Empire loyalism and minority nationalism in Great Britain and Imperial Russia, 1707 to 1914: Institutions, law, and nationality in Scotland and Ukraine

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Volumn 39, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 413-441

  Velychenko, Stephen ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY AT BUFFALO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMPARATIVE STUDY; CULTURAL HISTORY; INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENT; NATIONAL IDENTITY;

UK, SCOTLAND; UKRAINE;

EID: 0031461892     PISSN: 00104175     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0010417500020715     Document Type: Article

References (177)

1. P. Hopkirk, The Great Game. On Secret Service in High Asia (London, 1990), 64-66. Scots in British service have been well studied, see for example A. Dewar-Gitts. Scottish Empire (London, 1937). Little has been written on Ukrainians in tsarist service: K. V. Kharlampovich, Malorossiiskoe vliiannie na velikorusskuiu tserkovnuiu zhizn (Kazan, 1914) covers the eighteenth-century clergy; D. Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture 1750-1850 (Edmonton, 1985), 41-143, mentions a number of important early nineteenth-century figures.
2. P. Hopkirk, The Great Game. On Secret Service in High Asia (London, 1990), 64-66. Scots in British service have been well studied, see for example A. Dewar-Gitts. Scottish Empire (London, 1937). Little has been written on Ukrainians in tsarist service: K. V. Kharlampovich, Malorossiiskoe vliiannie na velikorusskuiu tserkovnuiu zhizn (Kazan, 1914) covers the eighteenth-century clergy; D. Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture 1750-1850 (Edmonton, 1985), 41-143, mentions a number of important early nineteenth-century figures.
3. P. Hopkirk, The Great Game. On Secret Service in High Asia (London, 1990), 64-66. Scots in British service have been well studied, see for example A. Dewar-Gitts. Scottish Empire (London, 1937). Little has been written on Ukrainians in tsarist service: K. V. Kharlampovich, Malorossiiskoe vliiannie na velikorusskuiu tserkovnuiu zhizn (Kazan, 1914) covers the eighteenth-century clergy; D. Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture 1750-1850 (Edmonton, 1985), 41-143, mentions a number of important early nineteenth-century figures.
4. P. Hopkirk, The Great Game. On Secret Service in High Asia (London, 1990), 64-66. Scots in British service have been well studied, see for example A. Dewar-Gitts. Scottish Empire (London, 1937). Little has been written on Ukrainians in tsarist service: K. V. Kharlampovich, Malorossiiskoe vliiannie na velikorusskuiu tserkovnuiu zhizn (Kazan, 1914) covers the eighteenth-century clergy; D. Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture 1750-1850 (Edmonton, 1985), 41-143, mentions a number of important early nineteenth-century figures.
5. E. Borschak, Hryhor Orlyk France's Cossack General (Toronto, 1956), 72. Ukrainians praised Keith for his benevolence during his tenure of office.
6. M. Ie. Slabchenko, Materiialy do ekonomichno-sotsialnoi istorii Ukrainy XIX stolittia (Kharkiv, 1925), 74-102; E. Borschak, Napoleon i Ukraina (Lviv, 1937) discusses plans for Ukraine, not their influence; O. Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (Munich, 1959), notes that the Terror and peasant emancipation limited the appeal of French ideas among Ukrainian nobles. In 1812, however, Napoleon had no intention of liberating serfs in the Russian empire. See W. Meikle, Scotland and the French Revolution (Glasgow, 1912); J. D. Brim, "The 'Scottish Jacobins,' Scottish Nationalism and the British Union," in R. A. Mason, Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 247-61.
7. M. Ie. Slabchenko, Materiialy do ekonomichno-sotsialnoi istorii Ukrainy XIX stolittia (Kharkiv, 1925), 74-102; E. Borschak, Napoleon i Ukraina (Lviv, 1937) discusses plans for Ukraine, not their influence; O. Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (Munich, 1959), notes that the Terror and peasant emancipation limited the appeal of French ideas among Ukrainian nobles. In 1812, however, Napoleon had no intention of liberating serfs in the Russian empire. See W. Meikle, Scotland and the French Revolution (Glasgow, 1912); J. D. Brim, "The 'Scottish Jacobins,' Scottish Nationalism and the British Union," in R. A. Mason, Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 247-61.
8. M. Ie. Slabchenko, Materiialy do ekonomichno-sotsialnoi istorii Ukrainy XIX stolittia (Kharkiv, 1925), 74-102; E. Borschak, Napoleon i Ukraina (Lviv, 1937) discusses plans for Ukraine, not their influence; O. Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (Munich, 1959), notes that the Terror and peasant emancipation limited the appeal of French ideas among Ukrainian nobles. In 1812, however, Napoleon had no intention of liberating serfs in the Russian empire. See W. Meikle, Scotland and the French Revolution (Glasgow, 1912); J. D. Brim, "The 'Scottish Jacobins,' Scottish Nationalism and the British Union," in R. A. Mason, Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 247-61.
9. M. Ie. Slabchenko, Materiialy do ekonomichno-sotsialnoi istorii Ukrainy XIX stolittia (Kharkiv, 1925), 74-102; E. Borschak, Napoleon i Ukraina (Lviv, 1937) discusses plans for Ukraine, not their influence; O. Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (Munich, 1959), notes that the Terror and peasant emancipation limited the appeal of French ideas among Ukrainian nobles. In 1812, however, Napoleon had no intention of liberating serfs in the Russian empire. See W. Meikle, Scotland and the French Revolution (Glasgow, 1912); J. D. Brim, "The 'Scottish Jacobins,' Scottish Nationalism and the British Union," in R. A. Mason, Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 247-61.
10. M. Ie. Slabchenko, Materiialy do ekonomichno-sotsialnoi istorii Ukrainy XIX stolittia (Kharkiv, 1925), 74-102; E. Borschak, Napoleon i Ukraina (Lviv, 1937) discusses plans for Ukraine, not their influence; O. Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (Munich, 1959), notes that the Terror and peasant emancipation limited the appeal of French ideas among Ukrainian nobles. In 1812, however, Napoleon had no intention of liberating serfs in the Russian empire. See W. Meikle, Scotland and the French Revolution (Glasgow, 1912); J. D. Brim, "The 'Scottish Jacobins,' Scottish Nationalism and the British Union," in R. A. Mason, Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987), 247-61.
11. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
12. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
13. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
14. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
15. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
16. T. Nairn, "Old Nationalism and New Nationalism," G. Brown, ed., The Red Paper on Scotland (Edinburgh, 1972), 22-57: T. C. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism Identity and Improvement in Later Eighteenth-Century Scotland," T. M. Devine, ed., Improvement and Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1989), 1-20; J. M. Mackenzie, "Essay and Reflection: On Scotland and the Empire," The International History Review, no. 4 (November 1993), 714-39; G. Morton, "A Tale of Two States: Scotland in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." J. G. Beramendi et al., Nationalism in Europe Past and Present (Santiago, 1993), II:223-46; L. Paterson, The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1994); I. L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11-36, 91-141, 375-416.
17. M. Flinn, Scottish Population History from the 17th century to the 1930s (Cambridge, 1977), 313.
18. Cited in L. Colley, Britons (New Haven, 1992), 413.
19. T. Feodor, Patterns of Urban Growth in the Russian Empire during the Nineteenth Century, (Chicago, 1975), appendix I.
20. Recent histories include: R. Mitchison, A History of Scotland (2nd ed., London, 1982); M. Lynch, Scotland, A New History (London, 1991); O. Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto, 1988); P. R. Magocsi, A History of Ukraine (Toronto, 1996).
21. Recent histories include: R. Mitchison, A History of Scotland (2nd ed., London, 1982); M. Lynch, Scotland, A New History (London, 1991); O. Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto, 1988); P. R. Magocsi, A History of Ukraine (Toronto, 1996).
22. Recent histories include: R. Mitchison, A History of Scotland (2nd ed., London, 1982); M. Lynch, Scotland, A New History (London, 1991); O. Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto, 1988); P. R. Magocsi, A History of Ukraine (Toronto, 1996).
23. Recent histories include: R. Mitchison, A History of Scotland (2nd ed., London, 1982); M. Lynch, Scotland, A New History (London, 1991); O. Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto, 1988); P. R. Magocsi, A History of Ukraine (Toronto, 1996).
24. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
25. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
26. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
27. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
28. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
29. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
30. In the eighteenth century and presumably earlier, per-capita income differentials within Europe, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world, were minimal. A huge gap between the richest and poorest countries begins to appear only in the nineteenth century. P. Bairoch, Economics and World History (New York, 1993), 102-8. H.J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Only very recently have some Marxists stopped regarding all states as equally repressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution, The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 292-4, 455-6. Marxists regarded all states to be equally oppressive and law and constitutions as "instruments of class rule." E. P. Thompson, Writing by Candlelight (London, 1980) and Poverty of Theory (London, 1978). Theories linking nationalism with industrialization cannot explain nationalism in countries where it preceded industrialization. M. Mann, "The Emergence of Modern European Nationalism"; J. A. Hall, J. C. Jarvie, eds., Transition to Modernity (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 139-63. On the shortcomings of "internal colonialism," a model that explains nationalism in terms of economic dependency, see D. McCrone, Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (London, 1992), 55-69.
31. V. E. Durkacz, The Decline of the Celtic Languages: A Study of Linguistic and Cultural Conflict in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983); J. Prebble, The Highland Clearances (London, 1963).
32. V. E. Durkacz, The Decline of the Celtic Languages: A Study of Linguistic and Cultural Conflict in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983); J. Prebble, The Highland Clearances (London, 1963).
33. English chroniclers and historians up to the eighteenth century claimed that Roman Britannia included all of Britain, thus implying that when the Romans left imperial authority devolved to English kings. Scots chronicles and histories noted that Scotland had never been ruled by any southern authority. C. Kidd, Subverting Scotland's Past, Scottish Whig Historians and the Creation of an Anglo-British Identity 1689-c.1830 (Cambridge, UK, 1993). On the arguments of the Pro-English faction before the Union of Crowns, see R. A. Mason, ed., Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987) 60-92.
34. English chroniclers and historians up to the eighteenth century claimed that Roman Britannia included all of Britain, thus implying that when the Romans left imperial authority devolved to English kings. Scots chronicles and histories noted that Scotland had never been ruled by any southern authority. C. Kidd, Subverting Scotland's Past, Scottish Whig Historians and the Creation of an Anglo-British Identity 1689-c.1830 (Cambridge, UK, 1993). On the arguments of the Pro-English faction before the Union of Crowns, see R. A. Mason, ed., Scotland and England 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987) 60-92.
35. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
36. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
37. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
38. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
39. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
40. Medieval continental rulers normally gave manorial and territorial autonomy in return for noble support. This left later monarchs with the problem of eliminating it. In England, nobles got power in a central parliament in return for enforcing the King's law on their manors and in the shires. M. Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change Through Law in the Germanies and Russia 1600-1800 (New Haven, 1983); R. Frame, The Political Development of the British Isles 1100-1400 (Oxford, 1990); B. P. Levack, The Formation of the British State (Oxford, 1987); J. Brewer, The Sinews of Power (London, 1989); J. Bulpitt, Territory and Power in the United Kingdom (Manchester, 1983). B. I. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe. A Comparative Study of France, Germany and England (Berekely, 1979), 56.
41. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
42. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
43. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
44. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
45. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
46. J. S. Gibson, The Thistle and the Crown. A History of the Scottish Office (Edinburgh, 1985). A. Murdoch, 'The People Above' Politics and Administration in Mid-Eighteenth Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980). J. S. Shaw, The Management of Scottish Society (Edinburgh, 1983). Whether or not Scotland was a dominated underdeveloped client of England is a major issue in modern historiography. See D. Szechi, "The Hanoverians and Scotland," in M. Greengrass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence (London, 1991), 116-33; McCrone, Understanding Scotland, 34-88; N. MacCormack, ed., The Scottish Debate (Oxford, 1970).
47. Cited in Colley, Britons, 120. M. W. McCahill, "Peerage Creations and the Changing Character of the British Nobility, 1750-1850," English Historical Review, 96 (April 1981), 263. Compared to their English opposites, Scottish families had more sons and smaller fortunes. J. Hayes, "Scottish Officers in the British Army," Scottish Historical Review, 37 (April 1958), 29.
48. Cited in Colley, Britons, 120. M. W. McCahill, "Peerage Creations and the Changing Character of the British Nobility, 1750-1850," English Historical Review, 96 (April 1981), 263. Compared to their English opposites, Scottish families had more sons and smaller fortunes. J. Hayes, "Scottish Officers in the British Army," Scottish Historical Review, 37 (April 1958), 29.
49. Cited in Colley, Britons, 120. M. W. McCahill, "Peerage Creations and the Changing Character of the British Nobility, 1750-1850," English Historical Review, 96 (April 1981), 263. Compared to their English opposites, Scottish families had more sons and smaller fortunes. J. Hayes, "Scottish Officers in the British Army," Scottish Historical Review, 37 (April 1958), 29.
50. C. Kidd, "Enlightened Identity and the Rhetoric of Intention," in D. Allan, ed., Virtue Learning and the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1993), 148-60; Idem, "Teutonist Ethnology and Scottish Nationalist Inhibition 1780-1880," Scottish Historical Review (April 1995), 45-68.
51. C. Kidd, "Enlightened Identity and the Rhetoric of Intention," in D. Allan, ed., Virtue Learning and the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh, 1993), 148-60; Idem, "Teutonist Ethnology and Scottish Nationalist Inhibition 1780-1880," Scottish Historical Review (April 1995), 45-68.
52. F. McLynn, The Jacobites (London, 1985). Highland chiefs resented their exclusion from the Argyll-government patronage network more than they did the Union.
53. M. G. Pittock, The Invention of Scotland. The Stuart Myth and the Scottish Identity 1638 to the Present (London, 1991), 99-133.
54. V. M. Kabuzan, Narodonaselenie Rossii (Moscow. 1963), 162-4.
55. B. Struminsky, "The Language Question in the Ukrainian Lands Before the Nineteenth Century," R. Picchio and H. Goldblatt, eds., Aspects of the Slavic Language Question (New Haven, 1984), II: 9-47.
56. On monarchial authority, see M. Szeftell, "La monarchie absolue dans l'Etat muscovite et l'Empire russe (fin XV síecle-1905)," Russian Institutions and Culture up to Peter the Great (Varorium Reprints) (London, 1975), 727-57;
57. N. Henshall, The Myth of Absolutism (London, 1992).
58. On Ukrainian-Russian treaties, see A. lakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory v XVIIXVIII vikakh (Warsaw, 1934).
59. In 1754, Empress Elizabeth decreed that native Russians should also be among the candidates for church office. I. Ohienko, Istoriia Ukrainskoi kultury, 3rd ed. (Winnipeg, 1970), 93.
60. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
61. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
62. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
63. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
64. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
65. V. O. Holobutsky, Ekonomichna istoriia Ukrainskoi RSR (Kiev, 1970), 137-46; B. N. Mironov, "Eksport Russkogo khleba vtoroi polovine XVIII-nachale XIXV," Istoricheskie zapiski, no. 93 (1974), 173-88. Official postwar Soviet historiography did not treat relations between post-annexation Russia and non-Russians in terms of economic colonialism. Not all historians agree that Russian dominance retarded economic growth. Some argue that Ukrainian independence would not have guaranteed better laws, more foreign capital, skilled workers, local entrepreneurs, cheap fuel, or cheap labour. K. Kononenko, Ukraine and Russia: A History of the Economic Relations Between Ukraine and Russia (1654-1917) (Milwaukee, 1958); M. Spechler, "The Regional Concentration of Industry in Imperial Russia 1854-1917," Journal of European Economic History (Fall 1980), 401-29; idem, "Development of the Ukrainian Economy 1854-1917: The Imperial View," I. S. Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 261-76; I. S. Koropeckyj, Development in the Shadow: Studies in Ukrainian Economics (Edmonton, 1990), 43-111.
66. S. Velychenko, National History as Cultural Process. A Survey of the Interpretations of Ukraine's Past in Polish, Ukrainian and Russian Historical Writing from Earliest Times to 1914 (Edmonton, 1992), 148-60.
