Creating solidarity: The religious foundations of the Polish social movement

East European Politics and Societies

Volumn 11, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 339-364

  Osa, Maryjane ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0031516118     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0888325497011002007     Document Type: Article

References (91)

1. Jan Kubik, "Who Done It: Workers, Intellectuals, or Someone Else? Controversy over Solidarity's Origins and Social Composition," Theory and Society 23 (1994): 441-66.
2. Lawrence Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier: The Rise of Solidarity in Poland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); see also Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: A Political Sociology of Poland's Working Class Democratization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).
3. Lawrence Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier: The Rise of Solidarity in Poland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); see also Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: A Political Sociology of Poland's Working Class Democratization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).
4. On leftist intellectuals, see David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-politics: Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990); on civil society, see Michael Bernhard, The Origins of Democratization in Poland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); and Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland (University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994).
5. On leftist intellectuals, see David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-politics: Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990); on civil society, see Michael Bernhard, The Origins of Democratization in Poland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); and Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland (University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994).
6. On leftist intellectuals, see David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti-politics: Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990); on civil society, see Michael Bernhard, The Origins of Democratization in Poland (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); and Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland (University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994).
7. Kubik analyzed the cultural bases of legitimation and authority in the discourses of the church and of the party-state in his book, The Power of Symbols. He believes that the Pope's visit to Poland in 1979 was an important catalyst for Solidarity. Kubik's own work focused on cultural constructs rather than on religious institutional processes. It is sustained attention to the latter, however, that is missing from the Solidarity literature. Although such a study was not part of Kubik's agenda, he points out that "any analysis of the phenomenon of Solidarity that does not include a serious examination of the role of Polish Catholicism and the Polish Pope (as is the case of [sic] Ost's, Laba's and Goodwyn's works) is severely incomplete." Kubik, "Who Done It," 456. Italics in original.
8. See, for example, Adam Michnik's The Church and the Left (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); note especially David Ost's Introduction to the book.
9. Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier, 319.
10. Edwin Amenta has argued that one way to "make the most of a case study" is to use "deal types and theories . . . to select and frame a problem for explanation. These comparisons of theoretical ideal types and predictions with the historical trajectory of the case can suggest paradoxes. . . ."; see Edwin Amenta, "Making the Most of a Case Study: Theories of the Welfare State and the American Experience," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 32: 1-2 (1991): 173. My claim for the application of theory to case analysis is somewhat stronger and applies only to well-developed inductive theories that have been refined through several generations of empirical study (for example, theories of state formation, complex organizations, and social movements). I argue that a comparative dimension is the "fourth wall" in a theoretically driven case study. Theoretical concepts and ideal types are the reference points and source of predictions; they also represent a synthesis of empirical findings and historical comparisons. For example Max Weber's theoretical writings on bureaucracy synthesized the empirical analyses he undertook in studying the Prussian, Chinese, and Ottoman administrations; see Max Weber Economy and Society, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); also see Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires, Cycles, and Collective Action Frames: A Theoretical Critique in Light of Protests in Poland" (Paper delivered at the Tenth International Conference of Europeanists, Chicago, March 1996).
11. Edwin Amenta has argued that one way to "make the most of a case study" is to use "deal types and theories . . . to select and frame a problem for explanation. These comparisons of theoretical ideal types and predictions with the historical trajectory of the case can suggest paradoxes. . . ."; see Edwin Amenta, "Making the Most of a Case Study: Theories of the Welfare State and the American Experience," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 32: 1-2 (1991): 173. My claim for the application of theory to case analysis is somewhat stronger and applies only to well-developed inductive theories that have been refined through several generations of empirical study (for example, theories of state formation, complex organizations, and social movements). I argue that a comparative dimension is the "fourth wall" in a theoretically driven case study. Theoretical concepts and ideal types are the reference points and source of predictions; they also represent a synthesis of empirical findings and historical comparisons. For example Max Weber's theoretical writings on bureaucracy synthesized the empirical analyses he undertook in studying the Prussian, Chinese, and Ottoman administrations; see Max Weber Economy and Society, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); also see Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires, Cycles, and Collective Action Frames: A Theoretical Critique in Light of Protests in Poland" (Paper delivered at the Tenth International Conference of Europeanists, Chicago, March 1996).
