Elitist democracy and China's democratization: A gradualist approach towards democratic transition by a group of Chinese intellectuals

Democratization

Volumn 4, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 84-112

  Gu, Edward X ^a  

^a LEIDEN UNIVERSITY   (Netherlands)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATISATION; DEVELOPING COUNTRY; ELITE POLITICS; ELITIST DEMOCRACY; POLITICAL TRANSITION;

CHINA;

EID: 0031437279     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510349708403516     Document Type: Article

References (153)

1. See Gordon White, 'Democratization and Economic Reform in China', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.31 (Jan. 1994), pp.73-92; Barrett L. McCormick, 'Democracy or Dictatorship?: A Response to Gordon White', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs No.31 (January 1994), pp.95-110.
2. See Gordon White, 'Democratization and Economic Reform in China', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.31 (Jan. 1994), pp.73-92; Barrett L. McCormick, 'Democracy or Dictatorship?: A Response to Gordon White', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs No.31 (January 1994), pp.95-110.
3. See Gu Xin and David Kelly, 'New Conservatism: Intermediate Ideology of a "New Elite'", in David S.G. Goodman and Beverley Hooper (eds.), China's Quiet Revolution: New Interaction between State and Society (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire 1994) pp.219-33.
4. See Harold Waterman, 'Which Way to Go? Four Strategies for Democratization in Chinese Intellectual Circles', China Information, Vol.5, No.1 (Summer 1990), pp.14-33; Ma Shu Yun, 'The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China', China Information, Vol.5, No.3 (Winter 1990-91), pp.1-18; Ting Gong and Feng Chen, 'New Authoritarianism Theory in Mainland China', Issues and Studies, Vol.27, No.1 (Jan. 1991), pp.84-98; and, very well written, Barry Sautman, 'Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory', China Quarterly, No.129 (March 1992), pp.72-102. For the text of the debate, see Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou (eds.), 'The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism', Chinese Sociology and Anthropology (Winter 1990-91, Spring 1991. Summer 1991; Winter 1991-92), parts I, II, III and IV.
5. See Harold Waterman, 'Which Way to Go? Four Strategies for Democratization in Chinese Intellectual Circles', China Information, Vol.5, No.1 (Summer 1990), pp.14-33; Ma Shu Yun, 'The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China', China Information, Vol.5, No.3 (Winter 1990-91), pp.1-18; Ting Gong and Feng Chen, 'New Authoritarianism Theory in Mainland China', Issues and Studies, Vol.27, No.1 (Jan. 1991), pp.84-98; and, very well written, Barry Sautman, 'Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory', China Quarterly, No.129 (March 1992), pp.72-102. For the text of the debate, see Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou (eds.), 'The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism', Chinese Sociology and Anthropology (Winter 1990-91, Spring 1991. Summer 1991; Winter 1991-92), parts I, II, III and IV.
6. See Harold Waterman, 'Which Way to Go? Four Strategies for Democratization in Chinese Intellectual Circles', China Information, Vol.5, No.1 (Summer 1990), pp.14-33; Ma Shu Yun, 'The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China', China Information, Vol.5, No.3 (Winter 1990-91), pp.1-18; Ting Gong and Feng Chen, 'New Authoritarianism Theory in Mainland China', Issues and Studies, Vol.27, No.1 (Jan. 1991), pp.84-98; and, very well written, Barry Sautman, 'Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory', China Quarterly, No.129 (March 1992), pp.72-102. For the text of the debate, see Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou (eds.), 'The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism', Chinese Sociology and Anthropology (Winter 1990-91, Spring 1991. Summer 1991; Winter 1991-92), parts I, II, III and IV.
7. See Harold Waterman, 'Which Way to Go? Four Strategies for Democratization in Chinese Intellectual Circles', China Information, Vol.5, No.1 (Summer 1990), pp.14-33; Ma Shu Yun, 'The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China', China Information, Vol.5, No.3 (Winter 1990-91), pp.1-18; Ting Gong and Feng Chen, 'New Authoritarianism Theory in Mainland China', Issues and Studies, Vol.27, No.1 (Jan. 1991), pp.84-98; and, very well written, Barry Sautman, 'Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory', China Quarterly, No.129 (March 1992), pp.72-102. For the text of the debate, see Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou (eds.), 'The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism', Chinese Sociology and Anthropology (Winter 1990-91, Spring 1991. Summer 1991; Winter 1991-92), parts I, II, III and IV.
