Rural ideologies and urban imaginings: Wolof immigrants in New York City

Africa Today

Volumn 44, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 229-260

  Perry, Donna L ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0031536372     PISSN: 00019887     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (107)

1. I thank Marc Edelman, Angelique Haugerud, Sara Ohly, Patricia Pessar, and several anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
2. Wolof identity within Senegal is historically constructed and contingently invoked. Many scholars point to an incremental process of "Wolofization" that has occurred since colonial times, as diverse Senegalese peoples have adopted the "Wolof" language and "Wolof" modes of Islamic worship. Amin discusses how Wolof has become the national lingua franca: "In Senegal . . . linguistic wolofization has affected more than 85 percent of the country." See Samir Amin, Modern Migrations in Western Africa (Dakar: International African Seminar, 1974), p. 116. Foltz asserts that "Wolof culture is considered the Senegalese common denominator, to the point where the terms 'Wolof and 'Senegal' are often used interchangeably by Africans." See William Foltz, "Social Structure and Political Behavior of Senegalese Elites," in S. Schmidt, J. Scott, C. Lande, and L. Guasti, eds., Friends, Followers and Factions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp. 242-250. The tendency of colonial and postcolonial states to favor Wolof-speaking zones in the allocation of infrastructure, cooperatives, and other resources explains why masses of people flowed into central Senegalese zones and why the "Wolof identity emerged in the twentieth century. Wolof identity, although neither a bounded nor essentialized category, is nonetheless invoked by all of my informants. It is one mode, among others that I describe in this article, whereby Senegalese immigrants reinforce their sense of national unity.
3. Wolof identity within Senegal is historically constructed and contingently invoked. Many scholars point to an incremental process of "Wolofization" that has occurred since colonial times, as diverse Senegalese peoples have adopted the "Wolof" language and "Wolof" modes of Islamic worship. Amin discusses how Wolof has become the national lingua franca: "In Senegal . . . linguistic wolofization has affected more than 85 percent of the country." See Samir Amin, Modern Migrations in Western Africa (Dakar: International African Seminar, 1974), p. 116. Foltz asserts that "Wolof culture is considered the Senegalese common denominator, to the point where the terms 'Wolof and 'Senegal' are often used interchangeably by Africans." See William Foltz, "Social Structure and Political Behavior of Senegalese Elites," in S. Schmidt, J. Scott, C. Lande, and L. Guasti, eds., Friends, Followers and Factions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp. 242-250. The tendency of colonial and postcolonial states to favor Wolof-speaking zones in the allocation of infrastructure, cooperatives, and other resources explains why masses of people flowed into central Senegalese zones and why the "Wolof identity emerged in the twentieth century. Wolof identity, although neither a bounded nor essentialized category, is nonetheless invoked by all of my informants. It is one mode, among others that I describe in this article, whereby Senegalese immigrants reinforce their sense of national unity.
4. In the 1990 New York census, demographers counted 1,148 Senegalese, although there is no way to know exactly how many are in New York City.
5. There are few Wolof women residing in New York City. The distance of immigrant males from their female kin and families contributes to their sense of transience. It also serves to heighten their emphasis on Islam and reciprocity (discussed later in the article), rather than on notions of family, in immigrant understandings of Senegalese national identity.
6. Douglas Massey, "Contemporary International Migration Systems," paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Washington, D.C., 18-22 August 1994, p. 15.
7. James Brooke, "West Africans in the Rockies," New York Times (29 December 1995), p. 16.
8. Adam Nossiter, "A Shabby Welcome Mat: Harlem Hotel Is a First Welcome for Hundreds of Africans," New York Times (11 February 1995), p. 21.
9. Brooke, "West Africans," p. 16.
10. Kathleen Teltsch, "New Yorkers Break Down Barriers to Immigrants' Health Care," New York Times (13 March 1994), Nexis.
