Accountable to themselves: Predominance in Southern Africa

Journal of Modern African Studies

Volumn 35, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 547-573

  Good, Kenneth ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF BOTSWANA   (Botswana)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRACY; LOCAL PARTICIPATION; PARTICIPATORY POLITICS; POLITICAL SYSTEM;

AFRICA, (SOUTHERN);

EID: 0031462724     PISSN: 0022278X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X97002553     Document Type: Article

References (149)

1. Total GDP was R385,000 million in 1994, and the exchange rate at the end of that year was approximately Rand 3·5 the US doller. The Economist, Pocket World in Figures (London, 1995), p.186.
2. Tom Lodge, 'South Afirica: democracy and development in a post-apartheid society', in Adrian Leftwich (ed.), Democracy and Development: theory and practice (Cambridge, 1996), p. 196.
3. Ibid.
4. A useful three-year summary of reconstruction and development programmes was offered by Marlene Burger in the Sunday Times (Johannesburg), 27 April 1997.
5. Ibid. 6 April 1997. There had been, the Auditor-General reported, unauthorised government expenditures of R150 million between March 1995 and March 1996, with the Ministry of Health, headed by Dr Nkosanzana Zuma, accounting for R58 million of this amount. The Star (Johannesburg), 27 March 1997.
6. Ibid. 6 April 1997. There had been, the Auditor-General reported, unauthorised government expenditures of R150 million between March 1995 and March 1996, with the Ministry of Health, headed by Dr Nkosanzana Zuma, accounting for R58 million of this amount. The Star (Johannesburg), 27 March 1997.
7. Business Day (Johannesburg), 24 April 1997.
8. Parliamentary statement by the Provincial Minister, Trudy Thomas, in ibid. 4 March 1997.
9. Mail and Guardian (Johannesburg), 2 May 1997.
10. Consultant Eugene Nyati and his 25-year-old assistant were allowed to set their own salaries, calculate their own hours of work, and sub-contract as they wished. Asked about his remuneration of some R540 an hour, Nyati declared that it was 'peanuts', which he accepted only because 'he was a patriot'. The Province's Acting Premier, Jacques Modipane, later confirmed that this manipulation occurred because the Government permitted it. Business Day, 13 September 1995, Mail and Guardian, 22 September 1995, and The Star, 6 June 1997.
11. Consultant Eugene Nyati and his 25-year-old assistant were allowed to set their own salaries, calculate their own hours of work, and sub-contract as they wished. Asked about his remuneration of some R540 an hour, Nyati declared that it was 'peanuts', which he accepted only because 'he was a patriot'. The Province's Acting Premier, Jacques Modipane, later confirmed that this manipulation occurred because the Government permitted it. Business Day, 13 September 1995, Mail and Guardian, 22 September 1995, and The Star, 6 June 1997.
12. Consultant Eugene Nyati and his 25-year-old assistant were allowed to set their own salaries, calculate their own hours of work, and sub-contract as they wished. Asked about his remuneration of some R540 an hour, Nyati declared that it was 'peanuts', which he accepted only because 'he was a patriot'. The Province's Acting Premier, Jacques Modipane, later confirmed that this manipulation occurred because the Government permitted it. Business Day, 13 September 1995, Mail and Guardian, 22 September 1995, and The Star, 6 June 1997.
13. The Star, 27 March 1997. The Rand exchanged then at around R4.50 to the US dollar. Mail and Guardian, 2 May 1997.
14. The Star, 27 March 1997. The Rand exchanged then at around R4.50 to the US dollar. Mail and Guardian, 2 May 1997.
15. The saga of the Presidential Review Commission's stagnation included the rejection of its business plan and the subsequent resignation of its chairman. Business Day, 20 May 1997.
16. The Economist (London), 12 October 1996.
17. Ibid. 31 May 1997.
18. The wall with the faces of men and women of all races, and the dates of their killing, was depicted in The Star, 15 May 1997, which noted that 'callers from Soweto to Sandton...condemned the Government's inability to stop the mayhem'. Later, photos of walls on Jan Smuts Avenue and Empire Road were presented full-page, with the stories of 46 of the pictured victims, and the names of another 25 whose details the newspaper could not trace. Ibid. 27 May 1997.