67. O. Subtelny, The Mazeppists. Ukrainian Separatism in the Eighteenth Century (Boulder CO, 1981), covers elite politics. There is no study of how much popular support Mazepa and Mazepism had that is comparable to J. K. Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, 1688-1788 (Cambridge, UK, 1989).
68. O. Subtelny, The Mazeppists. Ukrainian Separatism in the Eighteenth Century (Boulder CO, 1981), covers elite politics. There is no study of how much popular support Mazepa and Mazepism had that is comparable to J. K. Monod, Jacobitism and the English People, 1688-1788 (Cambridge, UK, 1989).
69. The relationship between politics and kinship within the Hetmanate elite is little studied. O. Ohloblyn, Hetman Ivan Mazepa ta ioho doba (New York, 1960), 288-319 lists which officers supported Mazeppa in 1709.
70. Cited in: W. A. Speck, The Butcher. The Duke of Cumberland and the Suppression of the '45 (Oxford, 1981), 127; J. Black, Culloden and the '45 (Phoenix Mill, UK, 1990), 193-4.
71. Cited in: W. A. Speck, The Butcher. The Duke of Cumberland and the Suppression of the '45 (Oxford, 1981), 127; J. Black, Culloden and the '45 (Phoenix Mill, UK, 1990), 193-4.
72. Historians have not determined the total number of deaths. The most important source from which an approximate figure could be derived is H. Paton. ed., The Lyon in Mourning, 3 vols (Edinburgh. 1895).
73. Six months after the battle spies in the western Highlands reported that 610 men were dead but did not specify whether they died at the hands of punitive detachments. C. S. Terry, ed., The Albemarle Papers (Aberdeen, 1902), I:337.
74. After the 1857 Indian Mutiny, British troops, acting with extraordinary powers and arguably ignoring a clemency order, summarily executed thousands of suspected rebels. C. Hibbert, The Great Mutiny. India 1857 (London 1980), 166-7, 201-12.
75. J. Prebble. Culloden (London, 1961), 244-6. Speck, The Butcher, 173-7.
76. J. Prebble. Culloden (London, 1961), 244-6. Speck, The Butcher, 173-7.
77. R. Mitchison, "Patriotism and National Identity in Eighteenth-Century Scotland," in T. W. Moody, ed., Nationality and the Pursuit of National Independence (Belfast, 1978), 73-87.
78. These were subject only to repayment of sums paid by the government to clear their debts. V. Wills, ed., Reports on the Annexed Estates 1755-1769 (Edinburgh, 1973), XIV; A. J. Youngson, After the Forty-Five (Edinburgh, 1973), 26-27. The failure of these projects, the depopula tion and transformation of the Highlands into pastures (the Clearances) after 1820, cannot be blamed on "English colonialism." Behind agrarian modernization lay falling agricultural prices, Scottish landlords influenced by the Scotsman Adam Smith, and laws passed by Scottish parliaments before Union. E. Hobsbawm, "Scottish Reformers and Capitalist Agriculture," in E. Hobsbawm et al, Peasants in History, Essays in Honour of Daniel Thorner (Oxford, 1980), 7-19; T. M. Devine, Clanship to Crofters' War (Manchester, 1994), 38-41.
79. These were subject only to repayment of sums paid by the government to clear their debts. V. Wills, ed., Reports on the Annexed Estates 1755-1769 (Edinburgh, 1973), XIV; A. J. Youngson, After the Forty-Five (Edinburgh, 1973), 26-27. The failure of these projects, the depopula tion and transformation of the Highlands into pastures (the Clearances) after 1820, cannot be blamed on "English colonialism." Behind agrarian modernization lay falling agricultural prices, Scottish landlords influenced by the Scotsman Adam Smith, and laws passed by Scottish parliaments before Union. E. Hobsbawm, "Scottish Reformers and Capitalist Agriculture," in E. Hobsbawm et al, Peasants in History, Essays in Honour of Daniel Thorner (Oxford, 1980), 7-19; T. M. Devine, Clanship to Crofters' War (Manchester, 1994), 38-41.
80. These were subject only to repayment of sums paid by the government to clear their debts. V. Wills, ed., Reports on the Annexed Estates 1755-1769 (Edinburgh, 1973), XIV; A. J. Youngson, After the Forty-Five (Edinburgh, 1973), 26-27. The failure of these projects, the depopula tion and transformation of the Highlands into pastures (the Clearances) after 1820, cannot be blamed on "English colonialism." Behind agrarian modernization lay falling agricultural prices, Scottish landlords influenced by the Scotsman Adam Smith, and laws passed by Scottish parliaments before Union. E. Hobsbawm, "Scottish Reformers and Capitalist Agriculture," in E. Hobsbawm et al, Peasants in History, Essays in Honour of Daniel Thorner (Oxford, 1980), 7-19; T. M. Devine, Clanship to Crofters' War (Manchester, 1994), 38-41.
81. These were subject only to repayment of sums paid by the government to clear their debts. V. Wills, ed., Reports on the Annexed Estates 1755-1769 (Edinburgh, 1973), XIV; A. J. Youngson, After the Forty-Five (Edinburgh, 1973), 26-27. The failure of these projects, the depopula tion and transformation of the Highlands into pastures (the Clearances) after 1820, cannot be blamed on "English colonialism." Behind agrarian modernization lay falling agricultural prices, Scottish landlords influenced by the Scotsman Adam Smith, and laws passed by Scottish parliaments before Union. E. Hobsbawm, "Scottish Reformers and Capitalist Agriculture," in E. Hobsbawm et al, Peasants in History, Essays in Honour of Daniel Thorner (Oxford, 1980), 7-19; T. M. Devine, Clanship to Crofters' War (Manchester, 1994), 38-41.
82. J. M. Simpson, "Who Steered the Gravy Train 1707-1766?," in N. T. Philipson, R. Mitchison, ed., Scotland in the Age of Improvement (Edinburgh, 1970), 49.
83. H. C. B. Rogers, The British Army of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1977), 28-29; T. Hayter, The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian England (London, 1978), 22-23. This assumes there were 10 sixty-man companies per regiment. Regiments at Culloden averaged 420 men.
84. H. C. B. Rogers, The British Army of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1977), 28-29; T. Hayter, The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian England (London, 1978), 22-23. This assumes there were 10 sixty-man companies per regiment. Regiments at Culloden averaged 420 men.
85. D. Szechi, The Jacobites Britain and Europe 1688-1788 (Manchester, 1994); F. McLynn, Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1989), 159-65; M. Pittock, The Myth of the Jacobite Clans (Edinburgh, 1995), 58-65, 79, 84; B. Lenman, The Jacobite Clans of the Great Glen 1650-1784 (London, 1984), 108-14, 174, 178.
86. D. Szechi, The Jacobites Britain and Europe 1688-1788 (Manchester, 1994); F. McLynn, Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1989), 159-65; M. Pittock, The Myth of the Jacobite Clans (Edinburgh, 1995), 58-65, 79, 84; B. Lenman, The Jacobite Clans of the Great Glen 1650-1784 (London, 1984), 108-14, 174, 178.
87. D. Szechi, The Jacobites Britain and Europe 1688-1788 (Manchester, 1994); F. McLynn, Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1989), 159-65; M. Pittock, The Myth of the Jacobite Clans (Edinburgh, 1995), 58-65, 79, 84; B. Lenman, The Jacobite Clans of the Great Glen 1650-1784 (London, 1984), 108-14, 174, 178.
88. D. Szechi, The Jacobites Britain and Europe 1688-1788 (Manchester, 1994); F. McLynn, Crime and Punishment in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1989), 159-65; M. Pittock, The Myth of the Jacobite Clans (Edinburgh, 1995), 58-65, 79, 84; B. Lenman, The Jacobite Clans of the Great Glen 1650-1784 (London, 1984), 108-14, 174, 178.
89. C. Kidd, "North Britishness and the Nature of Eighteenth-Century British Patriotisms," The Historical Journal, no. 2 (1996), 365, 378-9; idem, Subverting Scotland's Past, 193-246.
90. C. Kidd, "North Britishness and the Nature of Eighteenth-Century British Patriotisms," The Historical Journal, no. 2 (1996), 365, 378-9; idem, Subverting Scotland's Past, 193-246.
