The Eritrean experiment: A cautious pragmatism?

Journal of Modern African Studies

Volumn 35, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 647-673

  Iyob, Ruth ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI ST LOUIS   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DECISION MAKING; DEMOCRATISATION; POLICY MAKING; POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT;

ERITREA;

EID: 0031433928     PISSN: 0022278X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X97002498     Document Type: Article

References (89)

1. Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), Principles of Cooperation Between the Transitional Government of Ethiopia and the Provisional Government of Eritrea (Addis Ababa, 1991).
2. Report of the Referendum Commissioner of Eritrea (RCE), 'Referendum '93 Tzebtzab Commissioner, Nehase 1992'.
3. Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE) Proclamation No. 37 of 1993.
4. Ruth Iyob The Eritrea Struggle for Independence: domination, resistance, nationalism, 1941-1993 (Cambridge, 1995).
5. Broadcast interview given by President Issaias Afewerki on National Public Radio, Washington, DC, 30 July 1996.
6. Eritrean casualties were 12 dead, which included a member of the National Service Programme. Although there were no figures on Yemeni casualties, 47 officers and 148 rank-and-file were reportedly captured. See 'Remains of Hanish Martyrs Laid to Rest', in Eritrea Profile (Asmara), 2, 41, 23 December 1995.
7. See, for example, Samuel Decalo, 'Africa: toward the twenty-first century', in Tatu Vanhanen (ed.), Strategies of Democratization (Washington, DC, 1992), pp. 130-40, and Claude Ake, Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, DC, 1996), pp. 124-39.
8. See, for example, Samuel Decalo, 'Africa: toward the twenty-first century', in Tatu Vanhanen (ed.), Strategies of Democratization (Washington, DC, 1992), pp. 130-40, and Claude Ake, Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, DC, 1996), pp. 124-39.
9. See Hadas Ertra (Asmara), 1993-7, as well as government documents.
10. This phrase is attributed to Issaias Afewerki, who has repeatedly referred to Aesop's fable in which the cautious, slow-moving tortoise eventually won the race against the over-confident hare.
11. Issaias Afewerki, in World Bank, Africa Recovery (Washington, DC), May 1996, p. 27. President's speech on the fourth anniversary of liberation, in Hadas Ertra, 72, 27 May 1995, p. 2, my translation.
12. Issaias Afewerki, in World Bank, Africa Recovery (Washington, DC), May 1996, p. 27. President's speech on the fourth anniversary of liberation, in Hadas Ertra, 72, 27 May 1995, p. 2, my translation.
13. President of the University of Asmara, interviewed by Colin Legum, 'A Model of Third World University', in Third World Reports (Sharpthorne, Sussex), 20 December 1995.
14. Jeannie Street, 'The Power of Self-Reliance', interview with the former Minister of Finance, Haile Woldetensae, in African Business (London), May 1997, p. 36.
15. 'Gem'gaam Hade Medrekh', 'Discussion with President Issaias', in Hedri (Asmara), June 1996, p.14.
16. Hadas Ertra, 27 May 1995, my translation.
17. Michael Holman and Michaela Wrong, 'Eritrea: proud, principled, impoverished', in Financial Times (London), 18 January 1996.
18. Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), 'Political Report and National Democratic Programme Adopted at the Second and Unity Congress of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front and the Eritrean Liberation Front (Central Committee)', Eritrea, 19 March 1987.
19. EPLF, Melsitat Wana Tzehafi n'Hetotat Hezbi'n Tegadelti'n, 'Responses of the Secretary-General to Questions from the People and Combatants', in Sagem (Eritrea), Special Edition, 2, 10, October 1990, p. 13.
20. EPLF, Melsitat Wana Tzehafi n'Hetotat Hezbi'n Tegadelti'n, 'Responses of the Secretary-General to Questions from the People and Combatants', in Sagem (Eritrea), Special Edition, 2, 10, October 1990, p. 13.
21. EPLF, Hagerawi Charter, 'National Charter', Report of the EPLF's Third Congress, 1994.
22. President Issaias Afewerki's speech at the Sixth Summit of the Intergovernmental Agency for Drought and Development, Asmara, 25 November 1996.
23. Thomas Keaneally, The Road to Asmara (Trenton, NJ, 1988), where the goal was 'to make it' on the road to freedom, which was fraught with harsh physical and economic obstacles, betrayals of principles, and immense sacrifices for those who would succeed in achieving independence.
24. Eritreans use the term 'Jihadists' to refer to members of the Eritrean Jihad Movement (EJM), the most recent splinter group from the ELF. The EJM opposes the secular policies of the current Government and is supported by the Sudanese National Islamic Front (NIF). Refer to Al-Nifar, a desk-top publication distributed overseas, for information about the EJM's political objectives. See Hadas Ertra, 25 and 28 June, and 2 July 1997, for details of joint NIF-EJM missions, including plots to assassinate the Eritrean President.