11. Jonathan P. Hicks, "Vendors Ouster and Boycott Divide Harlem," New York Times (23 October 1994), p. 1.
12. Robert McNatt, "Council Peddles Plans to Limit Vendors," Grains' New York Business (1 February 1993), p. 12.
13. For a quick summary and genealogy of the homogeneity versus heterogeneity debate, see Mike Featherstone and Scott Lash, "Globalization, Modernity, and the Spatialization of Social Theory: An Introduction," in Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash, and Roland Robertson, eds., Global Modernities (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1995), pp. 1-24. Appadurai points out that most homogenization arguments are based on ideas of "Americanization" or "commoditization." See Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," Public Culture 2, no. 2 (1990), pp. 1-24, 5.
14. For a quick summary and genealogy of the homogeneity versus heterogeneity debate, see Mike Featherstone and Scott Lash, "Globalization, Modernity, and the Spatialization of Social Theory: An Introduction," in Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash, and Roland Robertson, eds., Global Modernities (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1995), pp. 1-24. Appadurai points out that most homogenization arguments are based on ideas of "Americanization" or "commoditization." See Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," Public Culture 2, no. 2 (1990), pp. 1-24, 5.
15. Wolof immigrants use the term waa-brousse and waa-all-bi (French and Wolof for "people of the bush") to refer to individuals of rural origin.
16. Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson, "Beyond 'Culture': Space, Identity and the Politics of Difference," Cultural Anthropology 7, no. 1 (1992), pp. 6-23, 10.
17. Jane I. Guyer, with the help of Akbar M. Virmani and Amanda Kemp, African Studies in the United States: A Perspective (Atlanta: African Studies Association Press, 1996), p. 80. See also George Marcus, "Ethnography in/of the System: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography," Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995), pp. 95-118.
18. Jane I. Guyer, with the help of Akbar M. Virmani and Amanda Kemp, African Studies in the United States: A Perspective (Atlanta: African Studies Association Press, 1996), p. 80. See also George Marcus, "Ethnography in/of the System: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography," Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995), pp. 95-118.
19. Fieldwork in Senegal totaled twenty-one months in 1993 and 1994-1995. Research was conducted in the rural community of Nganda, Department of Kaffrine, Region of Kaolack, Senegal. It was funded by the Mellon Foundation, Fulbright HE, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, and the Yale Center for International and Area Studies.
20. Donna Perry, "From Paterfamilias to Enfant Terrible: Rural Visions of Household and State Authority in Post-Colonial Senegal," paper presented at the meeting of the African Studies Association, San Francisco, 22-26 November 1996.
21. Thirty-five million of the eighty million persons counted worldwide as international migrants originate in West Africa. See "West Africa Sees Highest Concentration of Global Migrants," Xinhua General Overseas Service (11 August 1992), Newswire, Nexis.
22. Massey, "Contemporary International Migration."
23. Jean-François Bayart, "La revanche des Sociétés Africaines," Politique Africaine 11 (1983), pp. 95-127; Bayart, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (New York: Longman, 1993), no. 3.
24. Jean-François Bayart, "La revanche des Sociétés Africaines," Politique Africaine 11 (1983), pp. 95-127; Bayart, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (New York: Longman, 1993), no. 3.
25. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
26. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
27. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
28. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
29. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
30. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
31. Structural adjustment programs initiated in the 1980s ended many welfare and credit services offered to farmers. The voluminous literature on structural adjustment in Senegal includes works by Simon Commander, Ousseynou Ndoye, and Ismael Ouedrago, "Senegal: 1979-88," in Simon Commander, ed., Structural Adjustment and Agriculture: Theory and Practice in Africa and Latin America (Portsmouth, N.H.: Overseas Development Institute, 1989), pp. 145-174; Christopher Delgado and Sidi Jammeh, The Political Economy of Senegal Under Structural Adjustment (New York: Praeger, 1991); Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Dioufi Etat et Société (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Gilles Duruflé, Le Sénégal Peut-Il Sortir de la Crise? Douze Ans d'Adjustement Structurel au Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1994); Samba Ka and Nicolas van de Walle, "Senegal: Stalled Reform in a Dominant Party System," in Stephen Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 290-359; Mohamed Mbodj, "La Crise Trentenaire de l'Economie Arachidière," in Momar Coumba Diop, ed., Sénégal: Trajectoires d'un Etat (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 95-135; and Abdoulaye Ndiaye, "The Effects of the Agricultural Structural Adjustment Program in Senegal," paper written for USAID, Dakar, 1990.