91. Insofar as one article of the Treaty specified that Parliament could alter Scottish law, acts in conflict with the spirit of the Treaty can be construed as legal. From this perspective, changes in Scotland's status may be interpreted as legal renegotiations of the terms of Union and not as infringements of the Union that amount to a loss of Scottish control over Scottish affairs. Legal alteration of the Act of Union did not diminish Scotland's distinctiveness. T. B. Smith, "The Union of 1707 as Fundamental Law," idem, Studies Critical and Comparative (Edinburgh, 1962), 12-18; C. R. Munro, "The Union of 1707 and the British Constitution," in P. S. Hodge, ed., Scotland and the Union (Edinburgh, 1994), 98-104.
92. Insofar as one article of the Treaty specified that Parliament could alter Scottish law, acts in conflict with the spirit of the Treaty can be construed as legal. From this perspective, changes in Scotland's status may be interpreted as legal renegotiations of the terms of Union and not as infringements of the Union that amount to a loss of Scottish control over Scottish affairs. Legal alteration of the Act of Union did not diminish Scotland's distinctiveness. T. B. Smith, "The Union of 1707 as Fundamental Law," idem, Studies Critical and Comparative (Edinburgh, 1962), 12-18; C. R. Munro, "The Union of 1707 and the British Constitution," in P. S. Hodge, ed., Scotland and the Union (Edinburgh, 1994), 98-104.
93. Smout, "Problems of Nationalism, Identity and Improvement," 5.
94. Russian reports on Ukraine before the Swedish invasion noted a covert struggle between pro-Polish and pro-Turkish factions. Though both sides secretly denounced the Hetman, Peter thought Mazepa was loyal until his defection. But from as early as 1692, despite the shifts between these two groupings, the hetman sought to become an independent prince of those Ukrainian lands inhabited by cossacks. The tsar became aware of this only in 1709. O. Ohloblyn, Studii z istorii Ukraiiny (New York, 1995), 146-60. On tsarist repression, see idem, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, 322-3; Subtelny, The Mazepists, 37, 50. O. Hrushevsky, "Hlukhiv i Lebedyn," Naukovi Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Tarasa Shevchenka XCII (1909), 51-65. The figure 900 is given in an anonymous history of Cossack-Ukraine written at the beginning of the nineteenth century (O. Ohloblyn, ed., Istoriia Rusiv [New York, 1956] 286). The papers of the Field Court Martial have yet to be studied to determine the exact number of executions.
95. Russian reports on Ukraine before the Swedish invasion noted a covert struggle between pro-Polish and pro-Turkish factions. Though both sides secretly denounced the Hetman, Peter thought Mazepa was loyal until his defection. But from as early as 1692, despite the shifts between these two groupings, the hetman sought to become an independent prince of those Ukrainian lands inhabited by cossacks. The tsar became aware of this only in 1709. O. Ohloblyn, Studii z istorii Ukraiiny (New York, 1995), 146-60. On tsarist repression, see idem, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, 322-3; Subtelny, The Mazepists, 37, 50. O. Hrushevsky, "Hlukhiv i Lebedyn," Naukovi Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Tarasa Shevchenka XCII (1909), 51-65. The figure 900 is given in an anonymous history of Cossack-Ukraine written at the beginning of the nineteenth century (O. Ohloblyn, ed., Istoriia Rusiv [New York, 1956] 286). The papers of the Field Court Martial have yet to be studied to determine the exact number of executions.
96. Russian reports on Ukraine before the Swedish invasion noted a covert struggle between pro-Polish and pro-Turkish factions. Though both sides secretly denounced the Hetman, Peter thought Mazepa was loyal until his defection. But from as early as 1692, despite the shifts between these two groupings, the hetman sought to become an independent prince of those Ukrainian lands inhabited by cossacks. The tsar became aware of this only in 1709. O. Ohloblyn, Studii z istorii Ukraiiny (New York, 1995), 146-60. On tsarist repression, see idem, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, 322-3; Subtelny, The Mazepists, 37, 50. O. Hrushevsky, "Hlukhiv i Lebedyn," Naukovi Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Tarasa Shevchenka XCII (1909), 51-65. The figure 900 is given in an anonymous history of Cossack-Ukraine written at the beginning of the nineteenth century (O. Ohloblyn, ed., Istoriia Rusiv [New York, 1956] 286). The papers of the Field Court Martial have yet to be studied to determine the exact number of executions.
97. Russian reports on Ukraine before the Swedish invasion noted a covert struggle between pro-Polish and pro-Turkish factions. Though both sides secretly denounced the Hetman, Peter thought Mazepa was loyal until his defection. But from as early as 1692, despite the shifts between these two groupings, the hetman sought to become an independent prince of those Ukrainian lands inhabited by cossacks. The tsar became aware of this only in 1709. O. Ohloblyn, Studii z istorii Ukraiiny (New York, 1995), 146-60. On tsarist repression, see idem, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, 322-3; Subtelny, The Mazepists, 37, 50. O. Hrushevsky, "Hlukhiv i Lebedyn," Naukovi Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Tarasa Shevchenka XCII (1909), 51-65. The figure 900 is given in an anonymous history of Cossack-Ukraine written at the beginning of the nineteenth century (O. Ohloblyn, ed., Istoriia Rusiv [New York, 1956] 286). The papers of the Field Court Martial have yet to be studied to determine the exact number of executions.
98. Russian reports on Ukraine before the Swedish invasion noted a covert struggle between pro-Polish and pro-Turkish factions. Though both sides secretly denounced the Hetman, Peter thought Mazepa was loyal until his defection. But from as early as 1692, despite the shifts between these two groupings, the hetman sought to become an independent prince of those Ukrainian lands inhabited by cossacks. The tsar became aware of this only in 1709. O. Ohloblyn, Studii z istorii Ukraiiny (New York, 1995), 146-60. On tsarist repression, see idem, Hetman Ivan Mazepa, 322-3; Subtelny, The Mazepists, 37, 50. O. Hrushevsky, "Hlukhiv i Lebedyn," Naukovi Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Tarasa Shevchenka XCII (1909), 51-65. The figure 900 is given in an anonymous history of Cossack-Ukraine written at the beginning of the nineteenth century (O. Ohloblyn, ed., Istoriia Rusiv [New York, 1956] 286). The papers of the Field Court Martial have yet to be studied to determine the exact number of executions.
99. M. Krykun, "Zhin naselennia z Pravoberezhnoi Ukrainy v Livobereznu
100. In Britain after 1628, seditious words were no longer tried as treason, and after 1650 hearsay evidence was inadmissable in court. By the 172Os torture was no longer part of the criminal procedure. C. Emsley, "Repression, 'Terror,' and the Rule of Law in England during the Decade of the French Revolution," English Historical Review (October 1985), 801-25; I. Gilmour, Riot, Risings and Revolution (London, 1993), 139-43; Mond, Jacobitism, 234. In Russia a separate judiciary was formed in 1713, but anything deemed a political offence was dealt with by one of two separate chancelleries subject only to the tsar. J. Cracraft, "Opposition to Peter the Great," in E. Mendelsohn and M. S. Shatz, eds., Imperial Russia 1707-1917 (DeKalb, IL, 1988), 24-26. Torture was formally abolished in 1801.
101. In Britain after 1628, seditious words were no longer tried as treason, and after 1650 hearsay evidence was inadmissable in court. By the 172Os torture was no longer part of the criminal procedure. C. Emsley, "Repression, 'Terror,' and the Rule of Law in England during the Decade of the French Revolution," English Historical Review (October 1985), 801-25; I. Gilmour, Riot, Risings and Revolution (London, 1993), 139-43; Mond, Jacobitism, 234. In Russia a separate judiciary was formed in 1713, but anything deemed a political offence was dealt with by one of two separate chancelleries subject only to the tsar. J. Cracraft, "Opposition to Peter the Great," in E. Mendelsohn and M. S. Shatz, eds., Imperial Russia 1707-1917 (DeKalb, IL, 1988), 24-26. Torture was formally abolished in 1801.