12. Edwin Amenta has argued that one way to "make the most of a case study" is to use "deal types and theories . . . to select and frame a problem for explanation. These comparisons of theoretical ideal types and predictions with the historical trajectory of the case can suggest paradoxes. . . ."; see Edwin Amenta, "Making the Most of a Case Study: Theories of the Welfare State and the American Experience," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 32: 1-2 (1991): 173. My claim for the application of theory to case analysis is somewhat stronger and applies only to well-developed inductive theories that have been refined through several generations of empirical study (for example, theories of state formation, complex organizations, and social movements). I argue that a comparative dimension is the "fourth wall" in a theoretically driven case study. Theoretical concepts and ideal types are the reference points and source of predictions; they also represent a synthesis of empirical findings and historical comparisons. For example Max Weber's theoretical writings on bureaucracy synthesized the empirical analyses he undertook in studying the Prussian, Chinese, and Ottoman administrations; see Max Weber Economy and Society, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); also see Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires, Cycles, and Collective Action Frames: A Theoretical Critique in Light of Protests in Poland" (Paper delivered at the Tenth International Conference of Europeanists, Chicago, March 1996).
13. Arthur Stinchcombe, Theoretical Methods in Social History (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 11.
14. See Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier: Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: and Bernhard, Origins of Democratization.
15. See Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier: Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: and Bernhard, Origins of Democratization.
16. See Goodwyn, Breaking the Barrier: Laba, The Roots of Solidarity: and Bernhard, Origins of Democratization.
17. Valerie Bunce, "The Polish Crisis of 1980-1981 and Theories of Revolution," in Terry Boswell, ed., Revolution and the World System (New York: Praeger, 1989), 167-88.
18. Ost, The Politics of Anti-Politics.
19. Jadwiga Staniszkis, Poland's Self-Limiting Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).
20. See Kubik, The Power of Symbols, and "Who Done It?".
21. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
22. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
23. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
24. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
25. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
26. On popular contention, see Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). On cycles of protest, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder in Italy, 1965-1975 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the signifying activity of protest movements, see David Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes, Micro-mobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986), 464-81; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in B. Klandermans, H. Kriesi, and S. Tarrow, eds., From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures, International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 198-218; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest," in A. Morris and C. Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 135-55.
27. Charles Tilly, The Contentious French (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1986), 3.
28. See Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Tilly, from Mobilization to Revolution (New York: Random House, 1978); and Tilly, Coercion. Capital and European States (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Inc., 1990).
29. See Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Tilly, from Mobilization to Revolution (New York: Random House, 1978); and Tilly, Coercion. Capital and European States (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Inc., 1990).
30. See Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); Tilly, from Mobilization to Revolution (New York: Random House, 1978); and Tilly, Coercion. Capital and European States (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Inc., 1990).
31. See Kenneth Jowitt, The Leninist Response to National Dependency. Institute of International Studies Research Series no. 37 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1978).
32. The new generation of East European historians is uncovering evidence from the Stalinist period that suggests that resistance was more widespread than previously thought. For example. George Witkowski documents the rural unrest that took place in East Germany at the same time that workers rebelled in Berlin; see his "The 1953 Uprising in East Germany: Farmers and Communist Collectivization" (Paper delivered at the Tenth International Conference of Europeanists, Chicago, March 1996).
33. Tilly, The Contentious French, 390-404.
34. Ibid., 10.
35. Tarrow, Struggle. Politics and Reform: Collective Action. Social Movements, and Cycles of Protest, Western Societies Program Occasional Papers no. 21 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 4.
36. See Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; see also Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
37. See Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; see also Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
38. Tarrow, Struggle. Politics and Reform, 47.
39. Ibid., 44-49.
40. Ibid., 48.
41. See Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes"; Snow and Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization"; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest."