19. The wall with the faces of men and women of all races, and the dates of their killing, was depicted in The Star, 15 May 1997, which noted that 'callers from Soweto to Sandton...condemned the Government's inability to stop the mayhem'. Later, photos of walls on Jan Smuts Avenue and Empire Road were presented full-page, with the stories of 46 of the pictured victims, and the names of another 25 whose details the newspaper could not trace. Ibid. 27 May 1997.
20. Gustav Thiel, Mail and Guardian, 1 August 1997.
21. Ibid, and reports in The Star, 1 August 1997.
22. In June 1997, the Witwatersrand Attorney-General, André de Vries, was mugged in his car at an intersection on his way to work. The Star, 12 June 1997.
23. Tom Lodge, 'And the Corruption Goes On and On', in The Saturday Star, 17 May 1997.
24. Business Day, 13 February 1997, and Sunday Times, 23 March 1997.
25. Business Day, 13 February 1997, and Sunday Times, 23 March 1997.
26. The Economist, 31 May 1997.
27. An immediate enquiry was ordered, on the instructions of Police Commissioner George Fivaz, focused on 'security aspects and whether any negligence was involved'. The Star, 29 January 1997.
28. South Africa's radar system was inadequate, operating only in defined corridors which air-smugglers were aware of. Report by Blackman Ngoro, in Sunday Independent (Johannesburg), 29 June 1997.
29. For an indication of what organised crime and state collapse in Russia is like, see Tatyana Tolstaya, 'The Way They Live Now', in The New York Review of Books, 24 April 1997.
30. Business Day, 21 May 1997.
31. Lodge, loc. cit.
32. Ibid.
33. Kenneth Good, Realizing Democracy in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa (Pretoria, Africa Institute, 1997), pp. 81-3.
34. Sunday Independent, 15 June 1997.
35. Reports by Lungile Madywabe, noting that immigrants paid R40 or R50 on each visit to an official, some of whom were named. Ibid. 29 June and 6 July 1997.
36. Lodge, loc. cit.
37. Business Day, 12 June 1997.
38. The Public Protector, appointed for a non-renewable period of seven years, tends to investigate individual cases of wrong-doing at a less 'serious' level.
39. Business Day, 19 June 1997. This was not the first time that Jan Swanepoel had spoken of OSEO's inadequate resources.
40. Lodge's estimates could well be on the low side. A major investigation - 350 pp. with details of the research methodology and supporting documentation - released by the National Party (NP) in August 1997, claimed that corruption in the public sector had cost the taxpayer between R13.5 to 20 billion over the past three years. The party's executive director, Marthinus van Schalkyk, said the NP could only conclude that the Government was soft on corruption. Report by Wyndham Hartley, in Business Day, 11 August 1997.
41. Lodge, loc. cit.
42. Sunday Times, 18 May 1997. Steve Mabona also abused his position to obtain a fraudulent driver's licence for the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, and was forced to resign as a Provincial Minister when this was officially reported. Baleka Mbete-Kgositsile, the beneficiary of the fraud, did not resign her office, and was not asked to do so by the ANC.
43. Lodge, loc. cit. President Nelson Mandela, in March 1996, noted the existence of what he called widespread corruption, but claimed in a written response in the Senate that it was endemic under apartheid, and has merely continued. Sunday Times, 3 March 1996.
44. Lodge, loc. cit. President Nelson Mandela, in March 1996, noted the existence of what he called widespread corruption, but claimed in a written response in the Senate that it was endemic under apartheid, and has merely continued. Sunday Times, 3 March 1996.
45. The Star, 17 March 1997, and Business Day, 15 April 1997.
46. The Star, 17 March 1997, and Business Day, 15 April 1997.
47. The Democratic Party (DP) MP, Douglas Gibson, asked Dullah Omar if anyone else allegedly involved in white-collar crime was being given 'a similar Rolls Royce defence'. The Legal Aid Board is an independent statutory body established in 1969 to help indigent defendants. It is funded through the state, but has to claim money from the Justice Department for each case it handles. A fifth of its total staff resigned in 1995-6, and it has difficulty meeting its workload. Gibson was concerned by the fact that Omar had permitted Rev. Allan Boesak to retain his own expert and very costly defence team. The Star, 20 and 30 June 1997.
