The Political Economy of American Populism from Jackson to the New Deal

Studies in American Political Development

Volumn 11, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 109-148

  Goebel, Thomas ^a  

^a German Historical Institute Washington   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0031533174     PISSN: 0898588X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x00001619     Document Type: Review

References (368)

1. In the course of this essay, the term Populism capitalized will be used to refer to the agrarian uprising of the 1880s and 1890s while populism in lowercase will be used to designate elements of political thought and rhetoric in other periods of American history as well. The same difference applies to the terms Populist and populist.
2. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
3. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
4. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
5. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
6. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
7. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
8. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
9. Among the more important studies of Populism are those by Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976): Normal Pollack, The Just Polity: Populism, Law, and Human Welfare (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York, 1983); O. Gene Clanton, Kansas Populism: Ideas and Men (Lawrence, Kans., 1969); Robert W. Cherny, Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1981); Peter H. Argersinger, Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party (Lexington, Ky., 1974); Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (New York, 1955); and John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931).
10. James Turner, "Understanding the Populists," Journal of American History 67, no. 2 (September 1980), 372. For an overview of research on Populism, see also William F. Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context," Agricultural History 64, no. 4 (October 1990), 26-58; Roger D. Launius, "The Nature of the Populists: An Historiographical Essay," Southern Studies 22, no. 4 (Winter 1983), 366-85; and Martin Ridge, "Populism Redux: John D. Hicks and the Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13, no. 1 (March 1985), 142-54.
11. James Turner, "Understanding the Populists," Journal of American History 67, no. 2 (September 1980), 372. For an overview of research on Populism, see also William F. Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context," Agricultural History 64, no. 4 (October 1990), 26-58; Roger D. Launius, "The Nature of the Populists: An Historiographical Essay," Southern Studies 22, no. 4 (Winter 1983), 366-85; and Martin Ridge, "Populism Redux: John D. Hicks and the Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13, no. 1 (March 1985), 142-54.
12. James Turner, "Understanding the Populists," Journal of American History 67, no. 2 (September 1980), 372. For an overview of research on Populism, see also William F. Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context," Agricultural History 64, no. 4 (October 1990), 26-58; Roger D. Launius, "The Nature of the Populists: An Historiographical Essay," Southern Studies 22, no. 4 (Winter 1983), 366-85; and Martin Ridge, "Populism Redux: John D. Hicks and the Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13, no. 1 (March 1985), 142-54.
13. James Turner, "Understanding the Populists," Journal of American History 67, no. 2 (September 1980), 372. For an overview of research on Populism, see also William F. Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context," Agricultural History 64, no. 4 (October 1990), 26-58; Roger D. Launius, "The Nature of the Populists: An Historiographical Essay," Southern Studies 22, no. 4 (Winter 1983), 366-85; and Martin Ridge, "Populism Redux: John D. Hicks and the Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13, no. 1 (March 1985), 142-54.
14. One exception is the excellent article by James L. Huston, "The American Revolutionaries, the Political Economy of Aristocracy, and the American Concept of the Distribution of Wealth, 1765-1900," American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (October 1993), 1079-105. A number of authors have highlighted the connection between the Antifederalists, the radical Jeffersonian opposition, and Jacksonianism, but few have followed the development of antimonopoly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
15. The most influential historical exponent of this idea has been Alfred D. Chandler; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), and Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). See also Glenn Porter, The Rise of Big Business, 1860-1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History," in Men and Organizations: The American Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Edwin J. Perkins (New York, 1977), 3-15, and "Technology, Political Economy, and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 no. 4 (Winter 1983), 471-93.
16. The most influential historical exponent of this idea has been Alfred D. Chandler; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), and Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). See also Glenn Porter, The Rise of Big Business, 1860-1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History," in Men and Organizations: The American Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Edwin J. Perkins (New York, 1977), 3-15, and "Technology, Political Economy, and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 no. 4 (Winter 1983), 471-93.
17. The most influential historical exponent of this idea has been Alfred D. Chandler; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), and Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). See also Glenn Porter, The Rise of Big Business, 1860-1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History," in Men and Organizations: The American Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Edwin J. Perkins (New York, 1977), 3-15, and "Technology, Political Economy, and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 no. 4 (Winter 1983), 471-93.
18. The most influential historical exponent of this idea has been Alfred D. Chandler; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), and Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). See also Glenn Porter, The Rise of Big Business, 1860-1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History," in Men and Organizations: The American Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Edwin J. Perkins (New York, 1977), 3-15, and "Technology, Political Economy, and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 no. 4 (Winter 1983), 471-93.
19. The most influential historical exponent of this idea has been Alfred D. Chandler; see The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), and Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). See also Glenn Porter, The Rise of Big Business, 1860-1910 (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1973); Louis Galambos, "The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in American History," in Men and Organizations: The American Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Edwin J. Perkins (New York, 1977), 3-15, and "Technology, Political Economy, and Professionalization: Central Themes of the Organizational Synthesis," Business History Review 57 no. 4 (Winter 1983), 471-93.
20. Stanley B. Parsons, Karen T. Parsons, Walter Killilae, and Beverly Borgers, "The Role of Cooperatives in the Development of the Movement Culture of Populism," Journal of American History 69, no. 4 (March 1983), 866-85.
21. There have some attempts to arrive at cross-national definitions of populism, a term that has been applied to a great number of movements in a variety of countries. But these efforts offer little insight into the role of populism in American history. See Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism," in Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics, ed. G. Ionescu and E. Gellner (London, 1969), 166-79; Richard Hofstadter, "North America," in ibid., 9-27; Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), and "Two Strategies for the Study of Populism," Political Studies 30, no. 4 (Fall 1982), 544-52. In a similar fashion, Michael Kazin, in his book The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), adopts such a vague definition of populism, as a political language that invokes a broadly conceived entity called the people, and includes such a variety of movements and ideas in his analysis that the very term populism becomes bereft of all historical distinctiveness. Furthermore, Kazin largely ignores the economic theory that, as outlined in this article, formed the core of nineteenth-century populism.
22. There have some attempts to arrive at cross-national definitions of populism, a term that has been applied to a great number of movements in a variety of countries. But these efforts offer little insight into the role of populism in American history. See Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism," in Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics, ed. G. Ionescu and E. Gellner (London, 1969), 166-79; Richard Hofstadter, "North America," in ibid., 9-27; Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), and "Two Strategies for the Study of Populism," Political Studies 30, no. 4 (Fall 1982), 544-52. In a similar fashion, Michael Kazin, in his book The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), adopts such a vague definition of populism, as a political language that invokes a broadly conceived entity called the people, and includes such a variety of movements and ideas in his analysis that the very term populism becomes bereft of all historical distinctiveness. Furthermore, Kazin largely ignores the economic theory that, as outlined in this article, formed the core of nineteenth-century populism.
23. There have some attempts to arrive at cross-national definitions of populism, a term that has been applied to a great number of movements in a variety of countries. But these efforts offer little insight into the role of populism in American history. See Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism," in Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics, ed. G. Ionescu and E. Gellner (London, 1969), 166-79; Richard Hofstadter, "North America," in ibid., 9-27; Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), and "Two Strategies for the Study of Populism," Political Studies 30, no. 4 (Fall 1982), 544-52. In a similar fashion, Michael Kazin, in his book The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), adopts such a vague definition of populism, as a political language that invokes a broadly conceived entity called the people, and includes such a variety of movements and ideas in his analysis that the very term populism becomes bereft of all historical distinctiveness. Furthermore, Kazin largely ignores the economic theory that, as outlined in this article, formed the core of nineteenth-century populism.
24. There have some attempts to arrive at cross-national definitions of populism, a term that has been applied to a great number of movements in a variety of countries. But these efforts offer little insight into the role of populism in American history. See Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism," in Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics, ed. G. Ionescu and E. Gellner (London, 1969), 166-79; Richard Hofstadter, "North America," in ibid., 9-27; Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), and "Two Strategies for the Study of Populism," Political Studies 30, no. 4 (Fall 1982), 544-52. In a similar fashion, Michael Kazin, in his book The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), adopts such a vague definition of populism, as a political language that invokes a broadly conceived entity called the people, and includes such a variety of movements and ideas in his analysis that the very term populism becomes bereft of all historical distinctiveness. Furthermore, Kazin largely ignores the economic theory that, as outlined in this article, formed the core of nineteenth-century populism.
25. There have some attempts to arrive at cross-national definitions of populism, a term that has been applied to a great number of movements in a variety of countries. But these efforts offer little insight into the role of populism in American history. See Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism," in Populism: Its Meaning and National Characteristics, ed. G. Ionescu and E. Gellner (London, 1969), 166-79; Richard Hofstadter, "North America," in ibid., 9-27; Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), and "Two Strategies for the Study of Populism," Political Studies 30, no. 4 (Fall 1982), 544-52. In a similar fashion, Michael Kazin, in his book The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), adopts such a vague definition of populism, as a political language that invokes a broadly conceived entity called the people, and includes such a variety of movements and ideas in his analysis that the very term populism becomes bereft of all historical distinctiveness. Furthermore, Kazin largely ignores the economic theory that, as outlined in this article, formed the core of nineteenth-century populism.
26. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
27. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
28. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
29. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
30. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
31. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
32. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
33. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
34. For some examples of analyses of the historical importance of political language, see Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence: The Fight over Popular Speech in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1990); Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (Cambridge, 1989); David Greene, Shaping Political Consciousness: The Language of Politics in America from McKinley to Reagan (Ithaca, N.Y., 1987): Ronald L. Hatzenbuehler and Robert L. Ivie, Congress Declares War: Rhetoric, Leadership, and Partisanship in the Early Republic (Kent, Ohio, 1983); Stephen E. Lucas, Portents of Rebellion: Rhetoric and Revolution in Philadelphia, 1765-1776 (Philadelphia, 1976); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: In the Crucible of Public Debate (Chicago, 1990); Terence Ball, Transforming Political Discourse: Political Theory and Critical Conceptual Theory (Oxford, 1988); Gregory Clark and S. Michael Halloran, eds., Oratorical Culture in Nineteenth-Century America: Transformations in the Theory and Practice of Rhetoric (Carbondale, Ill., 1993); and Celeste M. Condit and John Lewis Lucaites, Crafting Equality: America's Anglo-African World (Chicago, 1993).
35. See, e.g., Peter Evans, Theda Skocpol, and Dietrich Rueschemeyer, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985); Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
36. See, e.g., Peter Evans, Theda Skocpol, and Dietrich Rueschemeyer, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985); Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
37. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967); Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969); Richard L. Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1985); Robert E. Shalhope, "Towards a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly 29, no. 1 (January 1972), 49-80.
38. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967); Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969); Richard L. Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1985); Robert E. Shalhope, "Towards a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly 29, no. 1 (January 1972), 49-80.
39. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967); Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969); Richard L. Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1985); Robert E. Shalhope, "Towards a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly 29, no. 1 (January 1972), 49-80.
40. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967); Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969); Richard L. Bushman, King and People in Provincial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1985); Robert E. Shalhope, "Towards a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly 29, no. 1 (January 1972), 49-80.
41. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
42. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
43. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
44. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
45. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
46. Richard L. McCormick, "Introduction," in The Party Period and Public Policy: American Politics from the Age of Jackson to the Progressive Era, ed. Richard L. McCormick (New York, 1986), 4; Daniel T. Rodgers, Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence (New York, 1987), and "Republicanism: The Career of a Concept," Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992), 11-38; Dorothy Ross, "The Liberal Tradition Revisited and the Republican Tradition Addressed," in New Directions in American Intellectual History, ed. John Higham and Paul K. Conklin (Baltimore, 1979), 120; Rowland Berthoff, "Independence and Attachment, Virtue and Interest: From Republican Citizen to Free Enterpriser, 1787-1837," in Uprooted Americans: Essays to Honor Oscar Handlin, ed. Richard L. Bushman (Boston, 1978), 97-124, and "Peasants and Artisans, Puritans and Republicans: Personal Liberty and Communal Equality in American History," Journal of American History 69, no. 3 (December 1982), 579-98.
47. James Madison quoted in Jennifer Nedelsky, Private Property and the Limits of American Constitutionalism: The Madisonian Framework and Its Legacy (Chicago, 1990), 143.
48. J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: This Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth-Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 151-53; Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca N.Y., 1978), 199; Robert E. Shalhope, John Taylor of Caroline: Pastoral Republican (Columbia, M., 1980); Janet A. Riesman, "Money, Credit, and Federalist Political Economy," in Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, ed. R. Beeman, S. Botein, and E.C. Carter II (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987), 128-61.
49. J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: This Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth-Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 151-53; Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca N.Y., 1978), 199; Robert E. Shalhope, John Taylor of Caroline: Pastoral Republican (Columbia, M., 1980); Janet A. Riesman, "Money, Credit, and Federalist Political Economy," in Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, ed. R. Beeman, S. Botein, and E.C. Carter II (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987), 128-61.
50. J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: This Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth-Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 151-53; Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca N.Y., 1978), 199; Robert E. Shalhope, John Taylor of Caroline: Pastoral Republican (Columbia, M., 1980); Janet A. Riesman, "Money, Credit, and Federalist Political Economy," in Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, ed. R. Beeman, S. Botein, and E.C. Carter II (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987), 128-61.
51. J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: This Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth-Century America (Baltimore, 1974), 151-53; Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (Ithaca N.Y., 1978), 199; Robert E. Shalhope, John Taylor of Caroline: Pastoral Republican (Columbia, M., 1980); Janet A. Riesman, "Money, Credit, and Federalist Political Economy," in Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, ed. R. Beeman, S. Botein, and E.C. Carter II (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1987), 128-61.
52. See James L. Huston, "The American Revolutionaries," 1083-90.
53. Quoted in Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 161. See also Joyce Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s (New York, 1984).
54. Quoted in Drew R. McCoy, The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 161. See also Joyce Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s (New York, 1984).
55. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge, 1982); Charles C. Bright, "The State in the United States during the Nineteenth Century," in Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, ed. Charles C. Bright and Susan Harding (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1984), 121-58; Richard F. Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859-1877 (Cambridge, 1990).
56. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge, 1982); Charles C. Bright, "The State in the United States during the Nineteenth Century," in Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, ed. Charles C. Bright and Susan Harding (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1984), 121-58; Richard F. Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859-1877 (Cambridge, 1990).
57. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge, 1982); Charles C. Bright, "The State in the United States during the Nineteenth Century," in Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, ed. Charles C. Bright and Susan Harding (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1984), 121-58; Richard F. Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America, 1859-1877 (Cambridge, 1990).
58. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
59. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
60. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
61. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
62. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
63. Richard L. McCormick, "The Party Period and Public Policy," in McCormick, The Party Period and Public Policy, 204-205; Louis Hartz, Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948); Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, Commonwealth: A Study of the Role of Government in the American Economy. Massachusetts, 1774-1861 (New York, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber, "Government and the Economy: Studies of the 'Commonwealth' Policy in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3, no. 1 (Summer 1972), 135-51; Donald J. Pisani, "Promotion and Regulation: Constitutonalism and the American Economy," Journal of American History 74, no. 3 (December 1987), 740-68; George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York, 1951).
64. Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, "The Origins of the American Business Corporation," Journal of Economic History 5, no. 1 (May 1945), 22. On the history of the corporation in Anglo-American law, see John P. Davis, Corporations: A Study of the Origins and Development of Great Business Combinations, and of Their Relation to the State (New York, 1961 [1905]).
65. Oscar Handlin and Mary Flugg Handlin, "The Origins of the American Business Corporation," Journal of Economic History 5, no. 1 (May 1945), 22. On the history of the corporation in Anglo-American law, see John P. Davis, Corporations: A Study of the Origins and Development of Great Business Combinations, and of Their Relation to the State (New York, 1961 [1905]).
66. Hendrick Hartog, Public Property and Private Power: The Corporation of the City of New York in American Law, 1730-1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1983), 194-95; Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1780-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 112; James W. Hurst, The Legitimacy of the Business Corporation in the Law of the United States, 1780-1970 (Charlottesville, Va., 1970), 136-38; William E. Nelson, Americanization of the Common Law: The Impact of Legal Change on Massachusetts, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 135-36.
67. Hendrick Hartog, Public Property and Private Power: The Corporation of the City of New York in American Law, 1730-1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1983), 194-95; Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1780-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 112; James W. Hurst, The Legitimacy of the Business Corporation in the Law of the United States, 1780-1970 (Charlottesville, Va., 1970), 136-38; William E. Nelson, Americanization of the Common Law: The Impact of Legal Change on Massachusetts, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 135-36.
68. Hendrick Hartog, Public Property and Private Power: The Corporation of the City of New York in American Law, 1730-1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1983), 194-95; Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1780-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 112; James W. Hurst, The Legitimacy of the Business Corporation in the Law of the United States, 1780-1970 (Charlottesville, Va., 1970), 136-38; William E. Nelson, Americanization of the Common Law: The Impact of Legal Change on Massachusetts, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 135-36.
69. Hendrick Hartog, Public Property and Private Power: The Corporation of the City of New York in American Law, 1730-1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1983), 194-95; Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1780-1860 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 112; James W. Hurst, The Legitimacy of the Business Corporation in the Law of the United States, 1780-1970 (Charlottesville, Va., 1970), 136-38; William E. Nelson, Americanization of the Common Law: The Impact of Legal Change on Massachusetts, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 135-36.
70. Andrew Jackson quoted in "A Political Testament," in Joseph L. Blau, Social Theories of Jacksonian Democracy: Representative Writings of the Period, 1825-50 (New York, 1947), 17-18.
71. Marvin Meyers, The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (Stanford, Calif., 1957), 10; the Jackson quote is on pages 23-24. See also John W. Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York, 1955); and Lawrence F. Kohl, The Politics of Individualism: Parties and American Character in the Jacksonian Era (New York, 1989).
72. Marvin Meyers, The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (Stanford, Calif., 1957), 10; the Jackson quote is on pages 23-24. See also John W. Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York, 1955); and Lawrence F. Kohl, The Politics of Individualism: Parties and American Character in the Jacksonian Era (New York, 1989).
73. Marvin Meyers, The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (Stanford, Calif., 1957), 10; the Jackson quote is on pages 23-24. See also John W. Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York, 1955); and Lawrence F. Kohl, The Politics of Individualism: Parties and American Character in the Jacksonian Era (New York, 1989).
74. Quoted in Jon Ashworth, "Agrarians" and "Aristocrats": Party Political Ideology in the United States, 1837-1846 (Cambridge, 1983), 128. See also Paul K. Conklin, Prophets of Prosperity: America's First Political Economists (Bloomington, Ind., 1980).
75. Quoted in Jon Ashworth, "Agrarians" and "Aristocrats": Party Political Ideology in the United States, 1837-1846 (Cambridge, 1983), 128. See also Paul K. Conklin, Prophets of Prosperity: America's First Political Economists (Bloomington, Ind., 1980).
76. Stephen Simpson, in Blau, Social Theories, 145.
77. See also Bray Hammond, Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (Princeton, N.J., 1957), 740-741. On American banking policies in general, see Richard H. Timberlake, Monetary Policy in the United States: An Intellectual and Institutional History (Chicago, 1993).
78. See also Bray Hammond, Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (Princeton, N.J., 1957), 740-741. On American banking policies in general, see Richard H. Timberlake, Monetary Policy in the United States: An Intellectual and Institutional History (Chicago, 1993).
79. Herbert Ershkovitz and William G. Shade, "Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era," Journal of American History 58, no. 3 (December 1971), 618, 596-99; Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire, 1800-1851 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 199-200; Harry L. Watson, Jacksonian Politics and Community Conflict: The Emergence of the Second American Party System in Cumberland County, North Carolina (Baton Rouge, 1981); James R. Sharp, The Jacksonians Versus the Banks: Politics in the States after the Panic of 1837 (New York, 1970): William G. Shade, Banks or No Banks: the Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832-1865 (Detroit, 1972).
80. Herbert Ershkovitz and William G. Shade, "Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era," Journal of American History 58, no. 3 (December 1971), 618, 596-99; Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire, 1800-1851 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 199-200; Harry L. Watson, Jacksonian Politics and Community Conflict: The Emergence of the Second American Party System in Cumberland County, North Carolina (Baton Rouge, 1981); James R. Sharp, The Jacksonians Versus the Banks: Politics in the States after the Panic of 1837 (New York, 1970): William G. Shade, Banks or No Banks: the Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832-1865 (Detroit, 1972).
81. Herbert Ershkovitz and William G. Shade, "Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era," Journal of American History 58, no. 3 (December 1971), 618, 596-99; Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire, 1800-1851 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970),
82. Herbert Ershkovitz and William G. Shade, "Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era," Journal of American History 58, no. 3 (December 1971), 618, 596-99; Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire, 1800-1851 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 199-200; Harry L. Watson, Jacksonian Politics and Community Conflict: The Emergence of the Second American Party System in Cumberland County, North Carolina (Baton Rouge, 1981); James R. Sharp, The Jacksonians Versus the Banks: Politics in the States after the Panic of 1837 (New York, 1970): William G. Shade, Banks or No Banks: the Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832-1865 (Detroit, 1972).
83. Herbert Ershkovitz and William G. Shade, "Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era," Journal of American History 58, no. 3 (December 1971), 618, 596-99; Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire, 1800-1851 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 199-200; Harry L. Watson, Jacksonian Politics and Community Conflict: The Emergence of the Second American Party System in Cumberland County, North Carolina (Baton Rouge, 1981); James R. Sharp, The Jacksonians Versus the Banks: Politics in the States after the Panic of 1837 (New York, 1970): William G. Shade, Banks or No Banks: the Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832-1865 (Detroit, 1972).
84. L. Ray Gunn, The Decline of Authority: Public Economic Policy and Political Development in New York, 1800-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y, 1988), 158, 186-87, 234, 241; id., "The Political Implications of General Incorporation in New York to 1860," Mid-America 59, no. 3 (October 1977), 181-91; Lee Benson, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961), 92-93; Morton J. Horwitz, "Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (Fall 1985), 181; Ronald E. Seavoy, The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855: Broadening the Concept of Public Service during Industrialization (Westport, Conn., 1982).
85. L. Ray Gunn, The Decline of Authority: Public Economic Policy and Political Development in New York, 1800-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y, 1988), 158, 186-87, 234, 241; id., "The Political Implications of General Incorporation in New York to 1860," Mid-America 59, no. 3 (October 1977), 181-91; Lee Benson, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961), 92-93; Morton J. Horwitz, "Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (Fall 1985), 181; Ronald E. Seavoy, The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855: Broadening the Concept of Public Service during Industrialization (Westport, Conn., 1982).