8. See Harold Waterman, 'Which Way to Go? Four Strategies for Democratization in Chinese Intellectual Circles', China Information, Vol.5, No.1 (Summer 1990), pp.14-33; Ma Shu Yun, 'The Rise and Fall of Neo-Authoritarianism in China', China Information, Vol.5, No.3 (Winter 1990-91), pp.1-18; Ting Gong and Feng Chen, 'New Authoritarianism Theory in Mainland China', Issues and Studies, Vol.27, No.1 (Jan. 1991), pp.84-98; and, very well written, Barry Sautman, 'Sirens of the Strongman: Neo-Authoritarianism in Recent Chinese Political Theory', China Quarterly, No.129 (March 1992), pp.72-102. For the text of the debate, see Stanley Rosen and Gary Zou (eds.), 'The Chinese Debate on the New Authoritarianism', Chinese Sociology and Anthropology (Winter 1990-91, Spring 1991. Summer 1991; Winter 1991-92), parts I, II, III and IV.
9. See Merle Goldman, Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). This book has been abridged by the author as an article; see her 'Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the Deng-Jiang Era: A Changing Relationship with the Party-State', The China Quarterly, No.145 (March 1996), pp.35-52.
10. See Merle Goldman, Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). This book has been abridged by the author as an article; see her 'Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the Deng-Jiang Era: A Changing Relationship with the Party-State', The China Quarterly, No.145 (March 1996), pp.35-52.
11. Ibid., p.354. Also see Tang Tsou, 'The Tiananmen Tragedy: The State-Society Relationship, Choices, and Mechanisms in Historical Perspective', in Brantly Womack (ed.). Contemporary Chinese Politics in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.280; David Kelly and He Baogang, 'Emergent Civil Society and the Intellectuals in China', in Robert F. Miller (ed.), The Development of Civil Society in Communist Systems (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1992), p.30.
12. Ibid., p.354. Also see Tang Tsou, 'The Tiananmen Tragedy: The State-Society Relationship, Choices, and Mechanisms in Historical Perspective', in Brantly Womack (ed.). Contemporary Chinese Politics in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.280; David Kelly and He Baogang, 'Emergent Civil Society and the Intellectuals in China', in Robert F. Miller (ed.), The Development of Civil Society in Communist Systems (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1992), p.30.
13. Ibid., p.354. Also see Tang Tsou, 'The Tiananmen Tragedy: The State-Society Relationship, Choices, and Mechanisms in Historical Perspective', in Brantly Womack (ed.). Contemporary Chinese Politics in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.280; David Kelly and He Baogang, 'Emergent Civil Society and the Intellectuals in China', in Robert F. Miller (ed.), The Development of Civil Society in Communist Systems (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1992), p.30.
14. See Edward X. Gu, 'The Economics Weekly, the Public Sphere and the Voices of Chinese Independent Intellectuals', The China Quarterly, No.147 (Sept. 1996), pp.860-88.
15. See George Black and Robin Munro, Black Hands of Beijing: Lives of Defiance in China's Democracy Movement (New York: John Wiley, 1993), which has much information, some of it inaccurate, about Chen Ziming and Wang Juntao.
16. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, Ch.12. 'A New Kind of Intellectual Activist', pp. 338-60; and see her 'Politically-Engaged Intellectuals', pp.45-8.
17. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, Ch.12. 'A New Kind of Intellectual Activist', pp. 338-60; and see her 'Politically-Engaged Intellectuals', pp.45-8.
18. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.343. Wang Juntao is described as a promoter of new authoritarianism by X.L. Ding as well; see Ding, The Decline of Communism in China: Legitimacy Crisis. 1977-1989 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p.182.
19. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.343. Wang Juntao is described as a promoter of new authoritarianism by X.L. Ding as well; see Ding, The Decline of Communism in China: Legitimacy Crisis. 1977-1989 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p.182.
20. See Wang Fengpo, 'Wang Juntao Caifang Lu' (An Interview with Wang Juntao), Liude Xueren Pao (Newspaper for Overseas Scholars in Germany), No.37 (July-Aug. 1995), p.1.
21. Chen Ziming, Chen Ziming Fansi Shinian Gaige (Reflections on China's Reform from 1979 to 1989) (Hong Kong: Dangdai yuekan, 1992).
22. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
23. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
24. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
25. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
26. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
27. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
28. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
29. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
30. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
31. The titles of Chen's manuscripts are as follows: (1) On the Methodological Problem' (guanyu fangfalun wenti); (2) 'The Social Responsibility of Intellectuals' (zhishifenzi de shehui zeren), with the subtitle 'The Speech at the Publishing Ceremony of the Translation Series on Foreign Famous Thinkers'; (3) 'Liberty and Order: The Goal and the Conditions of Political Development' (ziyou he zhixu: zhengzhi fazhan de mubiao he tiaojian); (4) 'Institutional Diversity Is a Grand Trend of the Reform' (tlizhi duoyanhua shi gaige de da qushi); (5) 'Summary of the Special Topic Symposium on the "Political Reform since the Third Plenary'" ('sanzhong quanhui yilai de zhengzhi gaige' zhuanti taolunhui jiyao); (6) 'The Periodization of the History of Industry and the Industrial Revolution' (chanye shi huafen ji chanye geming); (7) 'Theoretical Creativeness and Scientific Method: A Review of The Third Wave and The Great Trends' (lilun chuangzaoli he kexue fangfa: ping 'disanci langchao' he 'da qushi'); (8) 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance' (zhengzhi canyu he zhengzhi zliheng); and (9) 'The Political Functions of Parties and Government' (zhengdang he zhengfu de zhengzhi gongneng). The tenth manuscript is a review of a paper on the 'socialized market economy' (shehui shichang jingji). They are quoted with permission. All the manuscripts are kept at the library of the Sinological Institute, Leiden University.
32. Min Qi was one of the key members of the Chen-Wang group, an academic backbone of the BSESI. The Min Qi Archive, which contains many kinds of documents related to the organizational and intellectual activities of the group from 1986 to 1989, are kept at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam, The Netherlands).
33. Chen, Reflections, p.233.
34. Ibid., pp.237-8.
35. See Chen, Reflections, pp.233-4, 235.
36. Ibid.; also see Chen's mss., nos. 3, 8, and 9.
37. Within the context of the Chinese contemporary political discourse, 'radical' [jijin] is frequently used in a derogatory sense.
38. See Chen, Reflections, pp.237-8.
39. See Robert D. Putnam, The Comparative Study of Political Elites (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1976), p.5.
40. See Chen, Reflections, p.266.
41. Ibid., p.273.
42. Ibid., pp.273-4.
43. Ibid., p.274. Chen's anticipation was partly confirmed by the political events that took place in the spring of 1989.
44. See Xie Xiaoqing, 'Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao de Guannian he Zhuzhang' (The Views and Positions of Chen Ziming and Wang Juntao), Baixing (The Common People), No. 218 (16 June 1990), p.25. Xie Xiaoqing was one of the key members of the Chen-Wang group, presiding over the psychological department of the BSESI.
45. Wang Juntao's speech at the 'First National Conference on Modernization Theories' held on 10-13 Nov. 1988. See the Min Qi Archive (Part II), No. 3.4.3.3, p.17.
46. Wang Juntao's speech at the 'First National Conference on Modernization Theories' held on 10-13 Nov. 1988. See the Min Qi Archive (Part II), No. 3.4.3.3, p.17.
47. See Chen's ms., no. 3, 'Liberty and Order'.
48. See Chen Ziming et al., Xiandai Zhengzhixue Daolun (An Introduction to Contemporary Political Science) (Yinchuan: Ningxie renmin chubanshe, 1988). In this book, six authors, all affiliated with the BSESI, present a systematic introduction to the Chinese readership of the western theories of political structure, political process, political behaviour, political culture and political change.
