"Preparing for the Duties and Practical Business of Life": Technological Knowledge and Social Structure in Mid-19th-century Philadelphia

Technology and Culture

Volumn 38, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 31-58

  Lerman, Nina E ^a  

^a WHITMAN COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0031501464     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3106783     Document Type: Review

References (108)

1. Studies integrating social and technological change include Merritt Roe Smith, Harpers Ferry Armory and the New Technology: The Challenge of Change (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977); Anthony Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1972; paperback, 1980); Judith McGaw, Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper-Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, N.J., 1987).
2. Studies integrating social and technological change include Merritt Roe Smith, Harpers Ferry Armory and the New Technology: The Challenge of Change (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977); Anthony Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1972; paperback, 1980); Judith McGaw, Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper-Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, N.J., 1987).
3. Studies integrating social and technological change include Merritt Roe Smith, Harpers Ferry Armory and the New Technology: The Challenge of Change (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977); Anthony Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1972; paperback, 1980); Judith McGaw, Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper-Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, N.J., 1987).
4. As Walter Vincenti has put it, "emphasis on knowledge . . . brings history of technology into symbiotic relation, not only with intellectual history and philosophy, but with social history and sociology as well." Walter Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore, 1990), p. 5, citing Hugh Aitken, Edwin Layton, and Rachel Laudan. Philosopher Helen Longino has made a related argument about science: "What I urge is a contextualism which understands the cognitive processes of scientific inquiry not as opposed to the social, but as themselves social." Helen E. Longino, "Essential Tensions - Phase Two: Feminist, Philosophical, and Social Studies of Science," in The Social Dimensions of Science, ed. Ernan McMullin (Notre Dame, Ind., 1992). "Making and doing things" and related phrases have been used to define technology for decades now; see Melvin Kranzberg, "At the Start," Technology and Culture 1 (1959): 1-10; Brooke Hindle, "The Exhilaration of Early American Technology: An Essay" in Technology in Early America: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), reprinted in Judith McGaw, ed., Early American Technology: Making and Doing Things from the Colonial Era to 1850 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
5. As Walter Vincenti has put it, "emphasis on knowledge . . . brings history of technology into symbiotic relation, not only with intellectual history and philosophy, but with social history and sociology as well." Walter Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore, 1990), p. 5, citing Hugh Aitken, Edwin Layton, and Rachel Laudan. Philosopher Helen Longino has made a related argument about science: "What I urge is a contextualism which understands the cognitive processes of scientific inquiry not as opposed to the social, but as themselves social." Helen E. Longino, "Essential Tensions - Phase Two: Feminist, Philosophical, and Social Studies of Science," in The Social Dimensions of Science, ed. Ernan McMullin (Notre Dame, Ind., 1992). "Making and doing things" and related phrases have been used to define technology for decades now; see Melvin Kranzberg, "At the Start," Technology and Culture 1 (1959): 1-10; Brooke Hindle, "The Exhilaration of Early American Technology: An Essay" in Technology in Early America: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), reprinted in Judith McGaw, ed., Early American Technology: Making and Doing Things from the Colonial Era to 1850 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