86. L. Ray Gunn, The Decline of Authority: Public Economic Policy and Political Development in New York, 1800-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y, 1988), 158, 186-87, 234, 241; id., "The Political Implications of General Incorporation in New York to 1860," Mid-America 59, no. 3 (October 1977), 181-91; Lee Benson, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961), 92-93; Morton J. Horwitz, "Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (Fall 1985), 181; Ronald E. Seavoy, The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855: Broadening the Concept of Public Service during Industrialization (Westport, Conn., 1982).
87. L. Ray Gunn, The Decline of Authority: Public Economic Policy and Political Development in New York, 1800-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y, 1988), 158, 186-87, 234, 241; id., "The Political Implications of General Incorporation in New York to 1860," Mid-America 59, no. 3 (October 1977), 181-91; Lee Benson, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961), 92-93; Morton J. Horwitz, "Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (Fall 1985), 181; Ronald E. Seavoy, The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855: Broadening the Concept of Public Service during Industrialization (Westport, Conn., 1982).
88. L. Ray Gunn, The Decline of Authority: Public Economic Policy and Political Development in New York, 1800-1860 (Ithaca, N.Y, 1988), 158, 186-87, 234, 241; id., "The Political Implications of General Incorporation in New York to 1860," Mid-America 59, no. 3 (October 1977), 181-91; Lee Benson, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy: New York as a Test Case (Princeton, N.J., 1961), 92-93; Morton J. Horwitz, "Santa Clara Revisited: The Development of Corporate Theory," West Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (Fall 1985), 181; Ronald E. Seavoy, The Origins of the American Business Corporation, 1784-1855: Broadening the Concept of Public Service during Industrialization (Westport, Conn., 1982).
89. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism,& 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
90. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism,& 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
91. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism,& 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
92. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism,& 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
93. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism, & 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
94. Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York, 1984); id., & Artisan Republican Festivals and the Rise of Class Conflict in New York City, 1788-1837,& in Working-Class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, Ill., 1983), 37-77; Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788-1890 (New York, 1985); Rodgers, & Republicanism, & 28-29. For a very different perspective, see John P. Diggins, & Comrades and Citizens: New Mythologies in American Historiography,& American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985), 614-38.
95. Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (Cambridge, 1984), 114; id., & Becoming American: The Working Classes in the United States before the Civil War,& in Working-Class Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, ed. Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg (Princeton, N.J., 1986), 157-96.
96. Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic: Antebellum New York and the Origins of Machine Politics (Cambridge, 1984), 114; id., & Becoming American: The Working Classes in the United States before the Civil War,& in Working-Class Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, ed. Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg (Princeton, N.J., 1986), 157-96.
97. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
98. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
99. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
100. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
101. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
102. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
103. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
104. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
105. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
106. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
107. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
108. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980), 109, 173; Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany, N.Y., 1967), 121, 191; Paul G. Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany, N.Y, 1981), 215; Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen's Movement (Stanford, Calif., 1960), 149; Fitzwilliam Byrdsall, The History of the Loco-Foco or Equal Rights Party: Its Movements, Conventions and Proceedings, with Short Characteristic Speeches of Its Prominent Men (New York, 1842). William Leggett, "Democratic Editorials," in Blau, Social Theories, 75; Richard Hofstadter, "William Leggett, Spokesman of Jacksonian Democracy," Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1943), 581-94; Carl N. Degler, "The Loco-Focos: Urban 'Agrarians,'" Journal of Economic History 16, no. 3 (September 1956), 322-33; William Trimble, "Diverging Tendencies in New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco Focos," American Historical Review 24, no. 3 (April 1919), 396-421. Some scholars have also argued that the world of American workers was bifurcated between a political arena dominated by ethnicity and labor unions conserned with economic issues. But with American parties devoting a good deal of their rhetoric and programs to economic issues, it is difficult to conceive that the participation of workers in the political arena did not also reflect their economic concerns. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York, 1981); id., "Working Class Formation and the State: Nineteenth-Century England in American Perspective," in Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In, 257-84; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organization and Disorganization of the American Working Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Katznelson and Zolberg, Working-Class Formation, 197-276.
109. For the presence of antimonopoly sentiments in other areas, see Helene S. Zahler Eastern Working men and National Land Policy, 1829-1862 (New York, 1941); Paul Goodman, "The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States: Accommodation and Resistance to die Market Economy," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 470-98; Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), 24; id., Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 88-91; Jonathan A. Glickstein, Concepts of Free Labor in Antebellum America (New Haven, Conn., 1991).
110. For the presence of antimonopoly sentiments in other areas, see Helene S. Zahler Eastern Working men and National Land Policy, 1829-1862 (New York, 1941); Paul Goodman, "The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States: Accommodation and Resistance to die Market Economy," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 470-98; Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), 24; id., Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 88-91; Jonathan A. Glickstein, Concepts of Free Labor in Antebellum America (New Haven, Conn., 1991).
111. For the presence of antimonopoly sentiments in other areas, see Helene S. Zahler Eastern Working men and National Land Policy, 1829-1862 (New York, 1941); Paul Goodman, "The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States: Accommodation and Resistance to die Market Economy," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 470-98; Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), 24; id., Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 88-91; Jonathan A. Glickstein, Concepts of Free Labor in Antebellum America (New Haven, Conn., 1991).
112. For the presence of antimonopoly sentiments in other areas, see Helene S. Zahler Eastern Working men and National Land Policy, 1829-1862 (New York, 1941); Paul Goodman, "The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States: Accommodation and Resistance to die Market Economy," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 470-98; Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), 24; id., Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 88-91; Jonathan A. Glickstein, Concepts of Free Labor in Antebellum America (New Haven, Conn., 1991).
113. For the presence of antimonopoly sentiments in other areas, see Helene S. Zahler Eastern Working men and National Land Policy, 1829-1862 (New York, 1941); Paul Goodman, "The Emergence of Homestead Exemption in the United States: Accommodation and Resistance to die Market Economy," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 470-98; Eric Foner, Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War (New York, 1980), 24; id., Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 88-91; Jonathan A. Glickstein, Concepts of Free Labor in Antebellum America (New Haven, Conn., 1991).
114. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865-1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
115. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
116. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
117. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
118. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
119. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
120. Irwin Unger, The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865- 1879 (Princeton, N.J., 1964); Chester M. Destler, American Radicalism, 1865-1901: Essays and Documents (Chicago, 1946), 3-8; Walter T.K. Nugent, Money and American Society 1865-1880 (New York, 1968), 210-12; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951), 84-85; Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas: A Study in Third Party Politics (Austin, Tex., 1933), 23; Allen Weinstein, Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867-1878 (New Haven, Conn., 1970). For an interesting perspective on links between the debates over slavery and the currency, see Michael O'Malley, "Specie and Species: Race and the Money Question in Nineteenth-Century America," American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994), 369-95.
121. One further noteworthy feature of Greenbackism was the strong support it received from organized labor. Even before western farmers discovered the issue, eastern labor leaders had been in the forefront of the attack on the injustices of a monetary system that lodged power over the national currency in the hands of private parties with a distinct set of interests. See David Montgomery, "William H. Sylvis and the Search for Working-Class Citizenship," in Labor Leaders in America, ed. Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine (Urbana, Ill, 1987), 19; id., Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872 (New York, 1967), 441; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders, 43-44; and id., "Socialism and the Knights of Labor in Detroit, 1877-1886," Labor History 22, no. 1 (Winter 1981), 5-30.
122. One further noteworthy feature of Greenbackism was the strong support it received from organized labor. Even before western farmers discovered the issue, eastern labor leaders had been in the forefront of the attack on the injustices of a monetary system that lodged power over the national currency in the hands of private parties with a distinct set of interests. See David Montgomery, "William H. Sylvis and the Search for Working-Class Citizenship," in Labor Leaders in America, ed. Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine (Urbana, Ill, 1987), 19; id., Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872 (New York, 1967), 441; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders, 43-44; and id., "Socialism and the Knights of Labor in Detroit, 1877-1886," Labor History 22, no. 1 (Winter 1981), 5-30.
123. One further noteworthy feature of Greenbackism was the strong support it received from organized labor. Even before western farmers discovered the issue, eastern labor leaders had been in the forefront of the attack on the injustices of a monetary system that lodged power over the national currency in the hands of private parties with a distinct set of interests. See David Montgomery, "William H. Sylvis and the Search for Working-Class Citizenship," in Labor Leaders in America, ed. Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine (Urbana, Ill, 1987), 19; id., Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872 (New York, 1967), 441; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders, 43-44; and id., "Socialism and the Knights of Labor in Detroit, 1877-1886," Labor History 22, no. 1 (Winter 1981), 5-30.
124. One further noteworthy feature of Greenbackism was the strong support it received from organized labor. Even before western farmers discovered the issue, eastern labor leaders had been in the forefront of the attack on the injustices of a monetary system that lodged power over the national currency in the hands of private parties with a distinct set of interests. See David Montgomery, "William H. Sylvis and the Search for Working-Class Citizenship," in Labor Leaders in America, ed. Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine (Urbana, Ill, 1987), 19; id., Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872 (New York, 1967), 441; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders, 43-44; and id., "Socialism and the Knights of Labor in Detroit, 1877-1886," Labor History 22, no. 1 (Winter 1981), 5-30.
125. Charles Francis Adams, Jr., "The Granger Movement," North American Review 120 (April 1875), 421-22.
126. Lee Benson, Merchants, Farmers, and Railroads: Railroad Regulation and New York Politics, 1850-1887 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), VIII; George H. Miller, Railroads and the Granger Laws (Madison, Wis., 1971); Dale E. Treleven, "Railroads, Elevators, and Grain Dealers: The Genesis of Antimonopolism in Milwaukee," Wisconsin Magazine of History 52, no. 3 (Spring 1979), 205- 22; Harold D. Woodman, "Chicago Businessmen and the 'Granger' Laws," Agricultural History 36, no. 1 (January 1962), 16-24.
127. Lee Benson, Merchants, Farmers, and Railroads: Railroad Regulation and New York Politics, 1850-1887 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), VIII; George H. Miller, Railroads and the Granger Laws (Madison, Wis., 1971); Dale E. Treleven, "Railroads, Elevators, and Grain Dealers: The Genesis of Antimonopolism in Milwaukee," Wisconsin Magazine of History 52, no. 3 (Spring 1979), 205- 22; Harold D. Woodman, "Chicago Businessmen and the 'Granger' Laws," Agricultural History 36, no. 1 (January 1962), 16-24.
128. Lee Benson, Merchants, Farmers, and Railroads: Railroad Regulation and New York Politics, 1850-1887 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), VIII; George H. Miller, Railroads and the Granger Laws (Madison, Wis., 1971); Dale E. Treleven, "Railroads, Elevators, and Grain Dealers: The Genesis of Antimonopolism in Milwaukee," Wisconsin Magazine of History 52, no. 3 (Spring 1979), 205-22; Harold D. Woodman, "Chicago Businessmen and the 'Granger' Laws," Agricultural History 36, no. 1 (January 1962), 16-24.