49. For a fine discussion of the political use and interpretation of Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China, particularly among Chinese new authoritarians and new conservatives, see Michael J. Sullivan, 'The Political Use and Interpretation of Samuel Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China', manuscript, 1992. Quite extraordinarily, there are three Chinese translations of Political Order in Changing Societies simultaneously published in 1988 (see Sullivan, p.19). One of them was translated by Li Shengping, a former key member of the Chen-Wang group, who left the group in 1987 and established his own organizational body, including a non-official institute.
50. For a fine discussion of the political use and interpretation of Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China, particularly among Chinese new authoritarians and new conservatives, see Michael J. Sullivan, 'The Political Use and Interpretation of Samuel Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China', manuscript, 1992. Quite extraordinarily, there are three Chinese translations of Political Order in Changing Societies simultaneously published in 1988 (see Sullivan, p.19). One of them was translated by Li Shengping, a former key member of the Chen-Wang group, who left the group in 1987 and established his own organizational body, including a non-official institute.
51. For a fine discussion of the political use and interpretation of Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China, particularly among Chinese new authoritarians and new conservatives, see Michael J. Sullivan, 'The Political Use and Interpretation of Samuel Huntington's Political Order in Changing Societies in China', manuscript, 1992. Quite extraordinarily, there are three Chinese translations of Political Order in Changing Societies simultaneously published in 1988 (see Sullivan, p.19). One of them was translated by Li Shengping, a former key member of the Chen-Wang group, who left the group in 1987 and established his own organizational body, including a non-official institute.
52. See Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), pp.4-5.
53. See Chen, Reflections, pp.234-5.
54. See Chen Ziming's ms., no. 8, 'Political Participation and Political Check-and-Balance', p.1.
55. For a critical examination of the thesis of the revolt from the masses in the literature of democratic elitism, see Peter Bachrach, The Theory of Democratic Elitism: A Critique (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1967), pp.26-46.
56. See Chen's ms., no. 3, 'Liberty and Order', p.4.
57. See Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago, IL and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1956), p.132.
58. For a clear presentation of Dahl's stand on the meaning and value of democracy, see David Hell, Models of Democracy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987), p.193.
59. See Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26. This point is also reconfirmed by author's interview with Min Qi on 22 Dec. 1995, Beijing.
60. See Chen Ziming, 'Xueshu Taolun Yingyoude Qidu' (The Proper Demeanour in Academic Argument), Economics Weekly, 30 April 1989, p.5. It is worth noting that this essay has never been mentioned in the existing literature on the Chinese debate over new authoritarianism.
61. See Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26.
62. The Chinese translations of The Modernization of Japan and Russia and The Modernization of China were published respectively in 1984 and 1988.
63. The Chinese translations of The Modernization of Japan and Russia and The Modernization of China were published respectively in 1984 and 1988.
64. See Cyril E. Black et al., The Modernization of Japan and Russia: A Comparative Study (New York: The Free Press, 1975), p.344; and Gilbert Rozman (ed.), The Modernization of China (New York: The Free Press, 1981), p.499.
65. See Cyril E. Black et al., The Modernization of Japan and Russia: A Comparative Study (New York: The Free Press, 1975), p.344; and Gilbert Rozman (ed.), The Modernization of China (New York: The Free Press, 1981), p.499.
66. See the Min Qi Archive (Part II), No. 3.4.3.2, p.11.
67. This conventional argument is, in different ways, expressed in the works of Max Weber, John King Fairbank, Lucian W. Pye, and Andrew Nathan, among others.
68. See Edward Friedman, 'Democratization: Generalizing the East Asian Experience', in Edward Friedman (ed.), The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing the East Asian Experience (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 19-57; and Stephen Manning, 'Social and Cultural Prerequisites of Democratization: Generalizing from China', in ibid., pp.232-48.
69. See Edward Friedman, 'Democratization: Generalizing the East Asian Experience', in Edward Friedman (ed.), The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing the East Asian Experience (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 19-57; and Stephen Manning, 'Social and Cultural Prerequisites of Democratization: Generalizing from China', in ibid., pp.232-48.