6. As Walter Vincenti has put it, "emphasis on knowledge . . . brings history of technology into symbiotic relation, not only with intellectual history and philosophy, but with social history and sociology as well." Walter Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore, 1990), p. 5, citing Hugh Aitken, Edwin Layton, and Rachel Laudan. Philosopher Helen Longino has made a related argument about science: "What I urge is a contextualism which understands the cognitive processes of scientific inquiry not as opposed to the social, but as themselves social." Helen E. Longino, "Essential Tensions - Phase Two: Feminist, Philosophical, and Social Studies of Science," in The Social Dimensions of Science, ed. Ernan McMullin (Notre Dame, Ind., 1992). "Making and doing things" and related phrases have been used to define technology for decades now; see Melvin Kranzberg, "At the Start," Technology and Culture 1 (1959): 1-10; Brooke Hindle, "The Exhilaration of Early American Technology: An Essay" in Technology in Early America: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), reprinted in Judith McGaw, ed., Early American Technology: Making and Doing Things from the Colonial Era to 1850 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
7. As Walter Vincenti has put it, "emphasis on knowledge . . . brings history of technology into symbiotic relation, not only with intellectual history and philosophy, but with social history and sociology as well." Walter Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore, 1990), p. 5, citing Hugh Aitken, Edwin Layton, and Rachel Laudan. Philosopher Helen Longino has made a related argument about science: "What I urge is a contextualism which understands the cognitive processes of scientific inquiry not as opposed to the social, but as themselves social." Helen E. Longino, "Essential Tensions - Phase Two: Feminist, Philosophical, and Social Studies of Science," in The Social Dimensions of Science, ed. Ernan McMullin (Notre Dame, Ind., 1992). "Making and doing things" and related phrases have been used to define technology for decades now; see Melvin Kranzberg, "At the Start," Technology and Culture 1 (1959): 1-10; Brooke Hindle, "The Exhilaration of Early American Technology: An Essay" in Technology in Early America: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), reprinted in Judith McGaw, ed., Early American Technology: Making and Doing Things from the Colonial Era to 1850 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
8. As Walter Vincenti has put it, "emphasis on knowledge . . . brings history of technology into symbiotic relation, not only with intellectual history and philosophy, but with social history and sociology as well." Walter Vincenti, What Engineers Know and How They Know It: Analytical Studies from Aeronautical History (Baltimore, 1990), p. 5, citing Hugh Aitken, Edwin Layton, and Rachel Laudan. Philosopher Helen Longino has made a related argument about science: "What I urge is a contextualism which understands the cognitive processes of scientific inquiry not as opposed to the social, but as themselves social." Helen E. Longino, "Essential Tensions - Phase Two: Feminist, Philosophical, and Social Studies of Science," in The Social Dimensions of Science, ed. Ernan McMullin (Notre Dame, Ind., 1992). "Making and doing things" and related phrases have been used to define technology for decades now; see Melvin Kranzberg, "At the Start," Technology and Culture 1 (1959): 1-10; Brooke Hindle, "The Exhilaration of Early American Technology: An Essay" in Technology in Early America: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), reprinted in Judith McGaw, ed., Early American Technology: Making and Doing Things from the Colonial Era to 1850 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1994).
9. Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf and Dumb [PIDD], Annual Report [for 1849] (Philadelphia, 1850), p. 21.
10. 1820 population from Susan Klepp, Philadelphia in Transition: A Demographic History of the City and Its Occupational Groups, 1720-1830 (New York, 1989), pp. 336-38; population from Theodore Hershberg et al., "A Tale of Three Cities: Blacks, Immigrants and Opportunity in Philadelphia, 1850-1880, 1930, 1970," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York, 1981), p. 465. Philadelphia's foreign-born population was 29 percent of the total in 1850; 17.6 percent of inhabitants were born in Ireland.
11. 1820 population from Susan Klepp, Philadelphia in Transition: A Demographic History of the City and Its Occupational Groups, 1720-1830 (New York, 1989), pp. 336-38; population from Theodore Hershberg et al., "A Tale of Three Cities: Blacks, Immigrants and Opportunity in Philadelphia, 1850-1880, 1930, 1970," in Philadelphia: Work, Space, Family, and Group Experience in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Theodore Hershberg (New York, 1981), p. 465. Philadelphia's foreign-born population was 29 percent of the total in 1850; 17.6 percent of inhabitants were born in Ireland.
12. Philip Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 46-47.
13. Catalogue of the Twenty-Second Exhibition of American Manufactures, held in the City of Philadelphia, by the Franklin Institute of the State of Pennsylvania for the Promotion of the Mechanic Arts. From the 19th to the 30th day of October, 1852 (Philadelphia, 1852).
14. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
15. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
16. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
17. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
18. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
19. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
20. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
21. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
22. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
23. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
24. John Staudenmaier grouped technological knowledge with discussions of science and technology in his 1985 survey of the field, although he pointed to a growing attention to artisanal rather than engineering knowledge among historians of technology. John Staudenmaier, S.J., "Science, Technology, and the Characteristics of Technological Knowledge," chap. 3 in Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric (Cambridge, Mass., 1985). On engineering, see Eugene Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Vincenti (n. 2 above); Edwin Layton, "Through the Looking Glass, or, News from Lake Mirror Image," Technology and Culture 29 (July 1987): 594-607. On artisanal knowledge, see Robert Gordon, "Who Turned the Mechanical Ideal into Mechanical Reality?" Technology and Cultured (1988): 744-78; Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987). Useful papers by Steven Lubar, Charles and Janet Keller, and Douglas Harper (all focused on aspects of metalwork) were presented in a session on "Knowing, Thinking, and Doing" at the Critical Problems Conference, Society for the History of Technology, Madison, Wis., 1991. Lubar's paper has now appeared in the volume of selected proceedings of that conference: Steven Lubar, "Representation and Power," Technology and Culture 36 (1995): S54-S82. Other older explorations of technological knowledge include Brooke Hindle, Emulation and Invention (New York, 1981); Ferguson, "The Mind's Eye: Nonverbal Thought in Technology," Science 197 (1977): 827-36; and Layton, "Technology as Knowledge," Technology and Culture 15 (1974). Feminist approaches to scientific knowledge, which emphasize the relationship of knowledge to power, have also influenced me here; see, for example, the work of such diverse philosophers as Helen Longino, Genevieve Lloyd, or Sandra Harding. Alice Kessler-Harris summarizes some of these arguments in a brief discussion of the concept of work: "all knowledge is socially situated and . . . the claims to knowledge of the dominant group are conditioned by its desire to preserve power." This approach, she writes, "puts us in a position of problematizing all knowledge as the product of particular social situations." Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History," Labor History 34 (1993): 190-204, quotes p. 194.
25. Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye, p. 42.
26. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th-century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
27. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
28. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
29. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
30. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
31. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
32. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
33. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
34. Christine Stansell provides an excellent discussion of the work and status of 19th- century seamstresses in "Wage Work," part 3 in City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987). Discussions of skill appear in studies from a range of disciplines: see, for example, Howard Gardner, introduction to Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (New York, 1985); David Pye, The Nature and Art of Workmanship (Cambridge, 1968); Charles More, Skill and the English Working Class, 1870-1914 (New York, 1980), chap. 1; Harper; Steven Shapin, "The Invisible Technician," American Scientist 77 (1989): 554-56; as well as the works cited in n. 7 above. The best work in the history of technology remains Gordon. Ava Baron provides useful discussions of gender and de-skilling; see, for example, her articles "Questions of Gender: De-skilling and Demasculinization in the U.S. Printing Industry," Gender and History 1 (1989): 178-99 and "An 'Other' Side of Gender Antagonism at Work: Men, Boys, and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work, 1830-1920," in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Ava Baron (Ithaca, N.Y., 1991). See also her introduction to Work Engendered, especially pp. 14 and 36, and Ruth Oldenziel, "Gender and the Meanings of Technology: Engineering in the US, 1880-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1992).
35. On the contrary, if there is a link here to arguments about determinism, it is the following: If we neglect technological knowledge in favor of artifacts, we deemphasize the idea that technology is a human activity, which means we can hardly blame other historians for stubbornly locating agency in hardware. See also Staudenmaier, esp. pp. 174-81.
36. That these hierarchies look obvious enough from the vantage point of the late 20th century says only that they became entrenched, and long-lived. Precisely because the 19th century saw major transformations in the economic, social, and technological definitions of both household and workplace, particularly in the urban United States, I do not assume that the configurations, relationships, and hierarchies we take for granted now were inevitable then. Instead, I seek to explore the processes by which social and technological hierarchies were constructed and maintained -hierarchies which include engineering knowledge as well as needlework knowledge, metalworking knowledge as well as breadmaking knowledge.
37. PIDD, Annual Report for 1849 (n. 3 above), p. 21; see also subsequent annual reports.
38. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports for 1848-54 (Philadelphia, 1849-1855).
39. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports 1848-1854. Although early records show admission of at least one "colored" inmate, its services seem quickly to have been limited to white youths. See Negley Teeters, "The Early Days of the Philadelphia House of Refuge," Pennsylvania History (1960): 165-87; Mary Glazier, "The Origins of Juvenile Justice Policy in Pennsylvania" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1985); House of Refuge, "Address to the Citizens . . ." (1826), p. 12; House of Refuge, "Minutes of Visiting Committee," HR-A201 11/10/29 and Superintendent's Daily Log, HR-B-1 11/10/29, House of Refuge/Glen Mills School papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (All citations of HR documents refer to this collection. The author thanks Executive Director C. D. Ferrainola for permission to cite this material.)
40. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports 1848-1854. Although early records show admission of at least one "colored" inmate, its services seem quickly to have been limited to white youths. See Negley Teeters, "The Early Days of the Philadelphia House of Refuge," Pennsylvania History (1960): 165-87; Mary Glazier, "The Origins of Juvenile Justice Policy in Pennsylvania" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1985); House of Refuge, "Address to the Citizens . . ." (1826), p. 12; House of Refuge, "Minutes of Visiting Committee," HR-A201 11/10/29 and Superintendent's Daily Log, HR-B-1 11/10/29, House of Refuge/Glen Mills School papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (All citations of HR documents refer to this collection. The author thanks Executive Director C. D. Ferrainola for permission to cite this material.)
41. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports 1848-1854. Although early records show admission of at least one "colored" inmate, its services seem quickly to have been limited to white youths. See Negley Teeters, "The Early Days of the Philadelphia House of Refuge," Pennsylvania History (1960): 165-87; Mary Glazier, "The Origins of Juvenile Justice Policy in Pennsylvania" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1985); House of Refuge, "Address to the Citizens . . ." (1826), p. 12; House of Refuge, "Minutes of Visiting Committee," HR-A201 11/10/29 and Superintendent's Daily Log, HR-B-1 11/10/29, House of Refuge/Glen Mills School papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (All citations of HR documents refer to this collection. The author thanks Executive Director C. D. Ferrainola for permission to cite this material.)
42. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports 1848-1854. Although early records show admission of at least one "colored" inmate, its services seem quickly to have been limited to white youths. See Negley Teeters, "The Early Days of the Philadelphia House of Refuge," Pennsylvania History (1960): 165-87; Mary Glazier, "The Origins of Juvenile Justice Policy in Pennsylvania" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1985); House of Refuge, "Address to the Citizens . . ." (1826), p. 12; House of Refuge, "Minutes of Visiting Committee," HR-A201 11/10/29 and Superintendent's Daily Log, HR-B-1 11/10/29, House of Refuge/Glen Mills School papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (All citations of HR documents refer to this collection. The author thanks Executive Director C. D. Ferrainola for permission to cite this material.)
43. Philadelphia House of Refuge Annual Reports 1848-1854. Although early records show admission of at least one "colored" inmate, its services seem quickly to have been limited to white youths. See Negley Teeters, "The Early Days of the Philadelphia House of Refuge," Pennsylvania History (1960): 165-87; Mary Glazier, "The Origins of Juvenile Justice Policy in Pennsylvania" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1985); House of Refuge, "Address to the Citizens . . ." (1826), p. 12; House of Refuge, "Minutes of Visiting Committee," HR-A201 11/10/29 and Superintendent's Daily Log, HR-B-1 11/10/29, House of Refuge/Glen Mills School papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. (All citations of HR documents refer to this collection. The author thanks Executive Director C. D. Ferrainola for permission to cite this material.)
44. "Comfortables" here most likely refers to bedclothes, "comforters" in modern parlance. A comfortable could also be a scarf or muffler, or a knit wristband. Comfortables are listed among items of bedding in the report.
45. For an extended discussion see Jeanne Boydston, Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic (New York, 1990).
46. For example, the House of Refuge Colored Department had some clothes made by the Northern Liberties House of Industry, and temporarily hired one of the older white girls to help the staff; on tailoring, see House of Refuge Executive Committee Minutes, HR-A-3, 1/31/50, 2/7/50, 5/2/50; on the employment of white girls, HR-A-3 12/20/49, 1/3/50, 2/7/50, HR-L-11 2/20/50. The Pennsylvania Institution for the Instruction of the Blind, whose girls did not perform all of the housewifery for the institution, had hired help; see Pennsylvania Institution for the Instruction of the Blind [PIIB], Annual Report for 1855 (Philadelphia, 1856), pp. 8, 19;
47. see also PIIB Annual Reports throughout the decade.