129. Lee Benson, Merchants, Farmers, and Railroads: Railroad Regulation and New York Politics, 1850-1887 (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), VIII; George H. Miller, Railroads and the Granger Laws (Madison, Wis., 1971); Dale E. Treleven, "Railroads, Elevators, and Grain Dealers: The Genesis of Antimonopolism in Milwaukee," Wisconsin Magazine of History 52, no. 3 (Spring 1979), 205- 22; Harold D. Woodman, "Chicago Businessmen and the 'Granger' Laws," Agricultural History 36, no. 1 (January 1962), 16-24.
130. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
131. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
132. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
133. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
134. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
135. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
136. Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement: A Story of Agricultural Organization and Its Political, Economic, and Social Manifestations, 1870-1880 (Cambridge, Mass., 1913), 89, 98-100; Mildred Throne, "The Anti-Monopoly Party in Iowa, 1873-1874," Iowa Journal of History 52, no. 4 (October 1954), 289-326; Jeffrey Ostler, Prairie Populism: The Fate of Agrarian Radicalism in Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, 1880-1892 (Lawrence, Kans., 1993), 38-39; Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (Boston, 1991), 8-12. Although the Grange also operated in the South, there was less interest there in railroad regulation due to the limited extent of railroad lines in the section. See Alex M. Arnett, The Populist Movement in Georgia: A View of the "Agrarian Crusade" in the Light of Solid-South Politics (New York, 1922), 33; John B. Clark, Populism in Alabama, 1874-1896 (Auburn, Ala., 1927), 40; and Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933 (Berkeley, 1960), 38.
137. D. Sven Nordin, Rich Harvest: A History of the Grange, 1867-1900
138. D. Sven Nordin, Rich Harvest: A History of the Grange, 1867-1900 (Jackson, Miss., 1974), 240; Thomas A. Woods, Knights of the Plow: Oliver H. Kelley and the Origins of the Grange in Republican Ideology (Ames, Iowa, 1991).
139. Ezra S. Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry on the Pacific Coast . . . (San Francisco, 1875); Vernon Castensen, ed., Farmer Discontent, 1865-1900 (New York, 1974), 30, 83; George T. Curtis, "The Ownership of Railroad Property," North American Review 132 (April 1881), 345-55; Edward W. Norris, History of the Grange, or, The Farmer's War against Monopolies (Philadelphia, 1967 [1873]).
140. Ezra S. Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry on the Pacific Coast . . . (San Francisco, 1875); Vernon Castensen, ed., Farmer Discontent, 1865-1900 (New York, 1974), 30, 83; George T. Curtis, "The Ownership of Railroad Property," North American Review 132 (April 1881), 345-55; Edward W. Norris, History of the Grange, or, The Farmer's War against Monopolies (Philadelphia, 1967 [1873]).
141. Ezra S. Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry on the Pacific Coast . . . (San Francisco, 1875); Vernon Castensen, ed., Farmer Discontent, 1865-1900 (New York, 1974), 30, 83; George T. Curtis, "The Ownership of Railroad Property," North American Review 132 (April 1881), 345-55; Edward W. Norris, History of the Grange, or, The Farmer's War against Monopolies (Philadelphia, 1967 [1873]).
142. Ezra S. Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry on the Pacific Coast . . . (San Francisco, 1875); Vernon Castensen, ed., Farmer Discontent, 1865-1900 (New York, 1974), 30, 83; George T. Curtis, "The Ownership of Railroad Property," North American Review 132 (April 1881), 345-55; Edward W. Norris, History of the Grange, or, The Farmer's War against Monopolies (Philadelphia, 1967 [1873]).
143. On the railroads and the courts, see Richard C. Cortner, The Iron Horse and the Constitution: The Railroads and the Transformation of the Fourteenth Amendment (Westport, Conn., 1993); and Ward M. McAfee, "A Constitutional History of Railroad Rate Regulation in California, 1879-1911," Pacific Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (August 1968), 265-79. On the railroad issue in Midwestern legislatures, see Ballard C. Campbell, Representative Democracy: Public Policy and Midwestern Legislators in the Late Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 66.
144. On the railroads and the courts, see Richard C. Cortner, The Iron Horse and the Constitution: The Railroads and the Transformation of the Fourteenth Amendment (Westport, Conn., 1993); and Ward M. McAfee, "A Constitutional History of Railroad Rate Regulation in California, 1879-1911," Pacific Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (August 1968), 265-79. On the railroad issue in Midwestern legislatures, see Ballard C. Campbell, Representative Democracy: Public Policy and Midwestern Legislators in the Late Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 66.
145. On the railroads and the courts, see Richard C. Cortner, The Iron Horse and the Constitution: The Railroads and the Transformation of the Fourteenth Amendment (Westport, Conn., 1993); and Ward M. McAfee, "A Constitutional History of Railroad Rate Regulation in California, 1879-1911," Pacific Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (August 1968), 265-79. On the railroad issue in Midwestern legislatures, see Ballard C. Campbell, Representative Democracy: Public Policy and Midwestern Legislators in the Late Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 66.
146. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
147. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
148. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
149. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
150. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
151. Henry Demarest Lloyd, "Lords of Industry," North American Review 138, no. 331 (June 1884), 552; id., The Story of a Great Monopoly," Atlantic Monthly 47, no. 281 (March 1881); 333; id., "The Political Economy of Seventy-Three Million Dollars," Atlantic Monthly 50, no. 297 (July 1882), 69-81; id., "Making Bread Dear," North American Review 137, no. 321 (August 1883), 118-36. See T.M. Cooley, "State Regulation of Corporate Profits," North American Review 137 (September 1883), 205-17. For a different perspective, compare Andrew Carnegie, "The Bugaboo of Trusts," North American Review 148 (February 1889), 141-150.
152. Oswald W. Knauth, The Policy of the United States toward industrial Monopoly (New York, 1914), 16.
153. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
154. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
155. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
156. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
157. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865-1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
158. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
159. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
160. Bruce Palmer, "Man Over Money": The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 219; Goodwyn, Democratic Promise; id., "Rethinking 'Populism': Paradoxes of Historiography and Democracy," Telos 88 (Summer 1991), 37-56; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865- 1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970); Richard Nelson, "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History," Georgia Historical Quarterly 72, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 1-29; Holmes, "Populism: In Search of Context." Richard J. Ellis, in particular, has recently argued that the Populists, in contrast to the Grangers and Greenbackers in the 1870s, no longer believed that a free market would lead to an equality of opportunities. Rather, they came to argue that the free market itself produced inequality and poverty and that only cooperation constituted an effective remedy. While some Populists certainly took that position and moved close to a socialist model of political economy, the majority did not but continued to argue in the tradition of populist republicanism. See Ellis, "Rival Visions of Equality in American Political Culture," Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 253-80.
161. Stanley B. Parsons, "The Role of Cooperatives," 883; Ostler, Prairie Populism. See also Daniel J. Elazar, "Political Culture on the Plains," Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 3 (July 1980), 261-83; Eric Anderson, "The Populists and Capitalist America: The Case of Edgecombe County, North Carolina," in Race, Class, and Politics in Southern History, ed. Jeffrey J. Crow, Paul D. Escott, and Charles L. Flynn, Jr. (Baton Rouge, 1989), 125.
162. Stanley B. Parsons, "The Role of Cooperatives," 883; Ostler, Prairie Populism. See also Daniel J. Elazar, "Political Culture on the Plains," Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 3 (July 1980), 261-83; Eric Anderson, "The Populists and Capitalist America: The Case of Edgecombe County, North Carolina," in Race, Class, and Politics in Southern History, ed. Jeffrey J. Crow, Paul D. Escott, and Charles L. Flynn, Jr. (Baton Rouge, 1989), 125.
163. Stanley B. Parsons, "The Role of Cooperatives," 883; Ostler, Prairie Populism. See also Daniel J. Elazar, "Political Culture on the Plains," Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 3 (July 1980), 261-83; Eric Anderson, "The Populists and Capitalist America: The Case of Edgecombe County, North Carolina," in Race, Class, and Politics in Southern History, ed. Jeffrey J. Crow, Paul D. Escott, and Charles L. Flynn, Jr. (Baton Rouge, 1989), 125.
164. Stanley B. Parsons, "The Role of Cooperatives," 883; Ostler, Prairie Populism. See also Daniel J. Elazar, "Political Culture on the Plains," Western Historical Quarterly 11, no. 3 (July 1980), 261-83; Eric Anderson, "The Populists and Capitalist America: The Case of Edgecombe County, North Carolina," in Race, Class, and Politics in Southern History, ed. Jeffrey J. Crow, Paul D. Escott, and Charles L. Flynn, Jr. (Baton Rouge, 1989), 125.
165. James B. Weaver, A Call to Action: An Interpretation of the Great Uprising. Its Source and Causes (Des Moines, Iowa, 1892), 394.
166. Eva McDonald-Valesh, "The Strength and Weakness of the People's Movement," The Arena 5, no. 30 (May 1892) 729.
167. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
168. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
169. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
170. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
171. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
172. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
173. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
174. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
175. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
176. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
177. On the populist movement, see also William A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side: His Troubles and Their Remedies (New York, 1891), 169; id., Populism: Its Rise and Fall, ed. Peter H. Argersinger (Lawrence, Kans., 1992), 36; Robert W. Larson, Populism in the Mountain West (Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1986), 13; id., New Mexico Populism: A Study of Radical Protest in a Western Territory (Boulder, Colo., 1974); Thomas A. Clinch, Urban Populism and Free Silver in Montana (Helena, Mont., 1970); David Griffiths, Populism in the Western United States, 1890-1900 (Lewiston, 1992); Robert C. McMath, Jr. American Populism: A Social History (New York, 1993); Worth R. Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A Hsitory of the People's Party in Oklahoma Territory (Norman, Okla., 1987); Walter T.K. Nugent, The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Population and Nativism (Chicago, 1963); Burton Shaw, The Wool-Hat Boys: Georgia's Populist Party (Baton Rouge, 1984); Stanley B. Parsons, Jr., The Populist Context: Rural Versus Urban Power on a Great Plains Frontier (Westport, Conn., 1973).
178. Yet there was also an earlier tradition of scholarship that interpreted the rise of big business in terms very similar to the Populists. See Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists, 1861-1901 (New York, 1934); Hal Bridges, "The Robber Baron Concept in American History," Business History Review 32, no. 1 (Spring 1958), 1-13; Chester M. Destler, "Entrepreneurial Leadership among the 'Robber Barons': A Trial Balance," The Tasks of Economic History (Supplemental Issue of the Journal of Economic History) 6 (1946), 28-44.
179. Yet there was also an earlier tradition of scholarship that interpreted the rise of big business in terms very similar to the Populists. See Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists, 1861-1901 (New York, 1934); Hal Bridges, "The Robber Baron Concept in American History," Business History Review 32, no. 1 (Spring 1958), 1-13; Chester M. Destler, "Entrepreneurial Leadership among the 'Robber Barons': A Trial Balance," The Tasks of Economic History (Supplemental Issue of the Journal of Economic History) 6 (1946), 28-44.
180. Yet there was also an earlier tradition of scholarship that interpreted the rise of big business in terms very similar to the Populists. See Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists, 1861-1901 (New York, 1934); Hal Bridges, "The Robber Baron Concept in American History," Business History Review 32, no. 1 (Spring 1958), 1-13; Chester M. Destler, "Entrepreneurial Leadership among the 'Robber Barons': A Trial Balance," The Tasks of Economic History (Supplemental Issue of the Journal of Economic History) 6 (1946), 28-44.
181. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
182. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
183. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
184. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
185. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
186. Benjamin O. Flower, "Is Socialism Desirable?," The Arena 3, no. 18 (May 1891), 753; id., "The Menace of Plutocracy," The Arena 6, no. 34 (September 1892), 510-11; id., "Twenty-Five Years of Bribery and Corrupt Practices, or the Railroads, the Lawmakers, the People," The Arena 31, no. 1 (January 1904), 12-49. See also Gerald H. Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South" (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1977), 56: N.B. Ashby, The Riddle of the Sphinx: A Discussion of the Economic Questions Relating to Agriculture, Land, Transportation, Money, Taxation, and Cost of Interchange (Des Moines, Iowa, 1890), 95, 141; A.B. Stickney, The Railway Problem (St. Paul, Minn., 1891), 162, 168-69.
187. On the experiences of Populist legislators, see Peter H. Argersinger, "Ideology and Behavior: Legislative Politics and Western Populism," Agricultural History, 58, no. 1 (January 1984), 43-59; id., "Populists in Power: Public Policy and Legislative Behavior," Journal of Inter- disciplinary History 18, no. 1 (Summer 1987), 81-105; Gene Clanton, "'Hayseed Socialism' on the Hill: Congressional Populism, 1891-1895," Western Historical Quarterly 15, no. 2 (April 1984), 139-162; and John R. Morris, Davis H. Waite: The Ideology of a Western Populist (Washington, D.C., 1982).
188. On the experiences of Populist legislators, see Peter H. Argersinger, "Ideology and Behavior: Legislative Politics and Western Populism," Agricultural History, 58, no. 1 (January 1984), 43-59; id., "Populists in Power: Public Policy and Legislative Behavior," Journal of Inter-disciplinary History 18, no. 1 (Summer 1987), 81-105; Gene Clanton, "'Hayseed Socialism' on the Hill: Congressional Populism, 1891-1895," Western Historical Quarterly 15, no. 2 (April 1984), 139-162; and John R. Morris, Davis H. Waite: The Ideology of a Western Populist (Washington, D.C., 1982).
189. On the experiences of Populist legislators, see Peter H. Argersinger, "Ideology and Behavior: Legislative Politics and Western Populism," Agricultural History, 58, no. 1 (January 1984), 43-59; id., "Populists in Power: Public Policy and Legislative Behavior," Journal of Inter- disciplinary History 18, no. 1 (Summer 1987), 81-105; Gene Clanton, "'Hayseed Socialism' on the Hill: Congressional Populism, 1891-1895," Western Historical Quarterly 15, no. 2 (April 1984), 139-162; and John R. Morris, Davis H. Waite: The Ideology of a Western Populist (Washington, D.C., 1982).
190. On the experiences of Populist legislators, see Peter H. Argersinger, "Ideology and Behavior: Legislative Politics and Western Populism," Agricultural History, 58, no. 1 (January 1984), 43-59; id., "Populists in Power: Public Policy and Legislative Behavior," Journal of Inter- disciplinary History 18, no. 1 (Summer 1987), 81-105; Gene Clanton, "'Hayseed Socialism' on the Hill: Congressional Populism, 1891-1895," Western Historical Quarterly 15, no. 2 (April 1984), 139-162; and John R. Morris, Davis H. Waite: The Ideology of a Western Populist (Washington, D.C., 1982).
191. Quoted in John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931), 79. On the Populists and the law, see also James L. Hunt, "Populism, Law, and the Corporation: The 1897 Kansas Supreme Court," Agricultural History 66, no. 4 (Fall 1992), 28-54; and Alan F. Westin, "Populism and the Supreme Court," Supreme Court Historical Society Yearbook, 1980, 62-77.
192. Quoted in John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931), 79. On the Populists and the law, see also James L. Hunt, "Populism, Law, and the Corporation: The 1897 Kansas Supreme Court," Agricultural History 66, no. 4 (Fall 1992), 28-54; and Alan F. Westin, "Populism and the Supreme Court," Supreme Court Historical Society Yearbook, 1980, 62-77.
193. Quoted in John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party (Minneapolis, Minn., 1931), 79. On the Populists and the law, see also James L. Hunt, "Populism, Law, and the Corporation: The 1897 Kansas Supreme Court," Agricultural History 66, no. 4 (Fall 1992), 28-54; and Alan F. Westin, "Populism and the Supreme Court," Supreme Court Historical Society Yearbook, 1980, 62-77.
194. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
195. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
196. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
197. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
198. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
199. Quoted in Pollack, Just Polity, 29, 56-57; R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism: The Origins of Modern American Political Theory, 1890-1920 (Berkeley, 1982), 69; W.M. Rapsher, "Dangerous Trusts," North American Review 146 (May 1888), 509-14; Thomas E. Watson, "Why the People's Party Should Elect the Next President," The Arena 6, no. 32 (July 1892), 201-204; David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900 (Columbia, Mo., 1972), 2, 208-210; Cyrus F. Willard, "Trusts," The Arena 2, no. 11 (October 1890), 626-29.
200. Charles B. Spahr, An Essay on the Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States (New York, 1896), 3; Herman E. Taubeneck, "The Concentration of Wealth, Its Cause and Results," The Arena 18, no. 94 (September 1897), 300.
201. Charles B. Spahr, An Essay on the Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States (New York, 1896), 3; Herman E. Taubeneck, "The Concentration of Wealth, Its Cause and Results," The Arena 18, no. 94 (September 1897), 300.
202. Quoted in Destler, American Radicalism, 216. On the issue of land monopoly, cf. Larry A. McFarlane, "Nativism or Not: Perceptions of British Investment in Kansas, 1882-1901," Great Plains Quarterly 7, no. 4 (Fall 1987), 232-43; and Hugh O. Pentecost, "Poverty and Plutocracy: A Glance at Our Present Strained Conditions," The Arena 2, no. 9 (August 1890), 373-75. Lloyd S. Bryce, "Errors in Prof. Bryce's 'Commonwealth,'" North American Review 148 (March 1889), 352. In a series of educational programs developed by Charles Macune, the leading spirit of the Southern Farmers' Alliance around 1890, to further spread the organization, the argument that legislation caused uneven levels of wealth was highly important, indicating that Macune hoped to use well-established arguments to recruit new members. See Theodore R. Mitchell, Political Education in the Southern Farmers' Alliance, 1887-1900 (Madison, Wis 1987), 115-16.
203. Quoted in Destler, American Radicalism, 216. On the issue of land monopoly, cf. Larry A. McFarlane, "Nativism or Not: Perceptions of British Investment in Kansas, 1882-1901," Great Plains Quarterly 7, no. 4 (Fall 1987), 232-43; and Hugh O. Pentecost, "Poverty and Plutocracy: A Glance at Our Present Strained Conditions," The Arena 2, no. 9 (August 1890), 373-75. Lloyd S. Bryce, "Errors in Prof. Bryce's 'Commonwealth,'" North American Review 148 (March 1889), 352. In a series of educational programs developed by Charles Macune, the leading spirit of the Southern Farmers' Alliance around 1890, to further spread the organization, the argument that legislation caused uneven levels of wealth was highly important, indicating that Macune hoped to use well-established arguments to recruit new members. See Theodore R. Mitchell, Political Education in the Southern Farmers' Alliance, 1887-1900 (Madison, Wis 1987), 115-16.
204. Quoted in Destler, American Radicalism, 216. On the issue of land monopoly, cf. Larry A. McFarlane, "Nativism or Not: Perceptions of British Investment in Kansas, 1882-1901," Great Plains Quarterly 7, no. 4 (Fall 1987), 232-43; and Hugh O. Pentecost, "Poverty and Plutocracy: A Glance at Our Present Strained Conditions," The Arena 2, no. 9 (August 1890), 373-75. Lloyd S. Bryce, "Errors in Prof. Bryce's 'Commonwealth,'" North American Review 148 (March 1889), 352. In a series of educational programs developed by Charles Macune, the leading spirit of the Southern Farmers' Alliance around 1890, to further spread the organization, the argument that legislation caused uneven levels of wealth was highly important, indicating that Macune hoped to use well-established arguments to recruit new members. See Theodore R. Mitchell, Political Education in the Southern Farmers' Alliance, 1887-1900 (Madison, Wis 1987), 115-16.
205. Quoted in Destler, American Radicalism, 216. On the issue of land monopoly, cf. Larry A. McFarlane, "Nativism or Not: Perceptions of British Investment in Kansas, 1882-1901," Great Plains Quarterly 7, no. 4 (Fall 1987), 232-43; and Hugh O. Pentecost, "Poverty and Plutocracy: A Glance at Our Present Strained Conditions," The Arena 2, no. 9 (August 1890), 373-75. Lloyd S. Bryce, "Errors in Prof. Bryce's 'Commonwealth,'" North American Review 148 (March 1889), 352. In a series of educational programs developed by Charles Macune, the leading spirit of the Southern Farmers' Alliance around 1890, to further spread the organization, the argument that legislation caused uneven levels of wealth was highly important, indicating that Macune hoped to use well-established arguments to recruit new members. See Theodore R. Mitchell, Political Education in the Southern Farmers' Alliance, 1887-1900 (Madison, Wis 1987), 115-16.
206. Quoted in Destler, American Radicalism, 216. On the issue of land monopoly, cf. Larry A. McFarlane, "Nativism or Not: Perceptions of British Investment in Kansas, 1882-1901," Great Plains Quarterly 7, no. 4 (Fall 1987), 232-43; and Hugh O. Pentecost, "Poverty and Plutocracy: A Glance at Our Present Strained Conditions," The Arena 2, no. 9 (August 1890), 373-75. Lloyd S. Bryce, "Errors in Prof. Bryce's 'Commonwealth,'" North American Review 148 (March 1889), 352. In a series of educational programs developed by Charles Macune, the leading spirit of the Southern Farmers' Alliance around 1890, to further spread the organization, the argument that legislation caused uneven levels of wealth was highly important, indicating that Macune hoped to use well-established arguments to recruit new members. See Theodore R. Mitchell, Political Education in the Southern Farmers' Alliance, 1887-1900 (Madison, Wis 1987), 115-16.
207. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
208. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
209. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
210. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
211. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
212. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads
213. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
214. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
215. See Gerald Berk, "Constituting Corporations and Markets: Railroads in Gilded Age Politics," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 130-68; id., Alternative Tracks: The Constitution of American Industrial Order, 1865-1917 (Baltimore, 1994); James May, "Antitrust in the Formative Era: Political and Economic Theory in Constitutional and Antitrust Analysis," Ohio State Law Journal 60 (1989), 258-395; Charles W. McCurdy, "Justice Field and the Jurisprudence of Government-Business Relations: Some Parameters of Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism, 1863-1897," Journal of American History 61, no. 4 (March 1975), 970-1005; id., "American Law and the Marketing Structure of the Large Corporation, 1875-1900," Journal of Economic History 38, no. 3 (September 1978), 648-49; Martin J. Sklar, The Corporate Reconstruction of American Capitalism, 1890-1916: The Market, the Law, and Politics (New York, 1988), 51-52; Alton D. Adams, "State Control of Trusts," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (September 1903), 462-79; Albion W. Small, "The State of Semi-Public Corporations," American Journal of Sociology 1, no. 4 (January 1896), 398-410; Steven L. Piott, The Antimonopoly Persuasion: Popular Resistance to the Rise of Big Business in the Midwest (Westport, Conn., 1985), 31, 35-36, 42-43, 50.