70. Hao Chang, 'New Confucianism and the Intellectual Crisis of Contemporary China', in Charlotte Furth (ed.), The Limits of Change: Essays on Conservative Alternatives in Republican China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976), p. 295.
71. See Edward X. Gu, 'The Irrationalistic View of Aesthetic Freedom and the Philosophical Sources of Social Discontent of Liu Xiaobo', Issues and Studies, Vol.32, No.1 (Jan. 1996), pp.89-119; and Gu Xin, 'Subjectivity, Modernity, and Chinese Hegelian Marxism: A Study of Li Zehou's Philosophical Ideas from a Comparative Perspective', Philosophy East & West, Vol.46, No.2 (April 1996), pp.205-45.
72. See Edward X. Gu, 'The Irrationalistic View of Aesthetic Freedom and the Philosophical Sources of Social Discontent of Liu Xiaobo', Issues and Studies, Vol.32, No.1 (Jan. 1996), pp.89-119; and Gu Xin, 'Subjectivity, Modernity, and Chinese Hegelian Marxism: A Study of Li Zehou's Philosophical Ideas from a Comparative Perspective', Philosophy East & West, Vol.46, No.2 (April 1996), pp.205-45.
73. See Liu Xiaobo, Mori Xingcunzhe de Dubai: Guanyu Wo he Liusi (The Monologue of a Survivor of the Doomsday: I and the June Fourth Incident) (Taipei: Shibao Wenhua chuban qiye youxian gongsi, 1992), p. 155.
74. See Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26.
75. See Min Qi, 'Beijing Shehui Jingji Kexue Yanjiusuo Dashiji' (A Chronicle of the BSESI), in the Min Qi Archive (Part II), p.15.
76. See Min Qi, Zhongguo Zhengzhi Wenhua: Minzhu Zhengzhi Nanchan de Shehui Xinli Yinsu (Chinese Political Culture: The Social Psychological Elements That Make It Difficult to Produce Democratic Politics) (Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1989).
77. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.iv.
78. See Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965), pp.29-30.
79. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, pp.235-7.
80. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, pp.59, 120, 177-8, 203, 225, 240.
81. In fact, there have been two national-level sample surveys in China. A second one was conducted by Tianjian Shi, then a doctoral candidate at Columbia University, in December 1990 under the supervision of Andrew J. Nathan. According to Nathan and Shi, the survey they conducted is the 'first scientifically valid national sample survey done in China on political behavior and attitude', and Min Qi's study was 'methodologically flawed in terms of sampling, question formulation, and interview techniques'. See Andrew J. Nathan and Tianjian Shi, 'Cultural Requisites for Democracy in China: Findings from a Survey', Daedalus, Vol.122, No.2 (Spring 1993), p.97.
82. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
83. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
84. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
85. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
86. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
87. See Min Qi, Chinese Political Culture, p.240. In drawing insights from the western masters, young Chinese students of political science totally ignored the critics of The Civic Culture among the western academic community. One of the strongest criticisms of the main thesis of The Civic Culture is made by B. Barry and C. Pateman, who argue that the civic culture can best be seen as the effect, not the cause, of democracy. See B. Barry, Sociologists, Economists and Democracy (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978) and C. Pateman, 'The Civic Culture: A Philosophical Critique', in G.A. Almond and S. Verba (eds.), The Civic Culture Revisited (London: Sage, 1989). A recent examination of the civic culture thesis is Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships', American Political Science Review, Vol.88, No.3 (Sept. 1994), pp.635-52. Of course, some of these criticisms, for example, Pateman's and Muller and Seligson's, were not available to Min Qi and his collaborators when they conducted the survey. Despite their uneven knowledge of the western learning, the elitist democrats were right, I believe, in asserting that the successful performance of democratic institutions depends upon its cultural surround. This conviction is congruent with Robert D. Putnam's Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
88. See Chen Ziming, Reflections, p. 234.
89. See Kevin J. O'Brien, Reform without Liberalization: China's National People's Congress and the Politics of Institutional Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 125-56.
90. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, pp.3, 11, 78, 114m 175, 249-250, 270, 273, 308.
91. See Andrew J. Nathan, China's Crisis: Dilemmas of Reform and Prospects for Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), pp.4-6, 180.
92. See, for example, Zi Mu (Chen Ziming's pen-name), 'Shixian Woguo Zhengzhi Minzhuhua de Biyou Zhi Lu' (The Only Way to Achieve Democracy in China: Improving the National People's Congress), in Li Shengping (ed.), Shiyijie Sanzhong Quanhui Yilai de Zhengzhi Tizhi Gaige de Lilun yu Shijian (The Political Reform since the Third Plenum of the 11th CCP National Congress: Theories and Practices) (Beijing: Guangming Daily Press, 1989), pp.95-107. All the articles published in this volume were written in 1986, according to the editorial preface.
93. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p. 173.
94. See Andrew Nathan, Chinese Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), pp.193-223.
95. 'Relatively' is used here because the members of the democratic elite, in particular Yan Jiaqi, did not ignore the need for a 'division of power' and 'restricting power with power'. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p. 173. In fact, among the members of the democratic elite, Yan was fairly close to the younger generation of political scientists because Yan himself was relatively younger.
96. See the Min Qi Archive (Part I). No. 3. 1.1, p.3.
97. Ibid., p.5.
98. Ibid., pp. 14-15.
99. Zi Mu, 'The Only Way to Achieve Democracy in China', pp.95, 97, 104.
100. See Deng Xiaoping, Deng Xiaoping Wenxuan: 1975-1982 (Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (1975-1982)) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1983), pp.281-94.
101. See Zhao Ziyang, 'Political Report to the 13th CCP National Congress', Beijing Review. No. 45 (9-15 Nov. 1987), pp.30-35. Also see Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.234.
102. See Zhao Ziyang, 'Political Report to the 13th CCP National Congress', Beijing Review. No. 45 (9-15 Nov. 1987), pp.30-35. Also see Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.234.
103. For more details, see Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, pp. 17, 66-77.
104. Almond and Powell, Comparative Politics, p.21.
105. See Lu Yue, 'Jiang Minzhu Cong Jietou Yingxiang Renmindahuitang' ('Democracy Should be Ushered from the Street into the Great Hall of the People'), Jingbao Yuekan (Mirror Monthly), April 1989, pp.28-32. The English translation of this article is available in JPRS-CAR, no. 89086, 16 Aug. 1989, pp.5-10. Wang Juntao's speech quoted in the text is on page 10. This article reports the speeches of Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao, Min Qi, Chen Xiaoping and Liu Weihua, all the core members of the BSESI, with Hsu Ssu-min, the manager of Mirror Monthly. Lü Yue is a pen-name of Gao Yu, former vice editor-in-chief of Economics Weekly, who was arrested soon after the June Fourth incident, and recently one of the most famous journalists imprisoned in China.
106. See Zi Mu, 'The Only Way to Achieve Democracy in China', p.106.
107. See Lu Yue, 'Democracy', p. 10.
108. See Huntington, Political Order, p.419.
109. See Zhang Jiefeng, 'Zhongguo Minzhu Yundong de Xin Luxiang' (New Approaches for China's Democratic Movement), Baixing (The Ordinary People), No.192 (16 May 1989), p.19.
110. The preoccupation of some members of the Chen-Wang group, including Chen Ziming himself, with public administration during the early and mid-1980s was partly reflected in many articles and essays published in Zhengzhi yu Xingzheng Yanjiu (Studies in Politics and Administration), an internally distributed (neibu faxing) journal edited from 1986 to 1987 by the Chinese Institute for Politics and Administration, a non-governmental (minban) organization led by Chen Ziming and Li Shengping.
111. See Chen Ziming, Zhiwei Fenlei yu Renshi Guanli (Position Classification and Personnel Management) (Beijing: Zhongguo Jingji Chubanshe, 1987); and Yang Baikui, Chen Ziming, Chen Zhaogang, Li Shengping and Miao Xiaofei, Xifang Wenguan Zhidu (Western Civil Servants Systems) (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1985).
