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Volumn 9, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 3-34

Trade unions as environmental actors: the UK Transport and General Workers' Union

(2)  Mason, Michael a   Morter, Nigel a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS; POLITICAL PARTICIPATION; TRADE UNION; UNION ROLE;

EID: 0031672080     PISSN: 10455752     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10455759809358791     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (12)

References (116)
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    • D. Pepper, Eco-Socialism (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 63. One of many examples that could be cited here is the London matchgirls' strike in 1888 (B. Webb and S. Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, 2nd ed, [London: Longmans Green and Co., 1920], pp. 402-04).
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    • J. Fulcher, Labour Movements, Employers, and the State: Conflict and Co-operation in Britain and Sweden (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 312-27. The overt class bias of state action has ranged from straightforward coercion (1926 general strike) to the statutory wage controls and union regulation put in place by the 1970-74 Conservative government. That employers can draw political strength from the weakness of their interest organizations, on account of their market power, is indicated more widely by Streeck: See W. Streeck, Social Institutions and Economic Performance: Studies of Industrial Relations in Advanced Capitalist Economies (London: Sage, 1992).
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    • London: Sage
    • J. Fulcher, Labour Movements, Employers, and the State: Conflict and Co-operation in Britain and Sweden (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 312-27. The overt class bias of state action has ranged from straightforward coercion (1926 general strike) to the statutory wage controls and union regulation put in place by the 1970-74 Conservative government. That employers can draw political strength from the weakness of their interest organizations, on account of their market power, is indicated more widely by Streeck: See W. Streeck, Social Institutions and Economic Performance: Studies of Industrial Relations in Advanced Capitalist Economies (London: Sage, 1992).
    • (1992) Social Institutions and Economic Performance: Studies of Industrial Relations in Advanced Capitalist Economies
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    • note
    • This march was called for by 329 T&G members from the Liverpool docks, who had been sacked in September, 1995 for refusing to cross a picket line. The ensuing tensions between the dockers and the T&G leadership were symptomatic of the dilemmas for organized labor in a union-hostile environment. Fearing potential sequestration of union funds, the leadership failed to offer its official support for an "illegal" dispute (although the union donated £700,000 to the dockers' hardship fund), attracting condemnation from parts of the British labor movement. In January, 1998 the dockers eventually voted to accept a pay-off from the Mersey Docks and Harbour Company to end the dispute.
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    • London: T&G
    • This method of representation was devised in 1922 by Ernest Bevin, the first General Secretary of the TGWU, as part of the union's founding rule book; see M. Stephens, Ernest Bevin, Unskilled Labourer and World Statesman 1881-1951 (London: T&G, 1981), pp. 48-56. The 14 Trade Groups are as follows: Administrative, Clerical, Technical & Supervisory; Building, Construction and Civil Engineering; Civil Air Transport; Chemical, Rubber, Manufacturing and Oil Refining; Docks and Waterways; Food, Drink & Tobacco; General Workers; Passenger Services; Power & Engineering; Public Services; Road Transport Commercial; Rural, Agriculture and Allied Workers; Textiles; and Vehicle, Building & Automotive.
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    • note
    • This is not to deny the existence of conflicting interests within the T&G on transport issues; for example, the contentious road-building program of the former Conservative government involved one project - the Newbury bypass - where the Rural, Agriculture and Allied Workers Trade Group, opposing the scheme, clashed openly with the Road Transport Commercial workers. The national leadership weighed in behind the latter trade group in supporting the project on obvious sectional grounds, thereby antagonizing environmentalists and anti-roads activists.
  • 40
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    • The survey was undertaken by the T&G National Health and Safety Coordinator; T&G, Health and Safety Record, No. 3, 1997, p. 13.
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    • K. Williams, "Deregulating Occupational Health and Safety," Industrial Law Journal, 24, 1995; and on the contrast with the U.S., "Making Rules for Occupational Health in Britain, the USA and the EC," Anglo-Americal Law Review, 26, 1997.
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    • Environment Committee, op cit., p. xlviii. In its response, the new Labour government promised to promote more openness and public involvement in SLF authorization procedures, but shied away from any regulatory reform of industrial pollution control processes: UK Government, Government Response to the Third Report of the House of Commons Environment Select Committee Session 1996-97, Cm 3692 (London: The Stationery Office, June 1997).
    • T&G Health and Safety Record
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    • For example, at the chemical firm Rhone Poulence, the T&G has managed to negotiate that health and safety representatives be allowed the same rights on environmental issues as their legal entitlements over health and safety; T&G, Trade Unionists and Eco-auditing (London: T&G, 1996), pp. 4-5.
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    • Strachen, P.1    Haque, M.2    McCulloch, A.3    Moxen, J.4
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    • note
    • A T&G survey of the CBI Green Company listing in 1996 discovered that only one of 25 UK companies producing annual enviromental reports had active union involvement in compiling the report. Personal Communication, Alan Dalton, T&G National Health and Safety Coordinator, November 1996.
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