48. Lodge, loc. cit.
49. Mandela saw 'nothing unusual' in this secret transaction, and offered no other information; not as regards the date of the gift, conditions other than confidentiality that possibly accompanied the transaction, nor the direction and use of the money later. The Star, 13 August 1996, and Business Day, 13 and 14 August 1996.
50. Mandela saw 'nothing unusual' in this secret transaction, and offered no other information; not as regards the date of the gift, conditions other than confidentiality that possibly accompanied the transaction, nor the direction and use of the money later. The Star, 13 August 1996, and Business Day, 13 and 14 August 1996.
51. Sunday Times, 1 June 1997.
52. Editorial, Business Day, 27 June 1997. The OSEO, for example, is responsible to the Justice Minister, and must rely on the Attorney-General's offices for its prosecutions. They are as depleted of human and financial resources as is the OSEO.
53. This rate of acquisitions by black South Africans on the Stock Exchange was said to be higher than that achieved in earlier decades by other investors, English, Jewish, or Afrikaners. Robin McGregor, 'How the Guard has Changed Since Rhodes Stormed the SA Economy', in Sunday Times, 15 December 1996, and Sunday Independent, 22 June 1997.
54. This rate of acquisitions by black South Africans on the Stock Exchange was said to be higher than that achieved in earlier decades by other investors, English, Jewish, or Afrikaners. Robin McGregor, 'How the Guard has Changed Since Rhodes Stormed the SA Economy', in Sunday Times, 15 December 1996, and Sunday Independent, 22 June 1997.
55. Mashudu Ramano, in an interview with Thabo Leshilo, in Sunday Independent, 20 April 1997.
56. Boesak's closeness to Mandela, and the earlier situation with his Foundation for Peace and Justice, is examined in Good, op. cit. chs. 6 and 7.
57. Breyten Breytenbach, 'Dog's Bone', in The New York Review of Books, 26 May 1994. The 'hand-in-pocket' analogy is rather apt. A cartoon by Zapiro in the Mail and Guardian, 18 August 1996, pictured Sol Kerzner reclining, drink and bank-notes in hand, at his leading local casino, while Mandela, Mbeki, and Ministers Sigcau and Tshwete sit comfy in his open pocket, the bored magnate exclaiming, 'same place I used to keep the Nats...'. At the bottom an agitated Holomisa is blowing a whistle and pointing.
58. Breyten Breytenbach, 'Dog's Bone', in The New York Review of Books, 26 May 1994. The 'hand-in-pocket' analogy is rather apt. A cartoon by Zapiro in the Mail and Guardian, 18 August 1996, pictured Sol Kerzner reclining, drink and bank-notes in hand, at his leading local casino, while Mandela, Mbeki, and Ministers Sigcau and Tshwete sit comfy in his open pocket, the bored magnate exclaiming, 'same place I used to keep the Nats...'. At the bottom an agitated Holomisa is blowing a whistle and pointing.
59. Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven and London, 1982), p. 19.
60. Ibid. pp. 19-20. Young does not fully explain the lesser importance of responsiveness and probity.
61. Atul Kohli, The State and Poverty in India (Cambridge, 1989).
62. Most blacks in South Africa have living standards like those in Congo-Brazzaville, according to the UN's Human Development Index. The daily lives of the poor in rural areas in 1997 are no better than they were in 1994 - The Star, 6 July 1997, and Business Day, 8 July 1997 - and if this is left to the market to decide, they will stay that way.
63. Most blacks in South Africa have living standards like those in Congo-Brazzaville, according to the UN's Human Development Index. The daily lives of the poor in rural areas in 1997 are no better than they were in 1994 - The Star, 6 July 1997, and Business Day, 8 July 1997 - and if this is left to the market to decide, they will stay that way.