48. In 1860, 59.2 percent of the 103 white boys indentured were apprenticed to farmers; the others were to work at twenty-six different trades. The superintendent's report for the Colored Department that year notes that nineteen boys were indentured, but does not specify to what trades. Discharges by indenture in 1860, excluding those returned to court, almshouse, or died: 51.0 percent of white boys, 42.2 percent of colored boys, 47.9 percent of white girls, 73.1 percent of colored girls. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1860, pp. 40-41. The discussion in this article focuses on the early part of the decade.
49. On apprenticeship, see Ian Quimby, Apprenticeship in Colonial Philadelphia (New York, 1985; reprint of M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 1963); Christine Marie Daniels, "Alternative Workers in a Slave Economy: Kent County, Maryland, 1675- 1810" (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1990); W. J. Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: from Franklin to the Machine Age (New York, 1986); Nina E. Lerman, "From 'Useful Knowledge' to 'Habits of Industry': Gender, Race, and Class in 19th-century Technical Education" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1993), chap. 1.
50. On apprenticeship, see Ian Quimby, Apprenticeship in Colonial Philadelphia (New York, 1985; reprint of M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 1963); Christine Marie Daniels, "Alternative Workers in a Slave Economy: Kent County, Maryland, 1675-1810" (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1990); W. J. Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: from Franklin to the Machine Age (New York, 1986); Nina E. Lerman, "From 'Useful Knowledge' to 'Habits of Industry': Gender, Race, and Class in 19th-century Technical Education" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1993), chap. 1.
51. On apprenticeship, see Ian Quimby, Apprenticeship in Colonial Philadelphia (New York, 1985; reprint of M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 1963); Christine Marie Daniels, "Alternative Workers in a Slave Economy: Kent County, Maryland, 1675- 1810" (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1990); W. J. Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: from Franklin to the Machine Age (New York, 1986); Nina E. Lerman, "From 'Useful Knowledge' to 'Habits of Industry': Gender, Race, and Class in 19th-century Technical Education" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1993), chap. 1.
52. On apprenticeship, see Ian Quimby, Apprenticeship in Colonial Philadelphia (New York, 1985; reprint of M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 1963); Christine Marie Daniels, "Alternative Workers in a Slave Economy: Kent County, Maryland, 1675- 1810" (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1990); W. J. Rorabaugh, The Craft Apprentice: from Franklin to the Machine Age (New York, 1986); Nina E. Lerman, "From 'Useful Knowledge' to 'Habits of Industry': Gender, Race, and Class in 19th-century Technical Education" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1993), chap. 1.
53. Philip Scranton, "Learning Manufacture: Education and Shop-Floor Schooling in the Family Firm," Technology and Culture 27 (1986): 40-62.
54. He was also prohibited from joining "any Military or Fire Company during his term of service." This discussion is based on John K. Brown, "The Baldwin Locomotive Works, 1831-1915: A Case Study in the Capital Equipment Sector" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1992), pp. 205-14. Quotes on p. 206.
55. Male textile workers in Kensington earned about $5/week ($20/month), women about $2/week ($8/month) in 1850. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism (n. 5 above), p. 193.
56. Henry W. Arey, Secretary of Girard College and Superintendent of Binding Out, in the Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Girard College for Orphans (Philadelphia, 1854), quoted in Louis Romano, Manual and Industrial Education at Girard College, 1831-1965: An Era in American Educational Experimentation (New York, 1980), p. 123.
57. Henry W. Arey, Secretary of Girard College and Superintendent of Binding Out, in the Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Girard College for Orphans (Philadelphia, 1854), quoted in Louis Romano, Manual and Industrial Education at Girard College, 1831-1965: An Era in American Educational Experimentation (New York, 1980), p. 123.
58. Third and fourth priorities were New York City and New Orleans. Will of Stephen Girard, quoted in Romano, pp. 287, 296; see also Cheesman A. Herrick, "Admission and Discharge," chap. 14 in History of Girard College (Philadelphia, 1927). On Girard himself, see both Romano and Herrick.