112. See Chen Ziming, Zhiwei Fenlei yu Renshi Guanli (Position Classification and Personnel Management) (Beijing: Zhongguo Jingji Chubanshe, 1987); and Yang Baikui, Chen Ziming, Chen Zhaogang, Li Shengping and Miao Xiaofei, Xifang Wenguan Zhidu (Western Civil Servants Systems) (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1985).
113. See Min Qi, 'Cong Zhinangtuan dao Sixiangku' (From the [Establishment] Brain Trust to the [Non-Establishment] Think-Tank), Ming-pao (Hong Kong), 26 July 1993, p.45.
114. See Lu Yue, 'Democracy', p.9.
115. See ibid., p. 10. The Great Hall of the People, adjacent to the Tiananmen Square, has been the home of the NPC since 1959.
116. See O'Brien, Reform without Liberalization, p.127.
117. See Minxin Pei, '"Creeping Democratization" in China', Journal of Democracy, Vol.6, No.4 (Oct. 1995), pp.75-6; Kevin O'Brien, 'Implementing Political Reform in China's Villages', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.33-67; and Susan Lawrence, 'Democracy, Chinese Style', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.69-76. To study the Leninist mode of implementation, Barrett L. McCormick also examines the practice of the elections to local people's congresses, see his book Political Reform in Post-Mao China: Democracy and Bureaucracy in a Leninist State (Berkeley, CA: The University of California Press, 1990), pp.130-56.
118. See Minxin Pei, '"Creeping Democratization" in China', Journal of Democracy, Vol.6, No.4 (Oct. 1995), pp.75-6; Kevin O'Brien, 'Implementing Political Reform in China's Villages', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.33-67; and Susan Lawrence, 'Democracy, Chinese Style', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.69-76. To study the Leninist mode of implementation, Barrett L. McCormick also examines the practice of the elections to local people's congresses, see his book Political Reform in Post-Mao China: Democracy and Bureaucracy in a Leninist State (Berkeley, CA: The University of California Press, 1990), pp.130-56.
119. See Minxin Pei, '"Creeping Democratization" in China', Journal of Democracy, Vol.6, No.4 (Oct. 1995), pp.75-6; Kevin O'Brien, 'Implementing Political Reform in China's Villages', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.33-67; and Susan Lawrence, 'Democracy, Chinese Style', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.69-76. To study the Leninist mode of implementation, Barrett L. McCormick also examines the practice of the elections to local people's congresses, see his book Political Reform in Post-Mao China: Democracy and Bureaucracy in a Leninist State (Berkeley, CA: The University of California Press, 1990), pp.130-56.
120. See Minxin Pei, '"Creeping Democratization" in China', Journal of Democracy, Vol.6, No.4 (Oct. 1995), pp.75-6; Kevin O'Brien, 'Implementing Political Reform in China's Villages', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.33-67; and Susan Lawrence, 'Democracy, Chinese Style', Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.32 (July 1994), pp.69-76. To study the Leninist mode of implementation, Barrett L. McCormick also examines the practice of the elections to local people's congresses, see his book Political Reform in Post-Mao China: Democracy and Bureaucracy in a Leninist State (Berkeley, CA: The University of California Press, 1990), pp.130-56.
121. See Min Qi, 'A Chronicle of the BSESI', pp.38,40.
122. For the text of the notice, see the Min Qi Archive (Part II), No. 3.1.7.
123. See Chen Ziming, Reflections, p.412. Also see Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26.
124. See Chen Ziming, Reflections, p.412. Also see Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26.
125. See Chen, Reflections, pp.463-70.
126. See Xie Xiaoqing, 'Views of Chen and Wang', p.26.
127. See Chen, Reflections, pp.468-69.
128. In fact, the members of the Chen-Wang group paid almost no attention to the studies of elites in China by western China scholars, such as Robert A. Scalapino (ed.), Elites in the People's Republic of China (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1972); and David M. Lampton, Path to Power: Elite Mobility in Contemporary China (Ann Arbor, MI: Centre for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1986).