64. André du Pisani, 'Limited Choice', in Africa Institute Bulletin (Pretoria), 35, 1, 25 January 1995, pp. 2-3.
65. Good, op. cit. pp. 45-9.
66. At the 1997 elections in Britain, for example, Labour got 43·2 per cent of all votes and two-thirds of seats; the Conservatives gained 30·7 per cent of votes, but only 25 per cent of seats; and the Liberal Democrats got 16·8 per cent of votes but a mere 7 per cent of seats. The same system in Canada saw votes for the Conservatives fall from 43 per cent in 1988 to 16 per cent in 1993, but their seats plummeted from 170 to just 2; however, the Bloc quebecois gained 54 seats on 13 per cent of the votes.
67. A Report to Parliament by a Working Party of the National Assembly and the National Council, Agenda for Change: consolidating parliamentary democracy in Namibia (Windhoek, July 1995), p. 32.
68. The above-mentioned Working Party in Namibia notes that proportional representation is combined with constituencies in Germany and New Zealand under what is called the 'additional member system'. Alternatively, first-past-the-post can be made more proportional through the preferential vote system, as in Australia.
69. The Star, 4 March 1997.
70. Wyndham Hartley noted that some ANC parliamentarians 'allocated' by the party to such constituencies were reporting 'enormous queues of people who need an MP to intercede for them' in struggles with the bureaucracy. These MPs, he said, were members of 'the same grouping that is seen beavering away in the committees', writing in Business Day, 27 March 1997. But the allocation of MPs to particular districts by party chiefs remains a totally different process from voters choosing their own MP to represent them.
71. The Star, 4 and 6 March 1997.
72. Colin Eglin of the DP has claimed that the continued exclusion of constituencies resulted from a deal brokered between the ANC and the NP. Business Day, 18 April 1996.
73. According to South Africa's 1996 Constitution, Schedule 6, 'Transitional Arrangements', Annexure A, 13, 'A person loses membership of a legislature to which this Schedule applies if that person ceases to be a member of the party which nominated that person as a member of the legislature.'
74. Relevant clauses of the ANC's Code of Conduct state: 'All elected representatives...shall accept allocation by the organisation to specific constituencies or areas or organisational functions', and 'Members of the assemblies shall be subject to recall from these structures for violation of the ANC constitution'. While the Code was initially presented publicly as an ethical instrument - 'Keep Your MP Off the Gravy Train', Mail and Guardian, 17 March 1995 - its subsequent function appears more as a control and disciplinary device for the leadership.
75. In November 1996, grassroots opposition to the removal of Patrick Lekota was reported to be growing, and a group called the Crossroads Democratic Movement campaigned in his support under the slogan: 'Mandela made an error with Terror'. Business Day. 18 November 1996.
76. Raymond Suttner, for example, was chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, but was appointed ambassador to Sweden in May 1997.
77. When Saki Macozoma, ANC chairman of the Communications Committee, resigned as an MP, his salary entitlements totalled some R246,000, but as managing director of Transnet he subsequently obtained at least R920,000. Cyril Madlala, 'The Grass is Greener', and Editorial, Sunday Times, 12 January 1997. Others, such as Cyril Ramaphosa, would have done even better.
78. Agenda for Change, 1995, p. 32.
79. From sections of Namibia's 1990 Constitution, Good, op. cit. pp. 68-70.
80. Agenda for Change, pp. 21-2 and 29.
81. Sarafina 2 is considered in more detail in Good, op. cit. pp. 80-3.
82. Stephen Friedman, Business Day, 14 October 1996.
83. Gave Davis, Mail and Guardian, 4 October 1996.
84. Statement by the Parliamentary Monitoring Group, in Business Day, 13 February 1997.
85. Hartley, ibid. 30 May 1997.
86. According to the Constitution of Namibia, Chapter 19, if two-thirds support is not obtained in the National Council, the President is empowered to take the bill to a national referendum where, if it gains two-thirds of all the votes cast, the amendment is deemed to have passed.
87. Mail and Guardian, 11 April 1997.
88. Ibid.
89. Business Day, 5 June 1997.
90. As quoted by Farouk Chothia and Hartley, in ibid. 18 November 1996.
91. Michael Neocosmos, 'Intellectual Debates and Popular Struggles in Transitional South Africa', in Peter Gibbon et al. (eds.), State and Civil Society in Africa, forthcoming.