59. (46.1 percent) House of Refuge, Annual Report for 1853, p. 20. Parentage was probably determined by father, but the Annual Report does not address the question. It is also worth noting that the managers found these data significant enough to print in their annual reports. Irish immigrants were often considered a separate "race" at midcentury; even so, Irish children lived on the "white" side of the wall at the House of Refuge.
60. One House of Refuge boy was also apprenticed to each of the trades of boot fitter, pump maker, house painter, coach painter, victualler, cartwright, book gilder, cupper, bleeder, and barber, attorney-at-law, marble cutter, slate quarryman, grocer, saddle-tree maker, stereotype founder, and gas fitter. Girard boys were apprenticed one each to an architect, a barber, a cabinet maker, a chair maker, a chemist, a confectioner, a conveyancer, an engraver, a fresco painter, a horticulturist, a lithographer, a manufacturer of Britannia ware, a manufacturer of tailor's trimmings, an ornamental carver, a philosophical [scientific] instrument maker, a silversmith, a tanner, a watchmaker, a wheelwright, and a wood engraver.
61. Romano, p. 94, n. 26 and Appendix F, p. 335.
62. House of Refuge, Annual Reports for 1853, pp. 32-33, 37-39; 1850, p. 32; 1854, school reports.
63. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1853, school reports. These reports remained similar throughout the decade. In 1854, 160 of 205 (78.0 percent) white boys wrote on paper.
64. Stuart Blumin, Emergence of the Middle Class: Social Experience in the American City, 1760-1900 (Cambridge, 1989).
65. On boys, see David Labaree, The Making of an American High School: The Credentials Market and the Central High School of Philadelphia, 1838-1939 (New Haven, Conn., 1988); on girls, see John Trevor Custis, The Public Schools of Philadelphia - historical, biographical, statistical (Philadelphia, 1897). Also useful on drawing is Peter Marzio, The Art Crusade: an Analysis of Nineteenth Century American Drawing Manuals, Chiefly 1820-1860 (Washington, D.C., 1976).
66. On boys, see David Labaree, The Making of an American High School: The Credentials Market and the Central High School of Philadelphia, 1838-1939 (New Haven, Conn., 1988); on girls, see John Trevor Custis, The Public Schools of Philadelphia - historical, biographical, statistical (Philadelphia, 1897). Also useful on drawing is Peter Marzio, The Art Crusade: an Analysis of Nineteenth Century American Drawing Manuals, Chiefly 1820-1860 (Washington, D.C., 1976).
67. On boys, see David Labaree, The Making of an American High School: The Credentials Market and the Central High School of Philadelphia, 1838-1939 (New Haven, Conn., 1988); on girls, see John Trevor Custis, The Public Schools of Philadelphia - historical, biographical, statistical (Philadelphia, 1897). Also useful on drawing is Peter Marzio, The Art Crusade: an Analysis of Nineteenth Century American Drawing Manuals, Chiefly 1820-1860 (Washington, D.C., 1976).
68. Labaree, pp. 24-25, fig. 2.1; Custis, p. 154.
69. Labaree, p. 98.
70. Linda Marie Perkins, "Quaker Beneficence and Black Control: the Institute for Colored Youth, 1852-1903," in New Perspectives on Black Educational History, ed. Vincent P. Franklin and James D. Anderson (Boston, 1978), pp. 19-43. Graduates teaching in the public schools are discussed on pp. 23-24.
71. This discussion is based largely on Perkins, although skeletal versions of the story appear in later annual reports of the ICY. Will of Richard Humphreys quoted in Perkins, p. 19. The phenomenon of African-American control seems to have been largely dependent on one particular manager, Alfred Cope. Perkins found that after Cope's death in 1875, interactions between institute leaders became a matter of continuous negotiation.
72. Benjamin C. Bacon, Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1859), quoted in Theodore Hershberg, "Free Blacks in Antebellum Philadelphia: A Study of Ex-Slaves, Freeborn, and Socioeconomic Decline," in Hershberg, Philadelphia, (n. 4 above). Hershberg found that in 1838, the five occupations of laborer, porter, waiter, seaman, and carter accounted for 70 percent of the male work force. More than 80 percent of day-working women were in domestic service of some kind (52 percent were "washers"), pp. 376, 382.