129. In fact, the members of the Chen-Wang group paid almost no attention to the studies of elites in China by western China scholars, such as Robert A. Scalapino (ed.), Elites in the People's Republic of China (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1972); and David M. Lampton, Path to Power: Elite Mobility in Contemporary China (Ann Arbor, MI: Centre for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1986).
130. See T.B. Bottomore, Elites and Society (Second Edition, London: Routledge, 1993), p.7.
131. It is unknown whether the formation of this vision of elites was influenced by Alvin Gouldner's 'New Class ideology'. By referring to some important sectors of the intelligentsia as a 'flawed universal class', Gouldner argues that 'the New Class is the most progressive force in modern society and is the centre of whatever human emancipation is possible for the foreseeable future'. See Alvin W. Gouldner, The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class (London: Macmillian, 1979), p.22. In any case, however, the Chinese elitist democrats spoke and wrote in a conservative tone, giving no room whatsoever to the human emancipation in the Gouldnerian sense.
132. It is unknown whether the formation of this vision of elites was influenced by Alvin Gouldner's 'New Class ideology'. By referring to some important sectors of the intelligentsia as a 'flawed universal class', Gouldner argues that 'the New Class is the most progressive force in modern society and is the centre of whatever human emancipation is possible for the foreseeable future'. See Alvin W. Gouldner, The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class (London: Macmillian, 1979), p.22. In any case, however, the Chinese elitist democrats spoke and wrote in a conservative tone, giving no room whatsoever to the human emancipation in the Gouldnerian sense.
133. Chen, Reflections, p.470.
134. See Min Qi, 'Chronicle of the BSESI', p.45.
135. During this period, Chen, Wang and their colleagues published a number of essays in Economics Weekly, attempting to present to the public their own interpretations of the implications of the student protest. See Gu, Economics Weekly.
136. During this period, Chen, Wang and their colleagues published a number of
137. Hu Ping's interview with Wang Juntao, p.26.
138. See Wang Juntao: His Career, His Speeches and His 'Guilt', p.31.
139. Zheng Yefu, a sociologist affiliated with the Institute of Sociology of the Beijing Academy of Social Sciences.
140. Min Qi was one of the sceptics. In the end, Min accepted with reservation Chen's decision to join Yan mingfu, but he was adamantly opposed to Chen's participation in the mediation. This information is based on the author's interview with Min Qi (December 22, 1996) in Beijing.
141. Author's interviews with Min Qi (22 Dec. 1996) and Zheng Yefu (23 Jan. 1996) in Beijing.
142. Interview with Min Qi (22 Dec. 1996) in Beijing.
143. See Min Qi, 'Chronicle of the BSESI', p.49.
144. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, pp.323-4.
145. Interview with Min Qi (22 Dec. 1996) in Beijing.
146. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.324.
147. For a vivid description and a harsh criticism of the campaign to protect the constitution, see Zhu Xiaoyang and Chen Peihua (Anita Chan), Xiangzheng yu Anliu (Symbols and Undercurrents) (Taipei: Daohe chubanshe, 1994), pp.286-91.
148. See Goldman, Sowing the Seeds, p.324.
149. See John Higley and Michael G. Burton, 'The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns', American Sociological Review, Vol.54, No.1 (Feb. 1989), pp.17-32. Elite unity is another important determinant of democratic consolidation in newly emergent democracies in Central-Eastern Europe and Russia. See John Higley and Jan Pakulski, 'Elite Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol.30, No.3 (November 1995). pp.415-35.
150. See John Higley and Michael G. Burton, 'The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns', American Sociological Review, Vol.54, No.1 (Feb. 1989), pp.17-32. Elite unity is another important determinant of democratic consolidation in newly emergent democracies in Central-Eastern Europe and Russia. See John Higley and Jan Pakulski, 'Elite Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol.30, No.3 (November 1995). pp.415-35.
151. Higley and Burton, 'Elite Variable', p.19.
152. See Tang Tsou, 'The Tiananmen Tragedy', pp.287-94.
153. The problems of elite settlements and convergences are explored in detail by John Higley and Richard Gunther (eds.), Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).