42. See Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes"; Snow and Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization"; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest."
43. See Snow et al., "Frame Alignment Processes"; Snow and Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization"; and Snow and Benford, "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest."
44. Snow and Benford, "Master Frames," 136.
45. See Snow and Benford, "Frame Resonance." See also William Gamson, "Political Discourse and Collective Action," International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 219-44.
46. See Snow and Benford, "Frame Resonance." See also William Gamson, "Political Discourse and Collective Action," International Social Movement Research, vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), 219-44.
47. Snow and Benford, "Master Frames," 137.
48. See Andrew Arato, "Revolution, Civil Society, and Democracy," in Z. Rau, ed., The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 161-181; and Grzegorz Ekiert, "Democratization Processes in East Central Europe," British Journal of Political Science 21: 285-313. Michael Bernhard recently has written on this issue. Having made the "civil society" causal argument, he must now address "the seeming paradox of how a civil society strong enough to precipitate the collapse of a communist regime could now have become weak" (p. 310). Michael Bernhard, "Civil Society after the First Transition: Dilemmas of Post-communist Democratization in Poland and Beyond," Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29:3(1996): 309-330.
49. See Andrew Arato, "Revolution, Civil Society, and Democracy," in Z. Rau, ed., The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 161-181; and Grzegorz Ekiert, "Democratization Processes in East Central Europe," British Journal of Political Science 21: 285-313. Michael Bernhard recently has written on this issue. Having made the "civil society" causal argument, he must now address "the seeming paradox of how a civil society strong enough to precipitate the collapse of a communist regime could now have become weak" (p. 310). Michael Bernhard, "Civil Society after the First Transition: Dilemmas of Post-communist Democratization in Poland and Beyond," Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29:3(1996): 309-330.
50. See Andrew Arato, "Revolution, Civil Society, and Democracy," in Z. Rau, ed., The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 161-181; and Grzegorz Ekiert, "Democratization Processes in East Central Europe," British Journal of Political Science 21: 285-313. Michael Bernhard recently has written on this issue. Having made the "civil society" causal argument, he must now address "the seeming paradox of how a civil society strong enough to precipitate the collapse of a communist regime could now have become weak" (p. 310). Michael Bernhard, "Civil Society after the First Transition: Dilemmas of Post-communist Democratization in Poland and Beyond," Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29:3(1996): 309-330.
51. My critique of Tarrow's framing analysis of Solidarity and Laba's chapter on "Sacred Politics" develops this argument. See Tarrow, "Costumes of Revolt: The Symbolic Politics of Social Movements," Sisyphus 8:2 (1992): 53-71; Laba, The Roots of Solidarity. 126-54; and Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires."
52. My critique of Tarrow's framing analysis of Solidarity and Laba's chapter on "Sacred Politics" develops this argument. See Tarrow, "Costumes of Revolt: The Symbolic Politics of Social Movements," Sisyphus 8:2 (1992): 53-71; Laba, The Roots of Solidarity. 126-54; and Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires."
53. My critique of Tarrow's framing analysis of Solidarity and Laba's chapter on "Sacred Politics" develops this argument. See Tarrow, "Costumes of Revolt: The Symbolic Politics of Social Movements," Sisyphus 8:2 (1992): 53-71; Laba, The Roots of Solidarity. 126-54; and Maryjane Osa, "Reconsidering Repertoires."
54. Snow and Benford, "Master Frames," 143-46.
55. Ibid., 139.
56. Debra Friedman and Doug McAdam, "Collective Identity and Activism: Networks, Choices, and the Life of a Social Movement," in Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, ed., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 156-73.
57. Henryk Ladorski, Niepokonani Poznań 1956 (Poznań: Zwia̧zek Powstańców Poznańskiego Czerwca 1956, Druk. Pallotinum, 1992); Jaroslaw Maciejewski and Zofia Trojanowiczowa, eds., Poznański czerwiec 1956, 2nd ed. (Poznań: Wyd. Poznańskie, 1990); Paweł Machcewicz, Polsbi Rok 1956 (Warsaw: Wyd. "Mówia wieki", 1993); and Edward Jan Nalepa, Pacifikacja zbuntowanego miasta (Warsaw: Wyd. Bellona, 1992).