73. Benjamin C. Bacon, Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1859), quoted in Theodore Hershberg, "Free Blacks in Antebellum Philadelphia: A Study of Ex-Slaves, Freeborn, and Socioeconomic Decline," in Hershberg, Philadelphia, (n. 4 above). Hershberg found that in 1838, the five occupations of laborer, porter, waiter, seaman, and carter accounted for 70 percent of the male work force. More than 80 percent of day-working women were in domestic service of some kind (52 percent were "washers"), pp. 376, 382.
74. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1860, pp. 40-41. See also n. 18 above.
75. Institute for Colored Youth [ICY], Annual Report for 1860 (Philadelphia, 1861), pp. 8-10.
76. Girard College, Twelfth Annual Report (1859), quoted in Romano (n. 23 above), p. 138.
77. Romano, p. 158. Apparently some Girard boys also learned shcemaking, which Romano reports "had proved to be self-supporting."
78. Quoted in Herrick (n. 24 above), p. 232.
79. See Herrick, chap. 8; Romano, pp. 140-64. By the 1880s "manual training" had become part of progressive educational reform and could be incorporated in a high school curriculum. See Romano, also Lerman (n. 19 above), chap. 4.
80. "Report of the Committee on Girard College for the month of October, 1858," Journal of the Common Council of the City of Philadelphia, quoted in Romano, p. 135. Emphasis in original.
81. For a discussion of women's work, both in and outside the home, see Boydston (n. 16 above); on opportunities for earnings see Stansell (n. 9 above).
82. Nina de Angeli Walls, "Art and Industry in Philadelphia: Origins of the Philadelphia School of Design for Women, 1848 to 1876" in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (forthcoming; typescript in my possession); letter of Sarah Peter, "At a stated meeting . . . held April 19, 1850," Proceedings of the Franklin Institute of the State of Pennsylvania for the Promotion of the Mechanic Arts, Relative to the establishment of a school of design for women, Library Company of Philadephia.
83. Nina de Angeli Walls, "Art and Industry in Philadelphia: Origins of the Philadelphia School of Design for Women, 1848 to 1876" in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography (forthcoming; typescript in my possession); letter of Sarah Peter, "At a stated meeting . . . held April 19, 1850," Proceedings of the Franklin Institute of the State of Pennsylvania for the Promotion of the Mechanic Arts, Relative to the establishment of a school of design for women, Library Company of Philadephia.
84. Letter of Sarah Peter, p. 1.
85. Letter of Sarah Peter, p. 4
86. Philadelphia School of Design for Women, "School of Design, No. 70 Walnut Street, Philadelphia . . . ," n.d., n.p.
87. Philadelphia School of Design for Women [PSDW], First Annual Report (Philadelphia, 1854), p. 10. The school became independent in 1853; see Walls, p. 10.
88. PSDW, First Annual Report, pp. 16, 17.
89. Letter of Sarah Peter (n. 45 above), p. 4. Note that French textile designers argued that these same attributes were characteristically male; see Carol E. Harrison, "A Noble Emulation: Bourgeois Voluntary Associations in Eastern France, 1830-1870" (D.Phil, thesis, Oxford University, 1993).
90. Letters from masters printed in House of Refuge Annual Report for 1854, pp. 45-48.
91. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1853, p. 47.
92. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1854, pp. 48, 52. By midcentury the more egalitarian notion of "help" had been largely superseded by the job of "domestic," also. See Faye E. Dudden, Serving Women (Middletown, Conn., 1983).
93. House of Refuge Annual Report for 1854, pp. 48, 52. By midcentury the more egalitarian notion of "help" had been largely superseded by the job of "domestic," also. See Faye E. Dudden, Serving Women (Middletown, Conn., 1983).
94. Philadelphia Board of Public Education, Annual Report for 1850, p. 118, quoted in Labaree (n. 31 above), p. 20.
95. The Peoples of Philadelphia: A History of Ethnic Groups and Lower-Class Life, 1790-1940, ed. Allen Davis and Mark Haller (Philadelphia, 1973). The franchise was denied in 1838, and reinstated in 1870.