102. In Britain after 1628, seditious words were no longer tried as treason, and after 1650 hearsay evidence was inadmissable in court. By the 172Os torture was no longer part of the criminal procedure. C. Emsley, "Repression, 'Terror,' and the Rule of Law in England during the Decade of the French Revolution," English Historical Review (October 1985), 801-25; I. Gilmour, Riot, Risings and Revolution (London, 1993), 139-43; Mond, Jacobitism, 234. In Russia a separate judiciary was formed in 1713, but anything deemed a political offence was dealt with by one of two separate chancelleries subject only to the tsar. J. Cracraft, "Opposition to Peter the Great," in E. Mendelsohn and M. S. Shatz, eds., Imperial Russia 1707-1917 (DeKalb, IL, 1988), 24-26. Torture was formally abolished in 1801.
103. In Britain after 1628, seditious words were no longer tried as treason, and after 1650 hearsay evidence was inadmissable in court. By the 172Os torture was no longer part of the criminal procedure. C. Emsley, "Repression, 'Terror,' and the Rule of Law in England during the Decade of the French Revolution," English Historical Review (October 1985), 801-25; I. Gilmour, Riot, Risings and Revolution (London, 1993), 139-43; Mond, Jacobitism, 234. In Russia a separate judiciary was formed in 1713, but anything deemed a political offence was dealt with by one of two separate chancelleries subject only to the tsar. J. Cracraft, "Opposition to Peter the Great," in E. Mendelsohn and M. S. Shatz, eds., Imperial Russia 1707-1917 (DeKalb, IL, 1988), 24-26. Torture was formally abolished in 1801.
104. L. G. Beskrovnyi, Russkaia armiia i flot v XVIII veke (Moscow, 1958), 44-47, 327; J. L. Keep, Soldiers of the Tsar (London, 1985) 138. This assumes that there were 1.200 men per dragoon regiment, 1,300 per garrison regiment, and 1,500 per militia regiment. Roughly 20 percent of these troops were in Kiev, where they comprised as much as 30 percent of the population. See A. Perkovsky, "Pro chyselnist naselennia m. Kieva na pochatku XVIII st.," Ukrainskyi arkheohrafichnyi shchorichnyk, I (1992), 144-52. The Hetmanate also maintained a Cossack army of 50,000 and 6,000 men in land militia regiments.
105. L. G. Beskrovnyi, Russkaia armiia i flot v XVIII veke (Moscow, 1958), 44-47, 327; J. L. Keep, Soldiers of the Tsar (London, 1985) 138. This assumes that there were 1.200 men per dragoon regiment, 1,300 per garrison regiment, and 1,500 per militia regiment. Roughly 20 percent of these troops were in Kiev, where they comprised as much as 30 percent of the population. See A. Perkovsky, "Pro chyselnist naselennia m. Kieva na pochatku XVIII st.," Ukrainskyi arkheohrafichnyi shchorichnyk, I (1992), 144-52. The Hetmanate also maintained a Cossack army of 50,000 and 6,000 men in land militia regiments.
106. L. G. Beskrovnyi, Russkaia armiia i flot v XVIII veke (Moscow, 1958), 44-47, 327; J. L. Keep, Soldiers of the Tsar (London, 1985) 138. This assumes that there were 1.200 men per dragoon regiment, 1,300 per garrison regiment, and 1,500 per militia regiment. Roughly 20 percent of these troops were in Kiev, where they comprised as much as 30 percent of the population. See A. Perkovsky, "Pro chyselnist naselennia m. Kieva na pochatku XVIII st.," Ukrainskyi arkheohrafichnyi shchorichnyk, I (1992), 144-52. The Hetmanate also maintained a Cossack army of 50,000 and 6,000 men in land militia regiments.
107. In 1722 the Senate secretly instructed the resident Russian general to instigate Ukrainians to demand the introduction of Russian law. S. M. Soloviev, Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen (Moscow, 1963), bk. IX: 524. N. P. Vasylenko, Materiialy do istorii Ukrainskoho prava (Kiev, 1929), I: xi-xiii, xix; V. M. Horopets, Vid soiuzu do inkorporatsii (Kiev, 1995), 53. B. Krawchenko, "Petrine Mercantilist Economic Policies toward the Ukraine," Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History, 186-209.
108. In 1722 the Senate secretly instructed the resident Russian general to instigate Ukrainians to demand the introduction of Russian law. S. M. Soloviev, Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen (Moscow, 1963), bk. IX: 524. N. P. Vasylenko, Materiialy do istorii Ukrainskoho prava (Kiev, 1929), I: xi-xiii, xix; V. M. Horopets, Vid soiuzu do inkorporatsii (Kiev, 1995), 53. B. Krawchenko, "Petrine Mercantilist Economic Policies toward the Ukraine," Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History, 186-209.
109. In 1722 the Senate secretly instructed the resident Russian general to instigate Ukrainians to demand the introduction of Russian law. S. M. Soloviev, Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen (Moscow, 1963), bk. IX: 524. N. P. Vasylenko, Materiialy do istorii Ukrainskoho prava (Kiev, 1929), I: xi-xiii, xix; V. M. Horopets, Vid soiuzu do inkorporatsii (Kiev, 1995), 53. B. Krawchenko, "Petrine Mercantilist Economic Policies toward the Ukraine," Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History, 186-209.
110. In 1722 the Senate secretly instructed the resident Russian general to instigate Ukrainians to demand the introduction of Russian law. S. M. Soloviev, Istoriia Rossii s drevneishikh vremen (Moscow, 1963), bk. IX: 524. N. P. Vasylenko, Materiialy do istorii Ukrainskoho prava (Kiev, 1929), I: xi-xiii, xix; V. M. Horopets, Vid soiuzu do inkorporatsii (Kiev, 1995), 53. B. Krawchenko, "Petrine Mercantilist Economic Policies toward the Ukraine," Koropeckyj, ed., Ukrainian Economic History, 186-209.
111. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
112. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
113. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
114. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
115. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
116. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
117. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
118. Legal ambiguities were fully exploited. For instance, in cases not covered by existing statutes, Ukrainian law permitted applying any other "Christian law"-and. of course, the Russians were Christian, Similarly, Peter interpreted the act of 1654 as providing cossacks with a legal right of appeal to Russian military governors and thereby justified his establishment of a supervisory body over the hetman in 1721 ("The Little Russian College," in Vasylenko, Materiialy do isotorii Ukrainskoho vii, xiii. B. Nolde, "Essays in Russian State Law," The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, no. 3 (Winter-Spring 1955), 873-903: Iakovliv, Ukrainsko-Moskovski dohovory, 138-60. On treason and homage, see O. Subtelny, "Mazepa, Peter I and the Question of Treason," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 2 (1978), 158-83 F. Maitland and F. Pollock, The History of English Law (Cambridge, UK, 1968), I: 296-307, II: 462-511 ). O.P. Backus, "Treason as a Concept and Defections from Moscow to Lithuania in the Sixteenth Century," Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte, 15 (1970), 138-41; G. Alef, The Origins of the Muscovite Autocracy (Berlin, 1986), 73-76.
119. Velychenko, National History, 111-2; Z. Kohut, Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate 176Os-1830s (Cambridge, MA, 1988), 95-98, 329-42. In 1765 and 1768, Russian officials reported from London that Americans considered new taxes invalid because they were passed by a government that denied them their right as British subjects to representation in Parliament, N. N. Bashkina et al., The United States and Russia. The Beginnings of Relations 1765-1815 (Washington, 1980), 11, 15-17.
120. Velychenko, National History, 111-2; Z. Kohut, Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate 176Os-1830s (Cambridge, MA, 1988), 95-98, 329-42. In 1765 and 1768, Russian officials reported from London that Americans considered new taxes invalid because they were passed by a government that denied them their right as British subjects to representation in Parliament, N. N. Bashkina et al., The United States and Russia. The Beginnings of Relations 1765-1815 (Washington, 1980), 11, 15-17.
121. Velychenko, National History, 111-2; Z. Kohut, Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate 176Os-1830s (Cambridge, MA, 1988), 95-98, 329-42. In 1765 and 1768, Russian officials reported from London that Americans considered new taxes invalid because they were passed by a government that denied them their right as British subjects to representation in Parliament, N. N. Bashkina et al., The United States and Russia. The Beginnings of Relations 1765-1815 (Washington, 1980), 11, 15-17.