216. Civic Federation of Chicago, Chicago Conference on Trusts (Chicago, 1990), 40, 65.
217. Ibid., 45, 48.
218. Ibid., 111, 274, 418-19, 466. Davis, who was elected governor of Arkansas in 1900, was indeed a tireless crusader against corporations and trusts in his home state, launching prosecutions against a variety of trusts. See Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville, Tenn., 1983), 91.
219. Ibid., 111, 274, 418-19, 466. Davis, who was elected governor of Arkansas in 1900, was indeed a tireless crusader against corporations and trusts in his home state, launching prosecutions against a variety of trusts. See Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville, Tenn., 1983), 91.
220. Ibid., 286. A national antitrust conference was also held in Chicago a few months after the one sponsored by the Chicago Civic Federation. Its deliberations were dominated by the idea that corporations and monopolies were the result of government action. See Official Report of the National Anti-Trust Conference (Chicago, 1900).
221. Ibid., 286. A national antitrust conference was also held in Chicago a few months after the one sponsored by the Chicago Civic Federation. Its deliberations were dominated by the idea that corporations and monopolies were the result of government action. See Official Report of the National Anti-Trust Conference (Chicago, 1900).
222. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
223. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
224. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
225. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
226. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860-1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
227. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
228. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
229. Leon Fink, "The Uses of Political Power: Toward a Theory of the Labor Movement in the Era of the Knights of Labor," in Frisch and Walkowitz, Working-Class America, 104-22; Victoria Hattam, "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State, 1865-1896," Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990), 90-92; Linda Schneider, "The Citizen Striker: Workers' Ideology in the Homestead Strike of 1892," Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (Winter 1982), 47-66; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70, no. 2 (September 1983), 323-39; David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America, 1860- 1920," Le Mouvement Social 111 (April-June 1980), 206; Richard Oestreicher, "Terence V. Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and Artisanal Republicanism," in Dubofsky and Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America, 30-61; Scan Wilentz, "Against Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790-1920," International Labor and Working Class History 26, no. 3 (Fall 1984), 14-15; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993).
230. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
231. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
232. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
233. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
234. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
235. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891-1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
236. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
237. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
238. Samuel Gompers, "Organized Labor in the Campaign," North American Review 155 (July 1892), 93; Chicago Conference on Trusts, 330; Richard Oestreicher, "Urban Working-Class Political Behavior and Theories of American Electoral Politics, 1870-1940," Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (March 1988), 1257-86; Hattam, "Economic Visions"; Shefter, "Trades Unions and Political Machines," 272-73; Eli Goldschmidt, "Labor and Populism: New York City, 1891- 1896," Labor History 13 no. 4 (Fall 1972), 520-32. Alexander Saxton, "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies," Pacific Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (November 1965), 421-38. On the relations between workers and the trusts, see also John B. Clark, "Monopoly and the Struggle of Classes," Political Science Quarterly 18, no. 4 (December 1903), 599-613. In his continued emphasis on the power of the ballot, Eugene Debs occupies a curious position. Although the socialists argued that centralization was an inevitable consequence of capitalist evolution, they also championed political reform much in the same way as the Knights of Labor. See Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, Ill., 1982).
239. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
240. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
241. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
242. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
243. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
244. On the nature of Progressive reform, see Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Historical Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1964), 157-69; Sheldon Hackney, Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (Princeton, N.J., 1969), XIII: Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm," Agricultural History 51, no. 3 (July 1977), 559-81; Richard L. McCormick, From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981): David Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York, 1982); John D. Buenker, "Urban, New-Stock Liberalism and Progressive Reform in New Jersey," New Jersey History 87, no. 2 (Summer 1969), 79-104.
245. Daniel T. Rodgers, "In Search of Progressivism," Reviews in American History 10, no. 4 (December 1892), 123-24.
246. James Bryce, "America Revisited: The Changes of a Quarter-Century," The Outlook 79 (April 1, 1905), 848-49. Some American historians, such as Gabriel Kolko and James Weinstein, have stressed that efforts to regulate corporations and trusts were dominated by big business itself. But in a comparative perspective, the United States clearly had by far the strongest antitrust movement of all Western industrial nations. Many of the practices, such as cartelization, outlawed in America were common practice in such countries as Germany and France. While antimonopolists could not derail the growth of big business, they did have a noticeable impact on its legal and public standing. See Morton Keller, "Public Policy and Large Enterprise: Comparative Historical Perspectives," in Law and the Formation of the Big Enterprises in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Norbert Horn and Juergen Kocka (Goettingen, 1979), 523- 531.
247. James Bryce, "America Revisited: The Changes of a Quarter-Century," The Outlook 79 (April 1, 1905), 848-49. Some American historians, such as Gabriel Kolko and James Weinstein, have stressed that efforts to regulate corporations and trusts were dominated by big business itself. But in a comparative perspective, the United States clearly had by far the strongest antitrust movement of all Western industrial nations. Many of the practices, such as cartelization, outlawed in America were common practice in such countries as Germany and France. While antimonopolists could not derail the growth of big business, they did have a noticeable impact on its legal and public standing. See Morton Keller, "Public Policy and Large Enterprise: Comparative Historical Perspectives," in Law and the Formation of the Big Enterprises in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Norbert Horn and Juergen Kocka (Goettingen, 1979), 523-531.
248. Frederick C. Howe, Privilege and Democracy in America (New York, 1910), 51, 68; Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 31. See also Charles G. Miller, "The Trust Question: Its Development in America," The Arena 23, no. 1 (January 1900), 40-50.
249. Frederick C. Howe, Privilege and Democracy in America (New York, 1910), 51, 68; Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 31. See also Charles G. Miller, "The Trust Question: Its Development in America," The Arena 23, no. 1 (January 1900), 40-50.
250. Frederick C. Howe, Privilege and Democracy in America (New York, 1910), 51, 68; Warner, Progressivism in Ohio, 31. See also Charles G. Miller, "The Trust Question: Its Development in America," The Arena 23, no. 1 (January 1900), 40-50.
251. Charles K. Mohler, "Public Utility Regulation by Los Angeles," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 53 (May 1914), 117; James B. Phelan, "Municipal Conditions in California," The Arena 17, no. 91 (June 1897), 991-92.
252. Charles K. Mohler, "Public Utility Regulation by Los Angeles," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 53 (May 1914), 117; James B. Phelan, "Municipal Conditions in California," The Arena 17, no. 91 (June 1897), 991-92.
253. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
254. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
255. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
256. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
257. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
258. Between 1902 and 1907, state legislatures passed about 800 railroad laws. See Morton Keller, Regulating a New Economy: Public Policy and Economic Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 47. This is not meant to suggest that regulatory efforts slowed down at the state level. Many businesses that operated on the local or state level, insurance companies and power companies, for instance, found themselves under closer state supervision. Many states also strengthened their railroad commissions despite the growing power of the Interstate Commerce Commission. In the area of trusts and corporate privileges, though, the federal level loomed larger due to the interstate nature of the trusts. For other studies of Progressive reform efforts on the state level, see H. Roger Grant, Insurance Reform: Consumer Action in the Progressive Era (Ames, Iowa, 1979); Grantham, Southern Progressivism; id., "Hoke Smith: Progressive Governor of Georgia, 1907-1909," Journal of Southern History 15, no. 4 (November 1949), 423-40; C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge, 1951); McCormich, From Realignment to Reform.
259. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
260. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
261. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
262. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445-52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
263. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
264. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
265. Taft quoted in John D. Buenker, The Income Tax and the Progressive Era (New York, 1985), 107; Charles A. Conant, "The New Corporation Tax," North American Review 190 (August 1909), 235. For a similar attempt regarding public utilities at the local and state levels, see John Ford, "Taxation of Public Franchises," North American Review 168 (June 1899), 730-38; E.R.A. Seligman, "The Franchise Tax Law in New York," Quarterly Journal of Economics 13 (July 1899), 445- 52. Arthur M. Johnson, "Antitrust Policy in Transition, 1908: Ideal and Reality," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 48, no. 3 (December 1961), 415-34; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Proposed Federal Incorporation in the Progressive Era," American Journal of Legal History 26, no. 2 (April 1982), 160-82; Peter S. Grosscup, "Is There Common Ground on Which Thoughtful Men Can Meet on the Trust Question," North American Review 195 (March 1912), 293-309.
266. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V - Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
267. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V - Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
268. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V - Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
269. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V - Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
270. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V - Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
271. "The Paramount Issue," The Outlook, May 28, 1910, 134; "The Insurgent League," The Outlook, February 4, 1911, 256-57; "The Progressive League Platform," The Outlook, February 18, 1911, 346-48; William A. White, "The Insurgence of Insurgency," American Magazine 71, no. 2 (December 1910), 170-174; C.B. Fillebrown, "The Taxation of Privilege," The Outlook, February 5, 1910, 311-13. In their search for the mechanisms behind the formation of monopolies, the insurgents distinguished between two factors: the outright grant of a monopoly to a private party by the government, such as in the case of street railway franchises, and the creation of a monopoly by one corporation by purchasing its rivals. See "The Progressive Movement: V -Monopoly," The Outlook, October 12, 1912, 288-91.
272. See, e.g., John A. Gable, The Bull Moose Years: Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Party (Port Washington, N.Y., 1979).
273. Herbert K. Smith, "Corporate Regulation - An Administrative Office," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 287.
274. Theodore Roosevelt, "Nationalism and Democracy," The Outlook, March 25, 1911, 622-23; id., "Nationalism and Popular Rule," The Outlook, January 21, 1911, 96-101 ; id., "Nationalism and Special Privilege," The Outlook, January 28, 1911, 145-48; id., "Progressive Democracy: The People and the Courts," The Outlook, August 17, 1912, 855-57.
275. Theodore Roosevelt, "Nationalism and Democracy," The Outlook, March 25, 1911, 622- 23; id., "Nationalism and Popular Rule," The Outlook, January 21, 1911, 96-101 ; id., "Nationalism and Special Privilege," The Outlook, January 28, 1911, 145-48; id., "Progressive Democracy: The People and the Courts," The Outlook, August 17, 1912, 855-57.
276. Theodore Roosevelt, "Nationalism and Democracy," The Outlook, March 25, 1911, 622- 23; id., "Nationalism and Popular Rule," The Outlook, January 21, 1911, 96-101 ; id., "Nationalism and Special Privilege," The Outlook, January 28, 1911, 145-48; id., "Progressive Democracy: The People and the Courts," The Outlook, August 17, 1912, 855-57.
277. Theodore Roosevelt, "Nationalism and Democracy," The Outlook, March 25, 1911, 622- 23; id., "Nationalism and Popular Rule," The Outlook, January 21, 1911, 96-101 ; id., "Nationalism and Special Privilege," The Outlook, January 28, 1911, 145-48; id., "Progressive Democracy: The People and the Courts," The Outlook, August 17, 1912, 855-57.
278. Theodore Roosevelt, "The Progressives, Past and Present," The Outlook, September 3, 1910, 24, 27.
279. Woodrow Wilson, for instance, contended in 1909 that the protective tariff was one of the "entrenchments of Special Privilege." See Wilson, "The Tariff Make-Believe," North American Review 190 (October 1909), 541.