92. Sunday Times, 9 February 1997.
93. Mail and Guardian, 4 October 1996.
94. The Star, 5 May 1997. David Hirst, for instance, wrote that 'Arafat and his [fellow returnee] "Tunisians" have turned the Palestinians' homeland into a ramshackle, nepotistic regime of extortion'. Mail and Guardian, 25 April 1997.
95. The Star, 5 May 1997. David Hirst, for instance, wrote that 'Arafat and his [fellow returnee] "Tunisians" have turned the Palestinians' homeland into a ramshackle, nepotistic regime of extortion'. Mail and Guardian, 25 April 1997.
96. Mandela's purported justification was that these countries 'helped us to be where we are today', and that 'America's enemies are not South Africa's enemies'. The Star, 5 May 1997. But his code appears more personal than moral, and does not accommodate weaker former friends, such as the leaders of the Sahrawi Democratic Republic (SADR), themselves in need of help today. Mandela had written to its President, in mid-1995, expressing 'bonds of friendship' and declaring that 'steps [were] to be taken immediately to establish diplomatic relations'. But by 1997 the Deputy Foreign Minister, Aziz Pahad, said that South Africa was doing more for the SADR by not recognising it. Morocco like Libya had also helped the ANC, donating some R3 million to its 1994 campaign fund. Sunday Independent, 16 February, and Business Day, 25 May 1997.
97. Mandela's purported justification was that these countries 'helped us to be where we are today', and that 'America's enemies are not South Africa's enemies'. The Star, 5 May 1997. But his code appears more personal than moral, and does not accommodate weaker former friends, such as the leaders of the Sahrawi Democratic Republic (SADR), themselves in need of help today. Mandela had written to its President, in mid-1995, expressing 'bonds of friendship' and declaring that 'steps [were] to be taken immediately to establish diplomatic relations'. But by 1997 the Deputy Foreign Minister, Aziz Pahad, said that South Africa was doing more for the SADR by not recognising it. Morocco like Libya had also helped the ANC, donating some R3 million to its 1994 campaign fund. Sunday Independent, 16 February, and Business Day, 25 May 1997.
98. Mandela's purported justification was that these countries 'helped us to be where we are today', and that 'America's enemies are not South Africa's enemies'. The Star, 5 May 1997. But his code appears more personal than moral, and does not accommodate weaker former friends, such as the leaders of the Sahrawi Democratic Republic (SADR), themselves in need of help today. Mandela had written to its President, in mid-1995, expressing 'bonds of friendship' and declaring that 'steps [were] to be taken immediately to establish diplomatic relations'. But by 1997 the Deputy Foreign Minister, Aziz Pahad, said that South Africa was doing more for the SADR by not recognising it. Morocco like Libya had also helped the ANC, donating some R3 million to its 1994 campaign fund. Sunday Independent, 16 February, and Business Day, 25 May 1997.
99. Business Day, 11 March 1997, and The Star, 14 March 1997.
100. Business Day, 11 March 1997, and The Star, 14 March 1997.
101. Sunday Independent, 20 April 1997.
102. Report by Hartley, Business Day, 30 April 1997.
103. Ibid. 6 June 1997.
104. Thus, Justice Joffe's decision that the Government's attempt to prevent the Sunday Times from publishing details from a report on corruption was unconstitutional, and Judge Cameron's ruling that secret documents on the arms industry could be made public, both at the end of 1994. There were also open public hearings in 1996 to select the members of the new Constitutional Court.
105. Ronnie Kasrils writing on 6 June 1997, and Jakkie Cilliers on 15 June 1997, in Sunday Independent.
106. The Star, 8 August 1997.
107. A Justice Department spokesman, Business Day, 22 January 1997.
108. Lodge, 'Democracy and Development', pp. 191-2.
109. Review by F. van Zyl Slabbert of Patti Waldmeir's Anatomy of a Miracle: the end of apartheid and the birth of the new South Africa (Norton, 1997), in Sunday Independent, 25 May 1997. Ramaphosa's statement is quoted by Waldmeier on p. 41 of her book.