122. Kohut, Russian Centralism, 94, 221; V. A. Golobutskyi, Chernomorskoe kazachestvo (Kiev, 1956) 168, 328. Little Russian cossack regiments were formed and disbanded on an ad hoc basis in 1812-16 and 1830-31.
123. Kohut, Russian Centralism, 94, 221; V. A. Golobutskyi, Chernomorskoe kazachestvo (Kiev, 1956) 168, 328. Little Russian cossack regiments were formed and disbanded on an ad hoc basis in 1812-16 and 1830-31.
124. I. DeMadariaga, Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great (London, 1981), 154; M. Raeff, "Uniformity, Diversity, and the Imperial Administration under Catherine II," in H. Lemberg et al., Osteuropa in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Vienna, 1977), 97-113; Konut, Russian Centralism, 126.
125. I. DeMadariaga, Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great (London, 1981), 154; M. Raeff, "Uniformity, Diversity, and the Imperial Administration under Catherine II," in H. Lemberg et al., Osteuropa in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Vienna, 1977), 97-113; Konut, Russian Centralism, 126.
126. I. DeMadariaga, Russia in the Age of Catherine the Great (London, 1981), 154; M. Raeff, "Uniformity, Diversity, and the Imperial Administration under Catherine II," in H. Lemberg et al., Osteuropa in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Vienna, 1977), 97-113; Konut, Russian Centralism, 126.
127. I. DeMadariaga, "Autocracy and Sovereignty," Canadian American Slavic Studies, no. 3-4 (1982), 380-7.
128. W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Lows of England (reprint ed., Chicago, 1979), I:94-98. M. Raeff, "The Empress and the Vinerian Professor Catherine II's Projects of Government Reforms and Blackstone's commentaries," Oxford Slavic Papers (NS), 7 (1974), 18-41. Raeff notes that she ignored what Blackstone said about the limits of royal power. He does not mention whether she commented on Britain's Celtic fringe. In a report submitted to Peter in 1714 which recommended that he abolish Ukrainian autonomy, F. S. Saltykov invoked Britain as a model and mistakenly claimed that the English pursued the same policies in Scotland as in Wales and Ireland (Velychenko, National History, 111).
129. W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Lows of England (reprint ed., Chicago, 1979), I:94-98. M. Raeff, "The Empress and the Vinerian Professor Catherine II's Projects of Government Reforms and Blackstone's commentaries," Oxford Slavic Papers (NS), 7 (1974), 18-41. Raeff notes that she ignored what Blackstone said about the limits of royal power. He does not mention whether she commented on Britain's Celtic fringe. In a report submitted to Peter in 1714 which recommended that he abolish Ukrainian autonomy, F. S. Saltykov invoked Britain as a model and mistakenly claimed that the English pursued the same policies in Scotland as in Wales and Ireland (Velychenko, National History, 111).
130. W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Lows of England (reprint ed., Chicago, 1979), I:94-98. M. Raeff, "The Empress and the Vinerian Professor Catherine II's Projects of Government Reforms and Blackstone's commentaries," Oxford Slavic Papers (NS), 7 (1974), 18-41. Raeff notes that she ignored what Blackstone said about the limits of royal power. He does not mention whether she commented on Britain's Celtic fringe. In a report submitted to Peter in 1714 which recommended that he abolish Ukrainian autonomy, F. S. Saltykov invoked Britain as a model and mistakenly claimed that the English pursued the same policies in Scotland as in Wales and Ireland (Velychenko, National History, 111).
131. L. Baranovich, Pisma (Chernigov, 1865), 53, 59; N. F. Sumstov, Lazar Baranovich (Kharkov, 1865), 86-99.
132. L. Baranovich, Pisma (Chernigov, 1865), 53, 59; N. F. Sumstov, Lazar Baranovich (Kharkov, 1865), 86-99.
133. Kohut, Russian Centralism, 130-5.
134. N. T. Phillipson, "Scottish Public Opinion," in Phillipson, Mitchison, ed., Scotland in the Age of Improvement, 125-47; Smout, "Problems of Nationalism," 5.
135. N. T. Phillipson, "Scottish Public Opinion," in Phillipson, Mitchison, ed., Scotland in the Age of Improvement, 125-47; Smout, "Problems of Nationalism," 5.
136. Z. Kohut, "A Gentry Democracy within an Autocracy. The Politics of Hryhorii Poletyka (1723-1784)," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 3-4 ( 1979-80), 507-19. The influence of Enlightenment thought in Ukraine is unstudied. Patronage politics in St. Petersburg is discussed in B. Meehan-Waters, Autocracy and Aristocracy. The Russian Service Elite of 1730 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1982), 67-69, 157-60.
137. Z. Kohut, "A Gentry Democracy within an Autocracy. The Politics of Hryhorii Poletyka (1723-1784)," Harvard Ukrainian Studies, 3-4 ( 1979-80), 507-19. The influence of Enlightenment thought in Ukraine is unstudied. Patronage politics in St. Petersburg is discussed in B. Meehan-Waters, Autocracy and Aristocracy. The Russian Service Elite of 1730 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1982), 67-69, 157-60.
138. Cited in N. Storozhenko, "K istorii Maiorossiiskikh kozakov v kontse XVIII i nachale XIX veka," Kievskaia starina, no. 10 (1897), 128. The request was made by Ukraine's Russian Governer-General, Prince Rephin.
139. T. Dickenson, Scottish Capitalism (London, 1980); L. Paterson, "Ane End of Ane Auld Sang: Sovereignty and the Re-negotiation of the Union," Scottish Government Yearbook (1992), 105-7.
140. T. Dickenson, Scottish Capitalism (London, 1980); L. Paterson, "Ane End of Ane Auld Sang: Sovereignty and the Re-negotiation of the Union," Scottish Government Yearbook (1992), 105-7.
141. The "highlandization" of Scotland is intriguing and ironic, since it occurred at a time when commercialization was destroying the northern Scottish clan order and was sponsored by men who preferred to be modern landlords rather than traditional clan chiefs. J. Prebble, The King's Jaunt (London, 1988). On the social and intellectual background to the transformation, see R. Clyde, From Rebel to Hero. The Image of the Highlander 1745-1830 (Edinburg, 1995), 116-49.
142. The "highlandization" of Scotland is intriguing and ironic, since it occurred at a time when commercialization was destroying the northern Scottish clan order and was sponsored by men who preferred to be modern landlords rather than traditional clan chiefs. J. Prebble, The King's Jaunt (London, 1988). On the social and intellectual background to the transformation, see R. Clyde, From Rebel to Hero. The Image of the Highlander 1745-1830 (Edinburg, 1995), 116-49.
143. The Association demanded better local government under a renewed Scottish office, not political separation. In the face of the Crimean War and Indian Mutiny, it decided it was more patriotic to dissolve itself than to press claims. Pittock, The Invention of Scotland, 99-115; G. Morton, "Scottish Rights and 'Centralisation' in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," Nations and Nationalism, no. 2 (1996), 270-3.
144. The Association demanded better local government under a renewed Scottish office, not political separation. In the face of the Crimean War and Indian Mutiny, it decided it was more patriotic to dissolve itself than to press claims. Pittock, The Invention of Scotland, 99-115; G. Morton, "Scottish Rights and 'Centralisation' in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," Nations and Nationalism, no. 2 (1996), 270-3.
145. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe, 168 , 210; J. W. Daly, "On the Significance of Emergency Legislation in Late Imperial Russia," Slavic Review, no. 4 (winter 1995), 614-28. Between 1881 and 1905, over 46,000 persons were banished from the Petersburg and Moscow provinces alone. In Ireland, between 1867 and 1903, roughly 200 were arrested for political crimes.
146. Ingraham, Political Crime in Europe, 168 , 210; J. W. Daly, "On the Significance of Emergency Legislation in Late Imperial Russia," Slavic Review, no. 4 (winter 1995), 614-28. Between 1881 and 1905, over 46,000 persons were banished from the Petersburg and Moscow provinces alone. In Ireland, between 1867 and 1903, roughly 200 were arrested for political crimes.