32. Catherine Boone, Merchant Capital and the Roots of State Power in Senegal, 1930-85 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
33. Catherine Boone, "The Making of a Rentier Class: Wealth Accumulation and Political Control in Senegal," Journal of Development Studies 26, no. 3 (1990), pp. 425-449, 442.
34. Keith Hart, The Political Economy of West African Agriculture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 104.
35. Standard labor arrangements between father and son require the latter to perform the bulk of plow work on the communal grain field. In return, the son is permitted to use his father's farm implements to farm a personal cash-crop field. I discuss Wolof household labor arrangements in Perry, "Paterfamilias."
36. The "costs" of immigration include the costs of travel and searching for work; learning and adapting to a new culture; acquiring appropriate documentation; and, if acquiring legal papers is impossible, of evading arrest and deportation. See Douglas Massey et al., "Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal," Population and Development Review 19, no. 3 (1993), pp. 431-466, 460.
37. For an overview on changing European migration policies, see Massey, "Contemporary International Migration," pp. 17-30.
38. Massey et al., "Theories of International Migration," p. 463.
39. Robert Bates, Markets and States in Tropical Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).
40. Donna Perry, "Depending on Dependents: The Transformation of Patriarchical Authority in Rural Senegal," paper presented at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, 20-24 November 1996.
41. Peter Blauner, "Out of Africa: The Senegalese Peddlers of New York," New York Times (16 February 1987), p. 43.
42. Ibid.
43. Deborah Sontag, "Unlicensed Peddlers, Unfettered Dreams," New York Times (14 June 1993), p. 1.
44. "Fighting Back Against Phone Fraud," Information Access Company: A Thomas Corporation Company, IAC Newsletter Database, no. 155, vol. 13 (12 August 1996).
45. Paul Sullivan, "Raids Sink Rising Tide of Video Pirates," Boston Herald (22 March 1996), p. 1.
46. James Carrier, "Occidentalism: The World Turned Upside Down," American Ethnologist 19, no. 2 (1992), pp. 198-213.
47. I analyze the transformation and globalization of Senegal's informal economy in my forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation.
48. Such decisions would include the formations of the Bretton Woods insti-tutions (the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund), the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) treaty, and international laws that favor the proliferation of multinational corporations.
49. Ethan Kapstein explains, "During the 1980s the United States had the largest immigration boom in its post-war history. Between 1980 and 1989 more than six million legal immigrants alone came to its shores. In 1994 more than three million arrived illegally." See Ethan Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (1996), pp. 16-37, 25. Massey asserts that North American immigration in the 1980s began to exceed the record levels observed during the early 1900s. See Massey, "Contemporary International Migration," p. 10. The work of Paul Stoller and Rosemary Coombe on Songhay immigrants and the informal economy in Harlem came to my attention too late to be included in this article.
50. Ethan Kapstein explains, "During the 1980s the United States had the largest immigration boom in its post-war history. Between 1980 and 1989 more than six million legal immigrants alone came to its shores. In 1994 more than three million arrived illegally." See Ethan Kapstein, "Workers and the World Economy," Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (1996), pp. 16-37, 25. Massey asserts that North American immigration in the 1980s began to exceed the record levels observed during the early 1900s. See Massey, "Contemporary International Migration," p. 10. The work of Paul Stoller and Rosemary Coombe on Songhay immigrants and the informal economy in Harlem came to my attention too late to be included in this article.