110. Due to the intransigence of Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the IFP had boycotted the negotiations process and only entered the 1994 elections at the very last moment.
111. The ANC obtained 62·7 per cent of the votes, reassuringly short of the two-thirds necessary to write the permanent constitution alone. The NP got 20·4 per cent, and hence six seats in the Cabinet and a Deputy Presidency; and the IFP gained 10·5 per cent of the national vote, with three seats in the Cabinet. Some highlights of the election process are in Good, op. cit. pp. 114-18.
112. The phraseology used by Stephen Laufer, 'ANC Document Could be Watershed for SA History', in Business Day, 13 May 1997.
113. Good, op. cit. pp. 80-110. Joyce Seipei, mother of the murdered young boy, Stompei, appeared before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in May 1996 to testify that she had found his decomposed body, and that doubts about his death were the result of rumours spread by Madikizela-Mandela that he was alive and living in Botswana. By June 1997, fresh allegations before the TRC went far beyond, according to Commissioner Dumile Nsebeza, what was publicly known about the Mandela United football club and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. The possible scale of her activities is suggested by the fact that one of the former club members who had applied for amnesty, Charles Zwane, had been convicted of nine murders. The Star, 9 May 1996, and Business Day, 24 June 1997.
114. Good, op. cit. pp. 80-110. Joyce Seipei, mother of the murdered young boy, Stompei, appeared before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in May 1996 to testify that she had found his decomposed body, and that doubts about his death were the result of rumours spread by Madikizela-Mandela that he was alive and living in Botswana. By June 1997, fresh allegations before the TRC went far beyond, according to Commissioner Dumile Nsebeza, what was publicly known about the Mandela United football club and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. The possible scale of her activities is suggested by the fact that one of the former club members who had applied for amnesty, Charles Zwane, had been convicted of nine murders. The Star, 9 May 1996, and Business Day, 24 June 1997.
115. Good, op. cit. pp. 80-110. Joyce Seipei, mother of the murdered young boy, Stompei, appeared before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in May 1996 to testify that she had found his decomposed body, and that doubts about his death were the result of rumours spread by Madikizela-Mandela that he was alive and living in Botswana. By June 1997, fresh allegations before the TRC went far beyond, according to Commissioner Dumile Nsebeza, what was publicly known about the Mandela United football club and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. The possible scale of her activities is suggested by the fact that one of the former club members who had applied for amnesty, Charles Zwane, had been convicted of nine murders. The Star, 9 May 1996, and Business Day, 24 June 1997.
116. Laufer, loc. cit. Buthelezi has been Minister for Home Affairs since 1994, and sometimes Acting President.
117. Buthelezi's initiation of 'Operation Marion' is looked at in Good, op. cit. pp. 87-116. The Steyn Report, only made public at the beginning of 1997, noted that Inkatha hit-squads were trained and equipped by South Africa's military intelligence until the early 1990s. Mail and Guardian, 31 January 1997. Evidence acquired by the Investigative Task Unit and available to the TRC further substantiates the fact that 'Marion' created a paramilitary élite for Inkatha at the request of Buthelezi, and that it was subsequently responsible for many attacks on people associated with the United Democratic Front. According to a report by a board headed by Howard Varney on official hit-squads, quoted by Carmel Rickard, 'Armed With Information', in Sunday Times, 30 March 1997, 'Marion' originated in early 1986, and members of the then Security Council - which included the Cabinet - were aware that Inkatha forces, when armed, would launch attacks on ANC-aligned groups. According to Daluxolo Luthuli, who was drawn into the covert training of Inkatha squads in the Caprivi, and in their subsequent deployment, in close association with Zakhele Khumazo, personal assistant to Chief Buthelezi, 'I have absolutely no doubt whatsoever that Dr Buthelezi was fully aware of every aspect of our operation'. From his interviews with Same Sole, and his evidence to the Investigative Task Unit, in Sunday Independent, 8 June 1997. Testimony by Luthuli, Varney, and others before the TRC in August 1997 provided further evidence concerning Buthelezi's bloody and collaborative past, and the defection of his former stalwart, Walter Felgate, to the ANC that month, might be expected to add more.