147. These issues are mentioned only in passing in O. Ohloblyn, A History of Ukrainian Industry (Kiev, 1925; reprinted, Munich 1971); Slabchenko, Materiialy; A. J. Rieber Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982). Throughout the nineteenth century, at least 50 percent of the government officials in Ukraine were Ukrainian. See S. Velychenko, "Identities, Loyalties and Service in Imperial Russia: Who Administered the Borderlands?" Russian Review, no. 2 (1995), 188-208.
148. These issues are mentioned only in passing in O. Ohloblyn, A History of Ukrainian Industry (Kiev, 1925; reprinted, Munich 1971); Slabchenko, Materiialy; A. J. Rieber Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982). Throughout the nineteenth century, at least 50 percent of the government officials in Ukraine were Ukrainian. See S. Velychenko, "Identities, Loyalties and Service in Imperial Russia: Who Administered the Borderlands?" Russian Review, no. 2 (1995), 188-208.
149. These issues are mentioned only in passing in O. Ohloblyn, A History of Ukrainian Industry (Kiev, 1925; reprinted, Munich 1971); Slabchenko, Materiialy; A. J. Rieber Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982). Throughout the nineteenth century, at least 50 percent of the government officials in Ukraine were Ukrainian. See S. Velychenko, "Identities, Loyalties and Service in Imperial Russia: Who Administered the Borderlands?" Russian Review, no. 2 (1995), 188-208.
150. These issues are mentioned only in passing in O. Ohloblyn, A History of Ukrainian Industry (Kiev, 1925; reprinted, Munich 1971); Slabchenko, Materiialy; A. J. Rieber Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982). Throughout the nineteenth century, at least 50 percent of the government officials in Ukraine were Ukrainian. See S. Velychenko, "Identities, Loyalties and Service in Imperial Russia: Who Administered the Borderlands?" Russian Review, no. 2 (1995), 188-208.
151. Cited in G. Luckyi, Between Gogol and Sevcenko (Munich, 1971) 99.
152. Liberal eighteenth-century Ukrainian as well as Russian nobles opposed the immediate abolition of serfdom and differed from their conservative counterparts primarily by their wish to ameliorate the peasant's lot through enlightened tutelage. By 1905, forty-four years after peasant emancipation, the percentage of private land held by nobles in eastern and southern Ukraine had fallen from 80 to 45, while the percentage of noble landowners had fallen from over 90 to 25. V. I. Kozlovsky, "Krytyka V. N. Karamzina pansnchyny ta ioho proekty anrarnykh reform v Rosii i Ukraiini," Istoriia narodnoho hospodarstva ta ekonomichnoi dumky Ukraiinskoi RSR, 7 (1972), 101-10; V. P. Teplytsky, Reforma 1861 roku i ahrani vidnosyny na Ukraini (Kiev, 1959), 112, 159, 163. S. Becker, Nobility and Prvilege in Late Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 1985) 114.
153. Liberal eighteenth-century Ukrainian as well as Russian nobles opposed the immediate abolition of serfdom and differed from their conservative counterparts primarily by their wish to ameliorate the peasant's lot through enlightened tutelage. By 1905, forty-four years after peasant emancipation, the percentage of private land held by nobles in eastern and southern Ukraine had fallen from 80 to 45, while the percentage of noble landowners had fallen from over 90 to 25. V. I. Kozlovsky, "Krytyka V. N. Karamzina pansnchyny ta ioho proekty anrarnykh reform v Rosii i Ukraiini," Istoriia narodnoho hospodarstva ta ekonomichnoi dumky Ukraiinskoi RSR, 7 (1972), 101-10; V. P. Teplytsky, Reforma 1861 roku i ahrani vidnosyny na Ukraini (Kiev, 1959), 112, 159, 163. S. Becker, Nobility and Prvilege in Late Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 1985) 114.
154. Liberal eighteenth-century Ukrainian as well as Russian nobles opposed the immediate abolition of serfdom and differed from their conservative counterparts primarily by their wish to ameliorate the peasant's lot through enlightened tutelage. By 1905, forty-four years after peasant emancipation, the percentage of private land held by nobles in eastern and southern Ukraine had fallen from 80 to 45, while the percentage of noble landowners had fallen from over 90 to 25. V. I. Kozlovsky, "Krytyka V. N. Karamzina pansnchyny ta ioho proekty anrarnykh reform v Rosii i Ukraiini," Istoriia narodnoho hospodarstva ta ekonomichnoi dumky Ukraiinskoi RSR, 7 (1972), 101-10; V. P. Teplytsky, Reforma 1861 roku i ahrani vidnosyny na Ukraini (Kiev, 1959), 112, 159, 163. S. Becker, Nobility and Prvilege in Late Imperial Russia (DeKalb, 1985) 114.
155. N. K. Shilder, Imperator Nikolai pervyi (St. Petersburg, 1903), 2: 657; N. Riasanovsky, A Parting of Ways. Government and the Educated Public in Russia 1801-1855 (Oxford, 1976), 249.
156. N. K. Shilder, Imperator Nikolai pervyi (St. Petersburg, 1903), 2: 657; N. Riasanovsky, A Parting of Ways. Government and the Educated Public in Russia 1801-1855 (Oxford, 1976), 249.
157. In 1832, for the first time since the seventeenth century, the tsarina appeared at court wearing a Muscovite costume, and Nicholas introduced a standard green dress uniform for the nobility. Against this, one must consider that Official Nationality had not yet been adopted as policy nor had its proponent, Sergei Uvarov, been appointed a minister. Leading Ukrainians were still well connected at court. Gogol in particular, having just become the rage with his Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka, was close to the royal tutor, V. A. Zhukovskyi, as well as to a maid of honour, Alexandra Smirnov, of whom Nicholas was immensely fond. Thanks to her intervention he allowed the publication and performance of "The Inspector General; Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevchenko, 25-88; H. Troyat, Gogol (London, 1974), 58-86, 135; Kohut, Russian Centralism, 282-4. The Foreign Ministry probably did have a report about George II's trip to Scotland, since one of his closest confidants was Princess Lieven, the wife of the Russian ambassador to London.
158. In 1832, for the first time since the seventeenth century, the tsarina appeared at court wearing a Muscovite costume, and Nicholas introduced a standard green dress uniform for the nobility. Against this, one must consider that Official Nationality had not yet been adopted as policy nor had its proponent, Sergei Uvarov, been appointed a minister. Leading Ukrainians were still well connected at court. Gogol in particular, having just become the rage with his Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka, was close to the royal tutor, V. A. Zhukovskyi, as well as to a maid of honour, Alexandra Smirnov, of whom Nicholas was immensely fond. Thanks to her intervention he allowed the publication and performance of "The Inspector General; Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevchenko, 25-88; H. Troyat, Gogol (London, 1974), 58-86, 135; Kohut, Russian Centralism, 282-4. The Foreign Ministry probably did have a report about George II's trip to Scotland, since one of his closest confidants was Princess Lieven, the wife of the Russian ambassador to London.
159. In 1832, for the first time since the seventeenth century, the tsarina appeared at court wearing a Muscovite costume, and Nicholas introduced a standard green dress uniform for the nobility. Against this, one must consider that Official Nationality had not yet been adopted as policy nor had its proponent, Sergei Uvarov, been appointed a minister. Leading Ukrainians were still well connected at court. Gogol in particular, having just become the rage with his Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka, was close to the royal tutor, V. A. Zhukovskyi, as well as to a maid of honour, Alexandra Smirnov, of whom Nicholas was immensely fond. Thanks to her intervention he allowed the publication and performance of "The Inspector General; Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevchenko, 25-88; H. Troyat, Gogol (London, 1974), 58-86, 135; Kohut, Russian Centralism, 282-4. The Foreign Ministry probably did have a report about George II's trip to Scotland, since one of his closest confidants was Princess Lieven, the wife of the Russian ambassador to London.
160. In 1832, for the first time since the seventeenth century, the tsarina appeared at court wearing a Muscovite costume, and Nicholas introduced a standard green dress uniform for the nobility. Against this, one must consider that Official Nationality had not yet been adopted as policy nor had its proponent, Sergei Uvarov, been appointed a minister. Leading Ukrainians were still well connected at court. Gogol in particular, having just become the rage with his Evenings on a Farm Near Dikanka, was close to the royal tutor, V. A. Zhukovskyi, as well as to a maid of honour, Alexandra Smirnov, of whom Nicholas was immensely fond. Thanks to her intervention he allowed the publication and performance of "The Inspector General; Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevchenko, 25-88; H. Troyat, Gogol (London, 1974), 58-86, 135; Kohut, Russian Centralism, 282-4. The Foreign Ministry probably did have a report about George II's trip to Scotland, since one of his closest confidants was Princess Lieven, the wife of the Russian ambassador to London.