58. Henryk Ladorski, Niepokonani Poznań 1956 (Poznań: Zwia̧zek Powstańców Poznańskiego Czerwca 1956, Druk. Pallotinum, 1992); Jaroslaw Maciejewski and Zofia Trojanowiczowa, eds., Poznański czerwiec 1956, 2nd ed. (Poznań: Wyd. Poznańskie, 1990); Paweł Machcewicz, Polsbi Rok 1956 (Warsaw: Wyd. "Mówia wieki", 1993); and Edward Jan Nalepa, Pacifikacja zbuntowanego miasta (Warsaw: Wyd. Bellona, 1992).
59. Henryk Ladorski, Niepokonani Poznań 1956 (Poznań: Zwia̧zek Powstańców Poznańskiego Czerwca 1956, Druk. Pallotinum, 1992); Jaroslaw Maciejewski and Zofia Trojanowiczowa, eds., Poznański czerwiec 1956, 2nd ed. (Poznań: Wyd. Poznańskie, 1990); Paweł Machcewicz, Polsbi Rok 1956 (Warsaw: Wyd. "Mówia wieki", 1993); and Edward Jan Nalepa, Pacifikacja zbuntowanego miasta (Warsaw: Wyd. Bellona, 1992).
60. Henryk Ladorski, Niepokonani Poznań 1956 (Poznań: Zwia̧zek Powstańców Poznańskiego Czerwca 1956, Druk. Pallotinum, 1992); Jaroslaw Maciejewski and Zofia Trojanowiczowa, eds., Poznański czerwiec 1956, 2nd ed. (Poznań: Wyd. Poznańskie, 1990); Paweł Machcewicz, Polsbi Rok 1956 (Warsaw: Wyd. "Mówia wieki", 1993); and Edward Jan Nalepa, Pacifikacja zbuntowanego miasta (Warsaw: Wyd. Bellona, 1992).
61. Neal Ascherson, The Polish August (Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books, 1981), 72-73.
62. Stefan Cardinal Wyszyński, A Freedom Within: The Prison Notes of Stefan Cardinal Wyszyński (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovnovich, 1983).
63. Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: The Free Press, 1984); Christian Smith, ed., Disruptive Religion: The Force of Faith in Social Movement Activism (New York: Routledge, 1996); and Mayer Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in M. Zald and J. McCarthy, ed., Social Movements m Organizational Society (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1987), 67-95.
64. Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: The Free Press, 1984); Christian Smith, ed., Disruptive Religion: The Force of Faith in Social Movement Activism (New York: Routledge, 1996); and Mayer Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in M. Zald and J. McCarthy, ed., Social Movements m Organizational Society (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1987), 67-95.
65. Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: The Free Press, 1984); Christian Smith, ed., Disruptive Religion: The Force of Faith in Social Movement Activism (New York: Routledge, 1996); and Mayer Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in M. Zald and J. McCarthy, ed., Social Movements m Organizational Society (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1987), 67-95.
66. See Kubik, The Power of Symbols; Maryjane Osa, "Pastoral Mobilization and Symbolic Politics: The Catholic Church in Poland, 1918-1966" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1992); and Alison Biysk, " 'Hearts and Minds': Bringing Symbolic Politics Back." In, Polity 27:4 (1995): 559-85.
67. See Kubik, The Power of Symbols; Maryjane Osa, "Pastoral Mobilization and Symbolic Politics: The Catholic Church in Poland, 1918-1966" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1992); and Alison Biysk, " 'Hearts and Minds': Bringing Symbolic Politics Back." In, Polity 27:4 (1995): 559-85.