280. Herbert Croly, "Democratic Factions and Insurgent Republicans," North American Re" view 191 (May 1910), 627; id., Progressive Democracy (New York, 1915), 106; Francis G. Newlands, "Review and Criticism of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 289-95.
281. Herbert Croly, "Democratic Factions and Insurgent Republicans," North American Re" view 191 (May 1910), 627; id., Progressive Democracy (New York, 1915), 106; Francis G. Newlands, "Review and Criticism of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 289-95.
282. Herbert Croly, "Democratic Factions and Insurgent Republicans," North American Re" view 191 (May 1910), 627; id., Progressive Democracy
283. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
284. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
285. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
286. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
287. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
288. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
289. Louis Brandeis, The Curse of Bigness: Miscellaneous Papers of Louis Brandeis, ed. Osmond K.Fraenkel (Port Washington, N.Y, 1965), 138, 105; id., Other People's Money and How the Bankers Use It (New York, 1967 [1914]), 111, 128. On Brandeis, see also Philippa Strum, Louis D. Brandeis: Justice for the People (Cambridge, Mass., 1984); id., Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, Kans., 1993); Melvin I. Urofsky, A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform (New York, 1971); Thomas K. McCraw, Prophets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, Alfred E. Kahn (Cambridge, Mass., 1984). See also E.S. Meade, "The Fallacy of 'Big Business,'" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 83-88.
290. Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York, 1913), 180; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Wilson, Brandeis, and the Trust Issue, 1912- 1914," Mid-America 49, no. 1 (January 1967), 3-28. On the extent to which business leaders engaged in illegal practices, see Saul Engelbourg, Power and Morality: American Business Ethics, 1840-1914 (Westport, Conn., 1980).
291. Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York, 1913), 180; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Wilson, Brandeis, and the Trust Issue, 1912-1914," Mid-America 49, no. 1 (January 1967), 3-28. On the extent to which business leaders engaged in illegal practices, see Saul Engelbourg, Power and Morality: American Business Ethics, 1840-1914 (Westport, Conn., 1980).
292. Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York, 1913), 180; Melvin I. Urofsky, "Wilson, Brandeis, and the Trust Issue, 1912- 1914," Mid-America 49, no. 1 (January 1967), 3-28. On the extent to which business leaders engaged in illegal practices, see Saul Engelbourg, Power and Morality: American Business Ethics, 1840-1914 (Westport, Conn., 1980).
293. Richard T. Ely, Monopolies and Trusts (New York, 1900), 28-29; Edward W. Bemis, "The Trust Problem - Its Real Nature," Forum 28 (December 1899), 412-26; Charles J. Bullock, "Trust Literature: A Survey and a Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Economics 15 (February 1901), 167-217; Jeremiah Jenks, "The Development of the Whiskey Trust," Political Science Quarterly 4, no. 2 (June 1889), 296-319.
294. Richard T. Ely, Monopolies and Trusts (New York, 1900), 28-29; Edward W. Bemis, "The Trust Problem - Its Real Nature," Forum 28 (December 1899), 412-26; Charles J. Bullock, "Trust Literature: A Survey and a Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Economics 15 (February 1901), 167-217; Jeremiah Jenks, "The Development of the Whiskey Trust," Political Science Quarterly 4, no. 2 (June 1889), 296-319.
295. Richard T. Ely, Monopolies and Trusts (New York, 1900), 28-29; Edward W. Bemis, "The Trust Problem - Its Real Nature," Forum 28 (December 1899), 412-26; Charles J. Bullock, "Trust Literature: A Survey and a Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Economics 15 (February 1901), 167-217; Jeremiah Jenks, "The Development of the Whiskey Trust," Political Science Quarterly 4, no. 2 (June 1889), 296-319.
296. Richard T. Ely, Monopolies and Trusts (New York, 1900), 28-29; Edward W. Bemis, "The Trust Problem - Its Real Nature," Forum 28 (December 1899), 412-26; Charles J. Bullock, "Trust Literature: A Survey and a Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Economics 15 (February 1901), 167-217; Jeremiah Jenks, "The Development of the Whiskey Trust," Political Science Quarterly 4, no. 2 (June 1889), 296-319.
297. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
298. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
299. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
300. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
301. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
302. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
303. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
304. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
305. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
306. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
307. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
308. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
309. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
310. John R. Commons, The Distribution of Wealth (New York, 1905), 103-106; Edward D. Durand, The Trust Problem (Cambridge, Mass., 1914); Alton D. Adams, "Legal Monopoly," Political Science Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1904), 173-92; John B. Clark, "Monopolies and the Law," Political Science Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1901), 463-75; John B. Clark and John M. Clark, The Control of Trusts (New York, 1914); Edwin B. Jennings, Democracy and the Trusts (New York, 1900); Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Capitalist Monopolies and Their Relation to the State," Political Science Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 1894), 486-509; id., The Trust Problem (New York, 1901); Rudolph Kleberg, "State Control of Trusts," The Arena 22, no. 2 (August 1899), 191-200; Bruce Wyman, "Unfair Competition by Monopolistic Corporations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 67-73; Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956); Donald Dewey, The Antitrust Experiment in America (New York, 1990): Louis Galambos, The Public Image of Big Business in America, 1880-1940: A Quantitative Study in Social Change (Baltimore, 1975). On the uses of antimonopoly arguments to garner voter support, see James M. Beck, "Limitations of Anti-Trust Legislation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 42 (July 1912), 296-302.
311. Paul Sinsheimer, "Commission Government: Public Utility Regulation in California," The Outlook, September 6, 1916, 32.
312. Herbert E. Gaston, The Nonpartisan League (New York, 1920), 3-4, 321; Frederick M. Davenport, "The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota," The Outlook, October 11, 1916, 325-27; Charles E. Russell, The Story of the Nonpartisan League: A Chapter in American Revolution (New York, 1920); Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, Twentieth Century Populism: Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West, 1900-1939 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1951), 191, 546-47; Saloutos, "The Montana Society of Equity," Pacific Historical Review 14, no. 4 (December 1945), 393-408.
313. Herbert E. Gaston, The Nonpartisan League (New York, 1920), 3-4, 321; Frederick M. Davenport, "The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota," The Outlook, October 11, 1916, 325-27; Charles E. Russell, The Story of the Nonpartisan League: A Chapter in American Revolution (New York, 1920); Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, Twentieth Century Populism: Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West, 1900-1939 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1951), 191, 546-47; Saloutos, "The Montana Society of Equity," Pacific Historical Review 14, no. 4 (December 1945), 393-408.
314. Herbert E. Gaston, The Nonpartisan League (New York, 1920), 3-4, 321; Frederick M. Davenport, "The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota," The Outlook, October 11, 1916, 325-27; Charles E. Russell, The Story of the Nonpartisan League: A Chapter in American Revolution (New York, 1920); Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, Twentieth Century Populism: Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West, 1900-1939 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1951), 191, 546-47; Saloutos, "The Montana Society of Equity," Pacific Historical Review 14, no. 4 (December 1945), 393-408.
315. Herbert E. Gaston, The Nonpartisan League (New York, 1920), 3-4, 321; Frederick M. Davenport, "The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota," The Outlook, October 11, 1916, 325-27; Charles E. Russell, The Story of the Nonpartisan League: A Chapter in American Revolution (New York, 1920); Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, Twentieth Century Populism: Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West, 1900-1939 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1951), 191, 546-47; Saloutos, "The Montana Society of Equity," Pacific Historical Review 14, no. 4 (December 1945), 393-408.
316. Herbert E. Gaston, The Nonpartisan League (New York, 1920), 3-4, 321; Frederick M. Davenport, "The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota," The Outlook, October 11, 1916, 325-27; Charles E. Russell, The Story of the Nonpartisan League: A Chapter in American Revolution (New York, 1920); Theodore Saloutos and John D. Hicks, Twentieth Century Populism: Agricultural Discontent in the Middle West, 1900-1939 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1951), 191, 546-47; Saloutos, "The Montana Society of Equity," Pacific Historical Review 14, no. 4 (December 1945), 393-408.
317. Millard L. Gieske, Minnesota Farmer-Laborism: The Third Party Alternative (Minneapolis, Minn., 1979); Richard M. Valelly, Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy (Chicago, 1989). On the nature of rural politics in the early twentieth century, see also Elizabeth Sanders, "Farmers and the State in the Progressive Era," in Changes in the State: Causes and Consequences, ed. E.S. Greenberg and T.E. Mayer (Newberry Park, Calif., 1990), 183-205.
318. Millard L. Gieske, Minnesota Farmer-Laborism: The Third Party Alternative (Minneapolis, Minn., 1979); Richard M. Valelly, Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy (Chicago, 1989). On the nature of rural politics in the early twentieth century, see also Elizabeth Sanders, "Farmers and the State in the Progressive Era," in Changes in the State: Causes and Consequences, ed. E.S. Greenberg and T.E. Mayer (Newberry Park, Calif., 1990), 183-205.
319. Millard L. Gieske, Minnesota Farmer-Laborism: The Third Party Alternative (Minneapolis, Minn., 1979); Richard M. Valelly, Radicalism in the States: The Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party and the American Political Economy (Chicago, 1989). On the nature of rural politics in the early twentieth century, see also Elizabeth Sanders, "Farmers and the State in the Progressive Era," in Changes in the State: Causes and Consequences, ed. E.S. Greenberg and T.E. Mayer (Newberry Park, Calif., 1990), 183-205.
320. Eugene M. Tobin, Organize or Perish: America's Independent Progressives, 1913-1933 (Westport, Conn., 1986), 150; Edward N. Doan, The La Follettes and the Wisconsin Idea (New York, 1947), 129; Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a Progressive, 1913-1933 (Urbana, Ill., 1971); LeRoy Ashby, The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s (Urbana, Ill., 1972).
321. Eugene M. Tobin, Organize or Perish: America's Independent Progressives, 1913-1933 (Westport, Conn., 1986), 150; Edward N. Doan, The La Follettes and the Wisconsin Idea (New York, 1947), 129; Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a Progressive, 1913-1933 (Urbana, Ill., 1971); LeRoy Ashby, The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s (Urbana, Ill., 1972).
322. Eugene M. Tobin, Organize or Perish: America's Independent Progressives, 1913-1933 (Westport, Conn., 1986), 150; Edward N. Doan, The La Follettes and the Wisconsin Idea (New York, 1947), 129; Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a Progressive, 1913-1933 (Urbana, Ill., 1971); LeRoy Ashby, The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s (Urbana, Ill., 1972).
323. Eugene M. Tobin, Organize or Perish: America's Independent Progressives, 1913-1933 (Westport, Conn., 1986), 150; Edward N. Doan, The La Follettes and the Wisconsin Idea (New York, 1947), 129; Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a Progressive, 1913-1933 (Urbana, Ill., 1971); LeRoy Ashby, The Spearless Leader: Senator Borah and the Progressive Movement in the 1920s (Urbana, Ill., 1972).
324. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
325. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
326. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
327. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
328. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
329. Adolph A. Berle,Jr., and Gardiner C Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York, 1968 [1932]), 120, 3-5; Richard H. Pells, Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (New York, 1974), 69-71; Raymond Moley, After Seven Years (New York, 1939), 24; Daniel R. Fusfeld, The Economic Thought of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Origins of the New Deal (New York, 1956), 220, 245-46; Ellis W. Hawley, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966). For a different interpretation of the National Recovery Administration that stresses the benefits for small and medium-sized businesses, see Donald R. Brand, Corporatism and the Rule of Law: A Study of the National Recovery Administration (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988), 303-4.
330. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
331. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
332. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
333. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
334. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
335. Ronald L. Feinman, Twilight of Progressivism: The Western Republican Senators and the New Deal (Baltimore, 1981); Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Triumph of a Progressive, 1933-1944 (Urbana, Ill., 1978): Ronald A. Mulder, The Insurgent Progressives in the United States Senate and the New Deal, 1933-1939 (New York, 1979); David A. Horowitz, "Senator Borah's Crusade to Save Small Business from the New Deal," Historian 55, no. 4 (Summer 1993), 693-708; Ashby, The Spearless Leader; Otis L. Graham, Jr., An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967).
336. Thomas K. McCraw, "Rethinking the Trust Question," in Regulation in Perspective, ed. Thomas K. McCraw (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 47; Juliet Blumenfeld, "Retail Trade Regulations and Their Constitutionality," California Law Review 22, no. 1 (November 1933), 96; "Fair Trade Legislation: The Constitutionality of a State Experiment in Resale Price Maintenance," Harvard Law Review 49, no. 5 (March 1936), 811-21; Ewald T. Grether, "Experience in California with Fair Trade Legislation Restricting Price Cutting," California Law Review 24, no. 6 (September 1936), 640-700.
337. Thomas K. McCraw, "Rethinking the Trust Question," in Regulation in Perspective, ed. Thomas K. McCraw (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 47; Juliet Blumenfeld, "Retail Trade Regulations and Their Constitutionality," California Law Review 22, no. 1 (November 1933), 96; "Fair Trade Legislation: The Constitutionality of a State Experiment in Resale Price Maintenance," Harvard Law Review 49, no. 5 (March 1936), 811-21; Ewald T. Grether, "Experience in California with Fair Trade Legislation Restricting Price Cutting," California Law Review 24, no. 6 (September 1936), 640-700.
338. Thomas K. McCraw, "Rethinking the Trust Question," in Regulation in Perspective, ed. Thomas K. McCraw (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 47; Juliet Blumenfeld, "Retail Trade Regulations and Their Constitutionality," California Law Review 22, no. 1 (November 1933), 96; "Fair Trade Legislation: The Constitutionality of a State Experiment in Resale Price Maintenance," Harvard Law Review 49, no. 5 (March 1936), 811-21; Ewald T. Grether, "Experience in California with Fair Trade Legislation Restricting Price Cutting," California Law Review 24, no. 6 (September 1936), 640-700.
339. Thomas K. McCraw, "Rethinking the Trust Question," in Regulation in Perspective, ed. Thomas K. McCraw (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 47; Juliet Blumenfeld, "Retail Trade Regulations and Their Constitutionality," California Law Review 22, no. 1 (November 1933), 96; "Fair Trade Legislation: The Constitutionality of a State Experiment in Resale Price Maintenance," Harvard Law Review 49, no. 5 (March 1936), 811-21; Ewald T. Grether, "Experience in California with Fair Trade Legislation Restricting Price Cutting," California Law Review 24, no. 6 (September 1936), 640-700.
340. See Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly, 251-54, 266-68; Alan Stone, Economic Regulation and the Public Interest: The Federal Trade Commission in Theory and Practice (Ithaca, N. Y., 1977), 95-98; Morton Keller, "The Pluralist State: American Economic Regulation in Comparative Perspective, 1900-1930," in McCraw, Regulation in Perspective, 93-94; John M. Clark, "Monopolistic Tendencies, Their Character and Consequences," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (1939), 124-31.
341. See Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly, 251-54, 266-68; Alan Stone, Economic Regulation and the Public Interest: The Federal Trade Commission in Theory and Practice (Ithaca, N. Y., 1977), 95-98; Morton Keller, "The Pluralist State: American Economic Regulation in Comparative Perspective, 1900-1930," in McCraw, Regulation in Perspective, 93-94; John M. Clark, "Monopolistic Tendencies, Their Character and Consequences," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (1939), 124-31.
342. See Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly, 251-54, 266-68; Alan Stone, Economic Regulation and the Public Interest: The Federal Trade Commission in Theory and Practice (Ithaca, N. Y., 1977), 95-98; Morton Keller, "The Pluralist State: American Economic Regulation in Comparative Perspective, 1900-1930," in McCraw, Regulation in Perspective, 93-94; John M. Clark, "Monopolistic Tendencies, Their Character and Consequences," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (1939), 124-31.
343. See Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly, 251-54, 266-68; Alan Stone, Economic Regulation and the Public Interest: The Federal Trade Commission in Theory and Practice (Ithaca, N. Y., 1977), 95-98; Morton Keller, "The Pluralist State: American Economic Regulation in Comparative Perspective, 1900-1930," in McCraw, Regulation in Perspective, 93-94; John M. Clark, "Monopolistic Tendencies, Their Character and Consequences," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (1939), 124-31.
344. Don Francisco, "How Business Can Make Friends," California-Magazine of the Pacific 28, no. 1 (January 1938), 9; id., "Inside Story of California Chain Tax War," Advertising & Selling 28 (February 11, 1937), 53-54; S.H. Walker and Paul Sklar, "Business Finds Its Voice," Harper's Magazine 176 (March 1938), 428-40.
345. Don Francisco, "How Business Can Make Friends," California-Magazine of the Pacific 28, no. 1 (January 1938), 9; id., "Inside Story of California Chain Tax War," Advertising & Selling 28 (February 11, 1937), 53-54; S.H. Walker and Paul Sklar, "Business Finds Its Voice," Harper's Magazine 176 (March 1938), 428-40.
346. Don Francisco, "How Business Can Make Friends," California-Magazine of the Pacific 28, no. 1 (January 1938), 9; id., "Inside Story of California Chain Tax War," Advertising & Selling 28 (February 11, 1937), 53-54; S.H. Walker and Paul Sklar, "Business Finds Its Voice," Harper's Magazine 176 (March 1938), 428-40.
347. Moley, After Seven Years, 372-73; David Lynch, The Concentration of Economic Power (New York, 1946), 24-28; Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monpoloy, 378-79, 392-93.
348. Moley, After Seven Years, 372-73; David Lynch, The Concentration of Economic Power (New York, 1946), 24-28; Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monpoloy, 378-79, 392-93.
349. Moley, After Seven Years, 372-73; David Lynch, The Concentration of Economic Power (New York, 1946), 24-28; Hawley, New Deal and the Problem of Monpoloy, 378-79, 392-93.
350. Thurman Arnold, "The Policy of Government toward Big Business," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (January 1939), 180; "The New Deal and the Trusts," New Republic, December 7, 1938, 115-16; Alan Brinkley, "The Antimonopoly Ideal and the Liberal State; The Case of Thurman Arnold," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 557-79; Gene M. Gressley, "Thurman Arnold, Antitrust, and the New Deal," Business History Review 38, no. 2 (Summer 1964), 214-31; Wilson D. Miscamble, "Thurman Arnold Goes to Washington: A Look at Antitrust Policy in the Later New Deal," Business History Review 56, no. 1 (Spring 1982), 1-15.
351. Thurman Arnold, "The Policy of Government toward Big Business," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (January 1939), 180; "The New Deal and the Trusts," New Republic, December 7, 1938, 115-16; Alan Brinkley, "The Antimonopoly Ideal and the Liberal State; The Case of Thurman Arnold," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 557-79; Gene M. Gressley, "Thurman Arnold, Antitrust, and the New Deal," Business History Review 38, no. 2 (Summer 1964), 214-31; Wilson D. Miscamble, "Thurman Arnold Goes to Washington: A Look at Antitrust Policy in the Later New Deal," Business History Review 56, no. 1 (Spring 1982), 1-15.
352. Thurman Arnold, "The Policy of Government toward Big Business," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (January 1939), 180; "The New Deal and the Trusts," New Republic, December 7, 1938, 115-16; Alan Brinkley, "The Antimonopoly Ideal and the Liberal State; The Case of Thurman Arnold," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 557-79; Gene M. Gressley, "Thurman Arnold, Antitrust, and the New Deal," Business History Review 38, no. 2 (Summer 1964), 214-31; Wilson D. Miscamble, "Thurman Arnold Goes to Washington: A Look at Antitrust Policy in the Later New Deal," Business History Review 56, no. 1 (Spring 1982), 1-15.
353. Thurman Arnold, "The Policy of Government toward Big Business," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (January 1939), 180; "The New Deal and the Trusts," New Republic, December 7, 1938, 115-16; Alan Brinkley, "The Antimonopoly Ideal and the Liberal State; The Case of Thurman Arnold," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 557-79; Gene M. Gressley, "Thurman Arnold, Antitrust, and the New Deal," Business History Review 38, no. 2 (Summer 1964), 214-31; Wilson D. Miscamble, "Thurman Arnold Goes to Washington: A Look at Antitrust Policy in the Later New Deal," Business History Review 56, no. 1 (Spring 1982), 1-15.
354. Thurman Arnold, "The Policy of Government toward Big Business," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 18 (January 1939), 180; "The New Deal and the Trusts," New Republic, December 7, 1938, 115-16; Alan Brinkley, "The Antimonopoly Ideal and the Liberal State; The Case of Thurman Arnold," Journal of American History 80, no. 2 (September 1993), 557-79; Gene M. Gressley, "Thurman Arnold, Antitrust, and the New Deal," Business History Review 38, no. 2 (Summer 1964), 214-31; Wilson D. Miscamble, "Thurman Arnold Goes to Washington: A Look at Antitrust Policy in the Later New Deal," Business History Review 56, no. 1 (Spring 1982), 1-15.
355. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
356. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
357. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
358. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
359. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
360. See Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982); Donald R. McCoy, Angry Voices: Left-of-Center Politics in the New Deal Era (Lawrence, Kans., 1958); Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Philadelphia, 1983): Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992), 136-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, "Populist Influences on American Fascism," Western Political Quarterly 10, no. 2 (June 1957), 350-73; Hofstadter, Age of Reform, 77-81.
361. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
362. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
363. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
364. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
365. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
366. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
367. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).
368. On populism in contemporary American politics, see Alan Crawford, "Right-Wing Populism," Social Policy 11, no. 1 (May-June 1980), 2-9; Michael P. Federici, The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America (New York, 1991): Robert A. Nisbet, "Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," Public Interests 41, no. 3 (Fall 1975), 166-92; id., "The Dilemma of Conservatives in a Populist Society," Policy Review 4, no. 1 (Spring 1978), 91-104; Kenneth Anderson, Russell A. Berman, Tim Lake, Paul Piccone, and Michael Traves. "The Empire Strikes Out: A Roundtable on Populist Politics," Telos 87 (Spring 1991), 3-37; George B. Tindall, "Populism: A Semantic Identity Crisis," Virginia Quarterly Review 48, no. 4 (Autumn 1972), 501-18; Tip H. Allen, Jr., and Dale A. Krane, "Class Receptors Race: The Reemergence of Neopopulism in Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics," Southern Studies 19, no. 2 (Summer 1980), 182-92; Harry C. Boyte and Frank Rissman, eds., The New Populism: The Politics of Empowerment (Philadelphia, 1986).