161. The Brotherhood advocated a political federation of Slavic nations, not Ukrainian separatism. D. Saunders, "Russia's Ukrainian Policy 1847-1905: A Demographic Approach," European History Quarterly, no. 2 (April 1995), 181-208, identifies fear as a reason that inclined the ministers towards repressing rather than tolerating difference. Fear stemming from weak administrative control is also mentioned by A. J. Rieber, "The Reforming Tradition in Russian History," in A. J. Rieber and A. Z. Rubinstein, eds., Perestroka at the Crossroads (New York, 1991), 4-17.
162. The Brotherhood advocated a political federation of Slavic nations, not Ukrainian separatism. D. Saunders, "Russia's Ukrainian Policy 1847-1905: A Demographic Approach," European History Quarterly, no. 2 (April 1995), 181-208, identifies fear as a reason that inclined the ministers towards repressing rather than tolerating difference. Fear stemming from weak administrative control is also mentioned by A. J. Rieber, "The Reforming Tradition in Russian History," in A. J. Rieber and A. Z. Rubinstein, eds., Perestroka at the Crossroads (New York, 1991), 4-17.
163. Anonymous, "Iz proshedshei zhizni malorusskago dvorianstva," Kievskaia starina, no. 10 (1888), 153. D. Saunders, "Russia and Ukraine under Alexander II: The Valuev Edict of 1863," The International History Review, 1 (February 1995), 23-51; O. Levytskyi, Istoriia budovy pamiatnyka B. Khmelnytskomu v Kievi," Literaturnyi-naukovyi visnyk, no. 6 (1913), 467-83.
164. Anonymous, "Iz proshedshei zhizni malorusskago dvorianstva," Kievskaia starina, no. 10 (1888), 153. D. Saunders, "Russia and Ukraine under Alexander II: The Valuev Edict of 1863," The International History Review, 1 (February 1995), 23-51; O. Levytskyi, Istoriia budovy pamiatnyka B. Khmelnytskomu v Kievi," Literaturnyi-naukovyi visnyk, no. 6 (1913), 467-83.
165. Anonymous, "Iz proshedshei zhizni malorusskago dvorianstva," Kievskaia starina, no. 10 (1888), 153. D. Saunders, "Russia and Ukraine under Alexander II: The Valuev Edict of 1863," The International History Review, 1 (February 1995), 23-51; O. Levytskyi, Istoriia budovy pamiatnyka B. Khmelnytskomu v Kievi," Literaturnyi-naukovyi visnyk, no. 6 (1913), 467-83.
166. S. Yekelchyk, "The Body and National Myth Motifs from the Ukrainian National Revival in the Nineteenth Century," Australian Slavonic and East European Studies, no. 2 (1993), 31-59.
167. P. H. Scott, "The Politics of Sir Walter Scott," in J. H. Alexander and D. Hewitt, eds., Scott and His lnfluence (Aberdeen, 1983), 208-14; E. Muir, Scot and Scotland (London, 1936), 144-8; Luckyi, Between Gogol and Shevchenko, 123.
168. P. H. Scott, "The Politics of Sir Walter Scott," in J. H. Alexander and D. Hewitt, eds., Scott and His lnfluence (Aberdeen, 1983), 208-14; E. Muir, Scot and Scotland (London, 1936), 144-8; Luckyi, Between Gogol and Shevchenko, 123.
169. P. H. Scott, "The Politics of Sir Walter Scott," in J. H. Alexander and D. Hewitt, eds., Scott and His lnfluence (Aberdeen, 1983), 208-14; E. Muir, Scot and Scotland (London, 1936), 144-8; Luckyi, Between Gogol and Shevchenko, 123.
170. Ivan IV (the terrible) summarily killed at least 4,000 people as "traitors." The victims included all the members of a given family who could be caught. The courts of Henry VIII executed 308 individuals for treason. G. R. Eiton, Policy and Police. The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972), 292, 385-99; R. Hellie, "What Happened? How Did He Get Away With It? " Ivan Groznyi's Paranoia and the Problem of Institutional Restraints," Russian History (Winter 1987) 214.
171. Ivan IV (the terrible) summarily killed at least 4,000 people as "traitors." The victims included all the members of a given family who could be caught. The courts of Henry VIII executed 308 individuals for treason. G. R. Eiton, Policy and Police. The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972), 292, 385-99; R. Hellie, "What Happened? How Did He Get Away With It? " Ivan Groznyi's Paranoia and the Problem of Institutional Restraints," Russian History (Winter 1987) 214.
172. Ivan IV (the terrible) summarily killed at least 4,000 people as "traitors." The victims included all the members of a given family who could be caught. The courts of Henry VIII executed 308 individuals for treason. G. R. Eiton, Policy and Police. The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972), 292, 385-99; R. Hellie, "What Happened? How Did He Get Away With It? " Ivan Groznyi's Paranoia and the Problem of Institutional Restraints," Russian History (Winter 1987) 214.
173. P. J. Marshall, "A Nation Defined by Empire," in A. Grant and K. J. Stringer, eds., The Making of British History (London, 1995), 215; S. S. Webb, The Governors-General. The English Army and the Definition of Empire 1569-1681 (Chapel Hill, 1979). Once out of office, exgovernors were liable to civil suits for official actions unless they had managed to obtain a royal pardon.
174. P. J. Marshall, "A Nation Defined by Empire," in A. Grant and K. J. Stringer, eds., The Making of British History (London, 1995), 215; S. S. Webb, The Governors-General. The English Army and the Definition of Empire 1569-1681 (Chapel Hill, 1979). Once out of office, exgovernors were liable to civil suits for official actions unless they had managed to obtain a royal pardon.
175. Cited in Pittock, The Invention of Scotland, 132; O. W. Gerus, "The Ukrainian Question in the Russian Duma 1906-1917," Studia Ucrainica, 2 (1984), 157-76. Criminal statistics suggest that either the radicalization of Ukrainians on the issue of nationality was slow or that the government did not consider political nationalism as great a danger as radical socialism. Next to the death penalty, the harshest punishment was penal exile to Siberia. Ukrainians comprised only 2.3 percent of those sentenced to this fate between 1906 and 1909 - the first years for which police statistics were broken down by nationality. B. Gruszczynska and E. Kaczynska, "Poles in the Russian Penal System and Siberia as a Penal Colony (1815-1914)," Historical Social Research, 4 (1990), 120.
176. Cited in Pittock, The Invention of Scotland, 132; O. W. Gerus, "The Ukrainian Question in the Russian Duma 1906-1917," Studia Ucrainica, 2 (1984), 157-76. Criminal statistics suggest that either the radicalization of Ukrainians on the issue of nationality was slow or that the government did not consider political nationalism as great a danger as radical socialism. Next to the death penalty, the harshest punishment was penal exile to Siberia. Ukrainians comprised only 2.3 percent of those sentenced to this fate between 1906 and 1909 - the first years for which police statistics were broken down by nationality. B. Gruszczynska and E. Kaczynska, "Poles in the Russian Penal System and Siberia as a Penal Colony (1815-1914)," Historical Social Research, 4 (1990), 120.
177. Cited in Pittock, The Invention of Scotland, 132; O. W. Gerus, "The Ukrainian Question in the Russian Duma 1906-1917," Studia Ucrainica, 2 (1984), 157-76. Criminal statistics suggest that either the radicalization of Ukrainians on the issue of nationality was slow or that the government did not consider political nationalism as great a danger as radical socialism. Next to the death penalty, the harshest punishment was penal exile to Siberia. Ukrainians comprised only 2.3 percent of those sentenced to this fate between 1906 and 1909 - the first years for which police statistics were broken down by nationality. B. Gruszczynska and E. Kaczynska, "Poles in the Russian Penal System and Siberia as a Penal Colony (1815-1914)," Historical Social Research, 4 (1990), 120.