68. See Kubik, The Power of Symbols; Maryjane Osa, "Pastoral Mobilization and Symbolic Politics: The Catholic Church in Poland, 1918-1966" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1992); and Alison Biysk, " 'Hearts and Minds': Bringing Symbolic Politics Back." In, Polity 27:4 (1995): 559-85.
69. Staniszkis describes this process, although she couches it in different theoretical terms; see her Poland's Self-Limiting Revolution, 80-96.
70. Jerzy Lewandowski, Naród w nauczaniu Kardynala Stefana Wyszyńskiego (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Archidiecezji Warszawskiej, 1989), 20. All translations from Polish texts are those of the author.
71. In particular, Poland's Second Republic (1918-1939) was vilified as a bourgeois state and the Polish Peoples' Republic acclaimed as the victory of the Polish working class in solidarity with the working peoples of the Soviet Union, and of course, their representative, the CPSU. In the 1950s, the miracle of the Vistula gained great popularity among Poles. According to the legend, Piłsudski's victory over the Soviets at the shores of the Vistula River in 1920-on the feast of our Lady of Czȩstochowa (the Black Madonna) - was further proof of miraculous intercession by the Virgin.
72. Lewandowski, Naród w nauczaniu Kardynała Wyszyńskiego, 130-32.
73. The Millennium celebrated the consolidation of the Polish lands into a kingdom by King Mieszko I, Poland's first Christian ruler, in 966. The success of the Novena led to many requests from other dioceses for visitation by the Black Madonna after the millennial celebrations were over. Thus encouraged, the episcopate extended the Novena until 1980.
74. See Maryjane Osa, "Resistance, Persistence and Change: The Transformation of the Catholic Church in Poland, 1939-1966" East European Politics and Societies, 3:2 (1989): 295-98.
75. "Przebieg Uroczystości - Wspomnienia Uczestnika: Zatrzymanie Obrazu Nawiedzenia - 20 IV 1966," Warszawa (23-24 VI 1966); Great Novena archival documents published in Peter Raina, "Te Deum" Narodu Polskiego. Obcbody Tysia̧clecia Chrztu Polski w świetle dokumentów Kościelnych (Olsztyn: Warmińskie Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 1991), 252.
76. "Przebieg Uroczystości - Wspomnienia Uczestnika: Zatrzymanie Obrazu Nawiedzenia - 20 IV 1966," Warszawa (23-24 VI 1966); Great Novena archival documents published in Peter Raina, "Te Deum" Narodu Polskiego. Obcbody Tysia̧clecia Chrztu Polski w świetle dokumentów Kościelnych (Olsztyn: Warmińskie Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne, 1991), 252.
77. The "us versus them" (also translated as "we" and "they") bimorphism or dichotomy of the Polish social consciousness in the postwar era has been much noted by Polish sociologists. See, for example, Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Social Dimorphism and its Implications," in J. Koralewicz et al., eds., Crisis and Transition: Polish Society in the 1980s (Oxford, Eng.: Berg Pub., 1987), 159-76; Krzysztof Jasiewicz and Władysław Adamski, "Evolution of the Oppositional Consciousness," in W. Adamski, ed., Societal Conflict and Systemic Change: The Case of Poland, 1980-1992 (Warsaw: IFiS Publishers, 1992), 36-38; and Jacek Wasilewski and Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Poland: Winding Road From the Communist to the post-Solidarity Elite," Theory and Society 24 (1995): 692-94.
78. The "us versus them" (also translated as "we" and "they") bimorphism or dichotomy of the Polish social consciousness in the postwar era has been much noted by Polish sociologists. See, for example, Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Social Dimorphism and its Implications," in J. Koralewicz et al., eds., Crisis and Transition: Polish Society in the 1980s (Oxford, Eng.: Berg Pub., 1987), 159-76; Krzysztof Jasiewicz and Władysław Adamski, "Evolution of the Oppositional Consciousness," in W. Adamski, ed., Societal Conflict and Systemic Change: The Case of Poland, 1980-1992 (Warsaw: IFiS Publishers, 1992), 36-38; and Jacek Wasilewski and Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Poland: Winding Road From the Communist to the post-Solidarity Elite," Theory and Society 24 (1995): 692-94.
