 1969" PhD Thesis, Harvard Law School, Harvard University, Cambridge, 1996; Lustick, op. cit.; and Yiftachel, op. cit., chapter 5.
12. For details of Israel's land regime, see A Kedar, "Israeli Law and the Redemption of Arab Land: 1948- 1969" PhD Thesis, Harvard Law School, Harvard University, Cambridge, 1996; Lustick, op. cit.; and Yiftachel, op. cit., chapter 5.
13. The obstacles to Arab land use or ownership in these regional municipalities derive from the part-ownership of the Jewish Agency or Jewish National Fund in nearly all the "parcel" (mishbetzet) areas of Jewish rural settlements, and from the practices of most rural settlements to screen their new members. In addition, other land areas within regional councils usually consist of natural reserves, army training grounds, industrial areas, road reserves and other public resources - all blocked to Arab lease. A few regional councils include Palestinian Arab villages, but even residents of these villages are prohibited from leasing land elsewhere in the council area, outside the confines of their own villages.
14. See Y. Gradus, "The Emergence of Regionalism in a Centralized System: The Case of Israel,"Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2 (1984), pp. 87-100; S. Hasson, "Social and Spatial Conflicts: the Settlement Process in Israel During the 1950s," L'Espace Geographique 3 (1081), pp. 169-79; S. Swirski and B. Shoshani, Development Towns: Toward a Different Tomorrow (Tel Aviv: Brerot, 1985).
15. See Y. Gradus, "The Emergence of Regionalism in a Centralized System: The Case of Israel,"Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2 (1984), pp. 87-100; S. Hasson, "Social and Spatial Conflicts: the Settlement Process in Israel During the 1950s," L'Espace Geographique 3 (1081), pp. 169-79; S. Swirski and B. Shoshani, Development Towns: Toward a Different Tomorrow (Tel Aviv: Brerot, 1985).
16. See Y. Gradus, "The Emergence of Regionalism in a Centralized System: The Case of Israel,"Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2 (1984), pp. 87-100; S. Hasson, "Social and Spatial Conflicts: the Settlement Process in Israel During the 1950s," L'Espace Geographique 3 (1081), pp. 169-79; S. Swirski and B. Shoshani, Development Towns: Toward a Different Tomorrow (Tel Aviv: Brerot, 1985).
17. In recent years, urban Jewish settlement in the West Bank accompanied the ongoing construction and expansion of small kehilati settlements. These towns have increasingly accommodated religious-nationalist and ultra-orthodox Jews. See D. Newman, "The Territorial Politics of Exurbanisation; Reflections on 25 Years of Jewish Settlement in the West Bank," Israel Affairs, 3/1 (1993), pp. 61-85; and I. Lustick, Unsettled States, Disputed Lands (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993).
18. In recent years, urban Jewish settlement in the West Bank accompanied the ongoing construction and expansion of small kehilati settlements. These towns have increasingly accommodated religious- nationalist and ultra-orthodox Jews. See D. Newman, "The Territorial Politics of Exurbanisation; Reflections on 25 Years of Jewish Settlement in the West Bank," Israel Affairs, 3/1 (1993), pp. 61-85; and I. Lustick, Unsettled States, Disputed Lands (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993).
19. See O. Yiftachel, "Israeli Society and Jewish-Palestinian Reconciliation: 'Ethnocracy' and Its Territorial Contradictions," Middle East Journal 51/4, (1997), pp. 505-19.
20. A large body of literature debates the characteristics of Israeli democracy, all assuming a-priori that Israel is governed by such a regime. For notable examples, see A. Arian, The Second Republic: Politics in Israel (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan, 1997); S. N. Eisenstadt, The Transformation of Israeli Society (London: Weinfield and Nicholson, 1985); B. Neuberger, Government and Politics in the Israeli State (Tel Aviv: Open University, 1991), (In Hebrew); and S. Smooha, Arabs and Jews in Israel: Change and Continuity in Mutual Intolerance (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford; Westview Press, 1992).
21. A large body of literature debates the characteristics of Israeli democracy, all assuming a-priori that Israel is governed by such a regime. For notable examples, see A. Arian, The Second Republic: Politics in Israel (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan, 1997); S. N. Eisenstadt, The Transformation of Israeli Society (London: Weinfield and Nicholson, 1985); B. Neuberger, Government and Politics in the Israeli State (Tel Aviv: Open University, 1991), (In Hebrew); and S. Smooha, Arabs and Jews in Israel: Change and Continuity in Mutual Intolerance (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford; Westview Press, 1992).
22. A large body of literature debates the characteristics of Israeli democracy, all assuming a-priori that Israel is governed by such a regime. For notable examples, see A. Arian, The Second Republic: Politics in Israel (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan, 1997); S. N. Eisenstadt, The Transformation of Israeli Society (London: Weinfield and Nicholson, 1985); B. Neuberger, Government and Politics in the Israeli State (Tel Aviv: Open University, 1991), (In Hebrew); and S. Smooha, Arabs and Jews in Israel: Change and Continuity in Mutual Intolerance (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford; Westview Press, 1992).
23. A large body of literature debates the characteristics of Israeli democracy, all assuming a-priori that Israel is governed by such a regime. For notable examples, see A. Arian, The Second Republic: Politics in Israel (Tel Aviv: Zmora-Bitan, 1997); S. N. Eisenstadt, The Transformation of Israeli Society (London: Weinfield and Nicholson, 1985); B. Neuberger, Government and Politics in the Israeli State (Tel Aviv: Open University, 1991), (In Hebrew); and S. Smooha, Arabs and Jews in Israel: Change and Continuity in Mutual Intolerance (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford; Westview Press, 1992).