118. Buthelezi's initiation of 'Operation Marion' is looked at in Good, op. cit. pp. 87-116. The Steyn Report, only made public at the beginning of 1997, noted that Inkatha hit-squads were trained and equipped by South Africa's military intelligence until the early 1990s. Mail and Guardian, 31 January 1997. Evidence acquired by the Investigative Task Unit and available to the TRC further substantiates the fact that 'Marion' created a paramilitary élite for Inkatha at the request of Buthelezi, and that it was subsequently responsible for many attacks on people associated with the United Democratic Front. According to a report by a board headed by Howard Varney on official hit-squads, quoted by Carmel Rickard, 'Armed With Information', in Sunday Times, 30 March 1997, 'Marion' originated in early 1986, and members of the then Security Council - which included the Cabinet - were aware that Inkatha forces, when armed, would launch attacks on ANC-aligned groups. According to Daluxolo Luthuli, who was drawn into the covert training of Inkatha squads in the Caprivi, and in their subsequent deployment, in close association with Zakhele Khumazo, personal assistant to Chief Buthelezi, 'I have absolutely no doubt whatsoever that Dr Buthelezi was fully aware of every aspect of our operation'. From his interviews with Same Sole, and his evidence to the Investigative Task Unit, in Sunday Independent, 8 June 1997. Testimony by Luthuli, Varney, and others before the TRC in August 1997 provided further evidence concerning Buthelezi's bloody and collaborative past, and the defection of his former stalwart, Walter Felgate, to the ANC that month, might be expected to add more.
119. Buthelezi's initiation of 'Operation Marion' is looked at in Good, op. cit. pp. 87-116. The Steyn Report, only made public at the beginning of 1997, noted that Inkatha hit-squads were trained and equipped by South Africa's military intelligence until the early 1990s. Mail and Guardian, 31 January 1997. Evidence acquired by the Investigative Task Unit and available to the TRC further substantiates the fact that 'Marion' created a paramilitary élite for Inkatha at the request of Buthelezi, and that it was subsequently responsible for many attacks on people associated with the United Democratic Front. According to a report by a board headed by Howard Varney on official hit-squads, quoted by Carmel Rickard, 'Armed With Information', in Sunday Times, 30 March 1997, 'Marion' originated in early 1986, and members of the then Security Council - which included the Cabinet - were aware that Inkatha forces, when armed, would launch attacks on ANC-aligned groups. According to Daluxolo Luthuli, who was drawn into the covert training of Inkatha squads in the Caprivi, and in their subsequent deployment, in close association with Zakhele Khumazo, personal assistant to Chief Buthelezi, 'I have absolutely no doubt whatsoever that Dr Buthelezi was fully aware of every aspect of our operation'. From his interviews with Same Sole, and his evidence to the Investigative Task Unit, in Sunday Independent, 8 June 1997. Testimony by Luthuli, Varney, and others before the TRC in August 1997 provided further evidence concerning Buthelezi's bloody and collaborative past, and the defection of his former stalwart, Walter Felgate, to the ANC that month, might be expected to add more.
120. Buthelezi's initiation of 'Operation Marion' is looked at in Good, op. cit. pp. 87-116. The Steyn Report, only made public at the beginning of 1997, noted that Inkatha hit-squads were trained and equipped by South Africa's military intelligence until the early 1990s. Mail and Guardian, 31 January 1997. Evidence acquired by the Investigative Task Unit and available to the TRC further substantiates the fact that 'Marion' created a paramilitary élite for Inkatha at the request of Buthelezi, and that it was subsequently responsible for many attacks on people associated with the United Democratic Front. According to a report by a board headed by Howard Varney on official hit-squads, quoted by Carmel Rickard, 'Armed With Information', in Sunday Times, 30 March 1997, 'Marion' originated in early 1986, and members of the then Security Council - which included the Cabinet - were aware that Inkatha forces, when armed, would launch attacks on ANC-aligned groups. According to Daluxolo Luthuli, who was drawn into the covert training of Inkatha squads in the Caprivi, and in their subsequent deployment, in close association with Zakhele Khumazo, personal assistant to Chief Buthelezi, 'I have absolutely no doubt whatsoever that Dr Buthelezi was fully aware of every aspect of our operation'. From his interviews with Same Sole, and his evidence to the Investigative Task Unit, in Sunday Independent, 8 June 1997. Testimony by Luthuli, Varney, and others before the TRC in August 1997 provided further evidence concerning Buthelezi's bloody and collaborative past, and the defection of his former stalwart, Walter Felgate, to the ANC that month, might be expected to add more.