79. The "us versus them" (also translated as "we" and "they") bimorphism or dichotomy of the Polish social consciousness in the postwar era has been much noted by Polish sociologists. See, for example, Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Social Dimorphism and its Implications," in J. Koralewicz et al., eds., Crisis and Transition: Polish Society in the 1980s (Oxford, Eng.: Berg Pub., 1987), 159-76; Krzysztof Jasiewicz and Władysław Adamski, "Evolution of the Oppositional Consciousness," in W. Adamski, ed., Societal Conflict and Systemic Change: The Case of Poland, 1980-1992 (Warsaw: IFiS Publishers, 1992), 36-38; and Jacek Wasilewski and Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński, "Poland: Winding Road From the Communist to the post-Solidarity Elite," Theory and Society 24 (1995): 692-94.
80. "Przebieg Uroczystości - wspomnienia uczestnika: Centralne Nabożenstwo Milenijne w Archikatedrze (24 VI 1966)," Warszawa (23-24 VI 1966); and Great Novena archival documents published in Raina, "Te Deum" Narodu Polskiego, 265.
81. "Przebieg Uroczystości - wspomnienia uczestnika: Centralne Nabożenstwo Milenijne w Archikatedrze (24 VI 1966)," Warszawa (23-24 VI 1966); and Great Novena archival documents published in Raina, "Te Deum" Narodu Polskiego, 265.
82. The reorganization and strengthening of local parishes after the war was not only a factor of social integration but also of resource generation. The parishes formed the spine of the church's communications network. Besides its importance for the Church's institutional effectiveness, a "preexisting communications network or infrastructure within the social base of a movement is a primary prerequisite" for social movement development. The issue is, then to what extent are parish networks "cooptable" by movement activists? For a set of hypotheses concerning "cooptable social networks," see Jo Freeman, The Politics of Women's Liberation (New York: Longman, 1975), 48-49.
83. Lech Wałȩsa, The Struggle and the Triumph (New York: Arcade Publishing, 1992), 10.
84. There were also direct personal connections between Solidarity and the Great Novena. For example, the young priest who was in charge of organizing the stany (status orders) for processions at the Millennium celebrations in 1966 in Gdańsk's Basilica was the same Father Henryk Jankowski who became the pastor to the Solidarity movement. When asked about the influences of the Great Novena on his vocation and activism, he responded: "I was a theological student when the Great Novena got underway. In the seminary we endeavored to actualize and live according to its yearly themes. I still return to the programmatic readings for inspiration and strength. . . . {The Great Novena] was an enormous influence. I was a great adherent of Ks. Prymas [Cardinal Wyszyński] - he was my inspiration. I owe enormous debts both to him and to Ks. Bp. [Archbishop] Nowicki; it is for them that I work. The Great Novena program cemented the Nation. It was the Nation's victory and fundamental for the later arising of Solidarity." Personal interview with the author, St. Brigida rectory, Gdańsk, 16 June 1993.
85. Kubik, The Power of Symbols, 214-16.
86. Staniszkis, Poland's Self-Limiting Revolution, 81-82.
87. Ibid., 82.
88. See Timothy Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1984), 141-142; Jerzy Holzer, Solidarność 1980-81 (Paris: Institut Literacki, 1984), 153-180; and Roman Kowalczyk, Łódzki strajk studencki (Warsaw: NOWA, 1992).
89. See Timothy Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1984), 141-142; Jerzy Holzer, Solidarność 1980-81 (Paris: Institut Literacki, 1984), 153-180; and Roman Kowalczyk, Łódzki strajk studencki (Warsaw: NOWA, 1992).
90. See Timothy Garton Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1984), 141-142; Jerzy Holzer, Solidarność 1980-81 (Paris: Institut Literacki, 1984), 153-180; and Roman Kowalczyk, Łódzki strajk studencki (Warsaw: NOWA, 1992).
91. Quoted in Ash, The Polish Revolution, 142-43.