51. S. Lash and J. Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Manuel Castells, "High Technology, World Development, and Structural Transformations: The Trends and Debates," Alternatives 11, no. 3 (1986), pp. 297-344; Philip McMichaels, The Global Restructuring of Agro-Food Systems (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference."
52. S. Lash and J. Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Manuel Castells, "High Technology, World Development, and Structural Transformations: The Trends and Debates," Alternatives 11, no. 3 (1986), pp. 297-344; Philip McMichaels, The Global Restructuring of Agro-Food Systems (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference."
53. S. Lash and J. Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Manuel Castells, "High Technology, World Development, and Structural Transformations: The Trends and Debates," Alternatives 11, no. 3 (1986), pp. 297-344; Philip McMichaels, The Global Restructuring of Agro-Food Systems (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference."
54. S. Lash and J. Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Manuel Castells, "High Technology, World Development, and Structural Transformations: The Trends and Debates," Alternatives 11, no. 3 (1986), pp. 297-344; Philip McMichaels, The Global Restructuring of Agro-Food Systems (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference."
55. Castells, "High Technology."
56. Global cities include financial, legal, accounting, advertising, and other corporate service firms that handle the difficulties of operating in one or more national legal systems. See Saskia Sassen, "Whose City Is It? Globalization and the Formation of New Claims," Public Culture 8, no. 2 (1996), pp. 205-223, 211.
57. Saskia Sassen, "The Informal Economy: Between New Developments and Old Regulations," The Yale Law Journal 103, no. 8 (1994), pp. 2289-2304.
58. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1989).
59. Kapstein, "Workers," p. 16.
60. Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). See also Sassen, "Whose City" and "Informal Economy."
61. Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). See also Sassen, "Whose City" and "Informal Economy."
62. Referring to Wolofs, Gans states that "the newcomers are more likely to have jobs and to pay the rent on time, to avoid drugs and disorderly conduct, and not to complain to the authorities about building violations or illegal rent hikes." See Charles J. Gans, "Immigration Aggravates Homelessness," Newsday (5 August 1993), p. 56.
63. Aggressive Wolof vendors have bid up the price of spots at flea markets.
64. The Senegalese exceptions, able to obtain a coveted green card, are those who were granted amnesty in 1986, those who make a marriage of convenience (more on this later), and marabouts (religious leaders).There is a law that permits religious leaders to acquire a green card if they can show church or mosque accounts and proof of religious leadership. John Wilkinson, personal correspondence with author.
65. Appadurai "Disjuncture and Difference," p. 5.
66. "State" refers here to the formal apparatus of governance, whereas "nation" refers to citizens' allegiance to an imagined community.
67. Appadurai "Disjuncture and Difference," p. 14.
68. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1993), p. 7.
69. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
70. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
71. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
72. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
73. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
74. The model of Senegalese Sufist brotherhoods and their collaboration with the state has been so abundantly studied that Bayart contends "the Senegalese example is to political science what the Rift Valley is to geomorphology." See Bayart, The State in Africa, p. 189; see also works by Donal Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), and Saints and Politicians: Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975); Christian Coulon, Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam et Pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981); Jean Copans, Les Marabouts de l'Arachide (Paris: Le Sycamore, 1980); and Leonardo A. Villalón, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
75. Many, however, complain that work prevents them from praying during the day or going to mosque on Fridays.
76. Islamic education at njangaan daaras has decreased, although it still persists. UNICEF has launched a program to assist marabouts in improving the living conditions of the "vulnerable" boys under their care. This program is, however, highly controversial, as Senegalese maraboutal devotees feel that this constitutes Western intrusion on hallowed traditions.
77. Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides.
78. Neil Savishinsky, "The Baye Faal of Senegambia: Muslim Rastas in the Promised Land?" Africa 64, no. 2 (1994), pp. 211-220.
79. Mouride immigrants are often tightly organized. See Victoria Ebin," À la Recherche de Nouveaux 'Poissons': Stratégies Commerciales Mourides par Temps de Crise,̀ Politique Africaine 46, no. 4 (1992), pp. 86-99.