121. Cosatu's provincial secretary, Paulos Ngcobo, reportedly observed that 'if you give Buthelezi a finger he wants your hand'. Chothia, Business Day, 13 June 1997.
122. Buthelezi was said to be 'very enthusiastic' about the offer to act jointly with the President. Ibid. 19 March 1997.
123. Ibid. 13 May 1997.
124. Graeme Simpson, The Star, 21 January 1997.
125. Business Day, 13 May 1997.
126. Jacob Zuma, reported by Chothia, in ibid. 17 June 1997.
127. Interview with Cyril Madlala, in Sunday Times, 1 June 1997.
128. According to Mark Gevisser, 'Of Politics and Hairdressing', in Mail and Guardian, 23 August 1996, the Youth League delivered a large constituency to Mbeki which he otherwise lacked.
129. Emma Gilbey, Winnie Mandela's biographer, quoted in Good, op. cit. p. 103.
130. Gavin Evans, Sunday Independent, 13 April 1997.
131. The Star, 13 May 1997.
132. Saturday Star, 15 March 1997.
133. Winnie Mandela's immunity to criticism and prosecution has a long history, as Emma Gilbey recognised. Michael Neocosmos has noted in loc. cit. p. 171, that when an attempt was made by the UDF and Cosatu to publicly censure 'The Lady' in early 1989, it was blocked by ANC headquarters in Lusaka. He also records a famous graffito in Johannesburg then: 'Free Nelson, Lock up Winnie'.
134. Siegfried Groth, Namibia. The Wall of Silence: the dark days of the liberation struggle (Wuppertal, 1995), p. 101. An article by Kevin Toolis in the Mail and Guardian, 15 August 1997, states that the purge 'claimed between 800 and 2,500 lives. Some of the brightest and best of Namibia's young people were among them, killed...for dissenting from the autocratic rule of Nujoma'.
135. Groth, op. cit. pp. 100-1.
136. Colin Leys and John S. Saul, Namibia's Liberation Struggle: the two-edged sword (London, 1995), p. 4.
137. Groth, op. cit. p. 182.
138. Groth describes particular stages and incidents in the suppression, and presents case-studies of victims. On 19 July 1989, a representative of the Parents' Committee presented the press with a list of 439 missing persons still held in Swapo camps in Angola. Ibid. p. 149.
139. In a survey conducted by Market Research Africa in October 1996, 34 per cent of respondents preferred a parliamentary democracy with opposition parties, but 37 per cent favoured a government of national unity, and 27 per cent supported a one-party government with no opposition in Parliament. The findings were reported in Business Day, 19 February 1997.
140. Friedman, ibid. 11 November 1996.
141. The burden of Stephen Friedman's book is expressed in its title, Building Tomorrow Today: African workers in trade unions, 1970-1984 (Johannesburg, 1987).
142. Quoted in full in Neocosmos, loc. cit. p. 16.
143. Ibid. pp. 16-17 and 20.
144. Ibid. pp. 31 and 34-5.
145. Quoted in ibid. p. 37.
146. Sunday Times, 20 May 1997.
147. As Mark Swilling wrote in 1991: 'if the old racial authoritarianism is replaced by a new populist authoritarianism, then all that will be initiated is a new era of stagnant, unimaginative, fear-driven uniformity'. Quoted by Neocosmos, loc. cit. p. 3.
148. Cosatu's Commission chaired by Connie September stresses, for instance, the links between income redistribution and poverty alleviation, and also sees state-directed redistribution as a strategy for economic growth. 'A reduced state', it adds, 'cannot meet the needs of social transformation and development, and is inappropriate in a society with our levels of unemployment.' Report by Sechaba ka'Nkosi, in Mail and Guardian, 8 August 1997.
149. Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Evelyne and John Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge, 1992), p. 8.