96. On gender ideologies and work see, among others, Boydston (n. 16 above); Stansell (n. 9 above); Baron (n. 9 above); Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: the Ironies of Household Technologies from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); Roszika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (London, 1984); Clyde Griffen, "Reconstructing Masculinity from the Evangelical Revival to the Waning of Progressivism: A Speculative Synthesis," in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen (Chicago, 1990). For further discussion, see the introduction to this issue.
97. On gender ideologies and work see, among others, Boydston (n. 16 above); Stansell (n. 9 above); Baron (n. 9 above); Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: the Ironies of Household Technologies from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); Roszika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (London, 1984); Clyde Griffen, "Reconstructing Masculinity from the Evangelical Revival to the Waning of Progressivism: A Speculative Synthesis," in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen (Chicago, 1990). For further discussion, see the introduction to this issue.
98. On gender ideologies and work see, among others, Boydston (n. 16 above); Stansell (n. 9 above); Baron (n. 9 above); Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: the Ironies of Household Technologies from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); Roszika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (London, 1984); Clyde Griffen, "Reconstructing Masculinity from the Evangelical Revival to the Waning of Progressivism: A Speculative Synthesis," in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen (Chicago, 1990). For further discussion, see the introduction to this issue.
99. On the relation of gender divisions to male and female identity in relation to technology see Judith McGaw, "No Passive Victims, No Separate Spheres: A Feminist Perspective on Technology's History" in Stephen H. Cutcliffe and Robert C. Post, eds., In Context: History and the History of Technology (Bethlehem, Pa., 1989), pp. 172-91. See also Boydston; Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), especially the essay "Gender: A Useful Category of Histarical Analysis"; Baron; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York, 1985).
100. On the relation of gender divisions to male and female identity in relation to technology see Judith McGaw, "No Passive Victims, No Separate Spheres: A Feminist Perspective on Technology's History" in Stephen H. Cutcliffe and Robert C. Post, eds., In Context: History and the History of Technology (Bethlehem, Pa., 1989), pp. 172- 91. See also Boydston; Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), especially the essay "Gender: A Useful Category of Histarical Analysis"; Baron; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York, 1985).
101. On the relation of gender divisions to male and female identity in relation to technology see Judith McGaw, "No Passive Victims, No Separate Spheres: A Feminist Perspective on Technology's History" in Stephen H. Cutcliffe and Robert C. Post, eds., In Context: History and the History of Technology (Bethlehem, Pa., 1989), pp. 172- 91. See also Boydston; Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), especially the essay "Gender: A Useful Category of Histarical Analysis"; Baron; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York, 1985).
102. On the relation of gender divisions to male and female identity in relation to technology see Judith McGaw, "No Passive Victims, No Separate Spheres: A Feminist Perspective on Technology's History" in Stephen H. Cutcliffe and Robert C. Post, eds., In Context: History and the History of Technology (Bethlehem, Pa., 1989), pp. 172- 91. See also Boydston; Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), especially the essay "Gender: A Useful Category of Histarical Analysis"; Baron; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York, 1985).
103. They are hardly the only dimensions of difference; we can think similarly about age, place, sexual orientation, literacy, or skill, among others. Ava Baron uses the phrase "axes of difference" once in the introduction to her edited volume Work Engendered (n. 9 above), p. 35.
104. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category . . ." See also Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986). For further discussion see the introduction to this volume.
105. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category . . ." See also Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986). For further discussion see the introduction to this volume.
106. See also Kessler-Harris (n. 7 above). Kessler-Harris's comments about labor history in several instances parallel mine about the history of technology (here "economic" and "class" stand in, not at all coincidentally, for "technological" and "technology"): "The tendency of labor history to separate historians of women from those of labor and to exclude women's activities from economic purpose - and therefore from a direct relationship to class and class formation - suggests the remarkably male terms in which class is still defined" (p. 192). She also suggests that her conclusions about gender might apply to analysis of race (p. 193).
107. See also David Roediger, Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991), pp. 11-13. Roediger borrows here from W. E. B. DuBois, whose "wages" came not simply in monetary form, but in other privileges as well. "Wages of skill" and "wages of independence" might be treated similarly.
108. For a clear discussion of patent management see Carolyn Cooper, Shaping Invention: Thomas Blanchard's Machinery and Patent Management in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1991).