80. Gay Talese, cited in Blauner, ̀Out of Africa,̀ p. 43.
81. The Hotel at 110th Street was cited for hundreds of housing code violations by the city in 1994, including serious leaks; trash, urine, and feces in public areas; roaches; cracked, peeling plaster; and petty hustlers. See Nossiter, ̀A Shabby Welcome Mat.̀
82. As Senegalese stay in New York longer, many aspire to find apartments that are more spacious, although their inability to show proof of employment and a green card sometimes puts them at a disadvantage when attempting to rent.
83. Parker Shipton, ̀Borrowing and Lending in the Gambia: Local Perspectives on Formal and Informal Finance in Agrarian West Africa,̀ in Lawrence White, ed., African Finance: Research and Reform (Washington, D.C.: ICS Press, for the Sequoia Institute, 1990).
84. John Wilkinson, personal communication.
85. McNatt, ̀Council Peddles,̀ p. 12.
86. Cited in Blauner, ̀Out of Africa,̀ pp. 44.
87. This organization, called VOICES (Viable Opportunities for Integrating the Community of Emigrant Senegalese), was formed by an ex-Peace Corps volunteer (not the author) who is devoted to helping Senegalese in New York City.
88. Informants invariably state they did not think any marabouts actually lived there; rather, many marabouts fly in for visits and return to their permanent residences in Senegal.
89. Millman states that the Banque de l'Habitat du Sénégal, which transfers dollars from New York to Senegal, remitted only $900,000 the year before devaluation. In 1994, after the CFA franc was devalued, this sum jumped to $4,000,000 - most of it sent to traders who would then send goods back to New York-based peddlers for resale. See Joel Millman, "From Dakar to Detroit," Forbes (26 September 1994), p. 86.
90. See Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, R. Nice, trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); and Sherry Ortner, "Theory in Anthropology Since the Sixties," Comparative Studies in Society and History 25, no. 1 (1984), pp. 126-166.
91. See Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, R. Nice, trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); and Sherry Ortner, "Theory in Anthropology Since the Sixties," Comparative Studies in Society and History 25, no. 1 (1984), pp. 126-166.
92. Abner Cohen, Two-Dimensional Man: An Essay on the Anthropology of Power and Symbolism in Complex Society (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), p. 96.
93. Susan Gal, "Language and Political Economy," Annual Review of Anthropology 18 (1989), pp. 345-367, 356.
94. Wolofs pay for a one-hour time slot on a New York City station.
95. Robert Friedman, "Huddled Masses by the Millions, Immigration Surge Accents New York Life," Newsday (24 June 1990), Sunday edition, pp. 5-9.
96. David McKinley, "Indictments Say Two Bronx Police Officers Let a Pair of Robbery Suspects Go Home," New York Times (19 July 1995), p. B4.
97. The image of a lamp is common in Islamic symbolism. In Senegal, the lamp on the top of a mosque signifies the powerful allure of the holy saints who have converted an entire country to Islam.
98. Nossiter, "A Shabby Welcome Mat," p. 21.
99. Ibid.
100. Kristin Butcher, "Black Immigrants in the United States: A Comparison with Native Blacks and Other Immigrants," Industry and Labor Relations Review 42, no. 2 (January 1994). p. 265.
101. Sontag, "Unlicensed Peddlers."
102. Guy Trebay, "Market Driven: Giuliani's 125th Street Diaspora," New York Times (1 November 1994): p. 33; Hicks, "Vendors Ouster."
103. Guy Trebay, "Market Driven: Giuliani's 125th Street Diaspora," New York Times (1 November 1994): p. 33; Hicks, "Vendors Ouster."
104. John Wilkinson, personal communication.
105. George James, "Immigrants Left Homeless After Transient Hotel Blaze," New York Times (30 March 1992), p. B3.
106. Gans, "Immigration," p. 56.
107. Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference," p. 18.