24. It should be stressed that the nondemocratic aspects of the "ethnocracy" model are expressed mainly vis-à-vis Israel's Palestinian citizens. It is not argued that the situation of the Mizrahis is not democratic, but rather that the ethnocratic "rules of the game" have exacerbated their position. On the ethnic nature of the Israeli polity, see also A. Ghanem, "State and Minority in Israel: The Case of an Ethnic State and the Predicament of Its Minority" Ethnic and Racial Studies 21/3 (1998), pp. 428-447 and N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).
25. It should be stressed that the nondemocratic aspects of the "ethnocracy" model are expressed mainly vis-à-vis Israel's Palestinian citizens. It is not argued that the situation of the Mizrahis is not democratic, but rather that the ethnocratic "rules of the game" have exacerbated their position. On the ethnic nature of the Israeli polity, see also A. Ghanem, "State and Minority in Israel: The Case of an Ethnic State and the Predicament of Its Minority" Ethnic and Racial Studies 21/3 (1998), pp. 428-447 and N. Rouhana, Palestinian Citizens in an Ethnic Jewish State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).
26. For a thorough, ground-breaking analysis of the role of borders in Jewish political culture, see A. Kemp. "Talking Boundaries: The Making of Political Territory in Israel 1949-1957," PhD Thesis, Tel Aviv University, 1997 [in Hebrew].
27. Most accounts of the Israeli regime, including critical analyses, have continued to treat "Israel" concurrently as the land bounded by the Green Line and the body of Israeli citizens (including Jewish settlers of the Occupied Territories). This contradiction was rarely problematized in the literature. For critical accounts which still take this approach, see Y. Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review 86-2 (1992), pp. 432-43; Rouhana, op.cit.; and Smooha, op.cit. For an early illuminating critique, see B. Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers in the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in B. Kimmerling, ed., The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 267-88.
28. Most accounts of the Israeli regime, including critical analyses, have continued to treat "Israel" concurrently as the land bounded by the Green Line and the body of Israeli citizens (including Jewish settlers of the Occupied Territories). This contradiction was rarely problematized in the literature. For critical accounts which still take this approach, see Y. Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review 86-2 (1992), pp. 432-43; Rouhana, op.cit.; and Smooha, op.cit. For an early illuminating critique, see B. Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers in the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in B. Kimmerling, ed., The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 267-88.
29. Most accounts of the Israeli regime, including critical analyses, have continued to treat "Israel" concurrently as the land bounded by the Green Line and the body of Israeli citizens (including Jewish settlers of the Occupied Territories). This contradiction was rarely problematized in the literature. For critical accounts which still take this approach, see Y. Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review 86-2 (1992), pp. 432-43; Rouhana, op.cit.; and Smooha, op.cit. For an early illuminating critique, see B. Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers in the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in B. Kimmerling, ed., The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 267-88.
30. Most accounts of the Israeli regime, including critical analyses, have continued to treat "Israel" concurrently as the land bounded by the Green Line and the body of Israeli citizens (including Jewish settlers of the Occupied Territories). This contradiction was rarely problematized in the literature. For critical accounts which still take this approach, see Y. Peled, "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State," The American Political Science Review 86-2 (1992), pp. 432-43; Rouhana, op.cit.; and Smooha, op.cit. For an early illuminating critique, see B. Kimmerling, "Boundaries and Frontiers in the Israeli Control System: Analytical Conclusions," in B. Kimmerling, ed., The Israeli State and Society: Boundaries and Frontiers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 267-88.
31. Raja Shehadeh, "Land and Occupation: a Legal Review," Palestine-Israel Journal 4/2 (1997), p. 29.
32. Another aspect of Israeli ethnocracy which poses threats to democracy is the dual interpretation of "Jewishness" as ethnic and/or religious. The latter generates wide support among religious Jewish parties (including the six ministers in the Israeli government) to impose religious Jewish rule (medinat halacha). There is no scope here to enter this issue, except to note the intimate link between the project of excluding Palestinians and the threat of Jewish theocratic approaches to democratic values such as liberty, equality and popular sovereignty.
33. See also Yiftachel, op. cit. in Middle East Journal. In the application of this regime type, Israel can be compared to other "ethnocracies," such as Estonia, Greece, Serbia, Slovakia or Sri Lanka.
34. The concept of ethnocracy differentiates between two "ideal-type" levels of ethnicity: ethnic-nations and ethno-classes. It postulates that the main purpose of ethnocratic regimes is to exclude the weaker ethnic-nation. Ethnonational exclusion mechanisms are often used by elites to marginalize (more subtly) lower ethno-classes with their own nation.
35. See E. Shohat, "The Narrative of the Nation and the Discourse of Modernisation: the Case of the Mizrahim," Critique, (Spring 1997), pp. 3-18.
36. Although the main impact of deprivation is, of course, relative, we should note that both Palestinian Arabs and Mizrahis have enjoyed an absolute rise in living standards, partially due to Israeli development policies.
37. On this issue, see T. Fenster, "Settlement Planning and Participation Under Principles of Pluralism," Progress in Planning 39/3 (1993), pp. 169-242.
38. The government's new strong-arm approach became clear in early April 1998 when three homes built by Bedouins on private Arab land in the Galilee were demolished. The event was followed by demonstrations, strikes and community efforts to rebuild the homes.