25. David E. Apter, 'Democracy for Uganda: a case for comparison', in Daedalus (Cambridge, MA), 124, 3, Summer 1995, p. 164.
26. The birr's rate of exchange during 1993-6 was U.S.$1.00 to 7.20 birr.
27. For a historical overview, see Donald Crummey (ed.), Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London, 1986).
28. German Development Institute, 'Promoting the Reintegration of Former Female and Male Combatants in Eritrea: possible contributions of development cooperation to the reintegration program', Berlin, May 1995, pp. 6-7.
29. UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, 'Assistance in Mine Clearance: report of the Secretary-General', June 1995, p. 5, issued as Document A/49/357, September 1996, Forty-Ninth Session of the General Assembly, New York.
30. The bi-weekly Hadas Ertra carries a column entitled Hizb'n Police'n, 'People and Police', where legal violations are reported ranging from the mundane to the hilarious apprehension of young men attempting to leave the country illegally dressed in wigs and western feminine attire. In February 1997 as many as 70 died in a ship that capsized when carrying excess passengers across the Red Sea.
31. This labelling of corruption as alien to Eritrean tradition is evident in the refrain 'ay'bahli'nan!!', 'it is not our culture!!'. Although during the war Eritreans were encouraged to fight against the Ethiopian régime by using every means at their disposal - including running black markets, paying bribes to officials, and sending spies to gather intelligence - with the establishment of a government of 'one's own', these techniques are considered not only illegal, but also offensive to national sensibilities.
32. Issaias Afewerki, 'Press Conference: 29 May 1993', broadcast on ERI-TV.
33. Hedri, 1, May 1995, p. 7.
34. Those accused of corruption, as well as abuse of power and resources, are currently in prison awaiting court dates. They include the head of the Red Sea Corporation, wealthy merchants, and a number of mid-level bureaucrats as well as clerical workers. Concurrently, similar anticorruption investigations in Ethiopia led to the dismissal and indictment of the former Prime Minister, Tamrat Layne.
35. PLF, 'Our Struggle and Our Objectives', Eritrea, 1971.
36. Individuals do not 'own' land in the Western sense, but enjoy usufructuary rights thereto. These only allot the 'fruits' of the land to the user.
37. Government of Eritrea Proclamation No. 58 of 1994.
38. This refers to the fact that most of Britain's African colonies negotiated for their independence at Lancaster House in London. The Eritreans rejected options of adopting previously existing constitutional texts from their past or from their neighbours.
39. Hadas Ertra, 72, 10 May 1995, p. 1.
40. The scheme combines national military service, found in many countries, with national civilian service, increasingly popular around the world. It may be that one model is Israel, which has long used its armed forces to bridge ethnic, religious, and gender differences.
41. See 'Sudan: body of evidence', in Africa Confidential (London), 9 May 1997, p. 8, and Sam Kiley, 'Rebels Overrun Zaire Army Bases', in The Times (London), 7 February 1997.
42. See 'Sudan: body of evidence', in Africa Confidential (London), 9 May 1997, p. 8, and Sam Kiley, 'Rebels Overrun Zaire Army Bases', in The Times (London), 7 February 1997.
43. Hadas Ertra, 85, 25 June 1997.
44. 'Eritrea: in the front line again', in Africa Confidential, 3 January 1977, p. 3, and 'Africa's New Generation of Leaders', in San Francisco Chronicle, 5 May 1997.
45. 'Eritrea: in the front line again', in Africa Confidential, 3 January 1977, p. 3, and 'Africa's New Generation of Leaders', in San Francisco Chronicle, 5 May 1997.
46. For a detailed account of the rôle of the National Reform Movement (NRM) organisations, see Kyambadde Samuel Ssenyonga, 'Grassroots Participation in Development. Possibilities and Constraints: the case of Uganda', Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, 1995. For a critical perspective, see J. Oloka-Onyango, 'Uganda's "Benevolent" Dictatorship', in Current History (Philadelphia, PA), May 1997, pp. 212-16.
47. For a detailed account of the rôle of the National Reform Movement (NRM) organisations, see Kyambadde Samuel Ssenyonga, 'Grassroots Participation in Development. Possibilities and Constraints: the case of Uganda', Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, 1995. For a critical perspective, see J. Oloka-Onyango, 'Uganda's "Benevolent" Dictatorship', in Current History (Philadelphia, PA), May 1997, pp. 212-16.
48. The phrase ' wax and gold' was used to describe the hidden meanings of words in the Ethiopian tradition. See Donald N. Levine, Wax and Gold: tradition and innovation in Ethiopian culture (Chicago and London, 1974).
49. Although the term 'culture of silence' has not been used by others when describing the situation in Eritrea, some scholars have referred to 'tacit censure' and the uneasiness about being regarded as 'impolite' or presumptious if 'politically charged' or 'delicate' topics arise. See Craig Calhoun and Pamela Delargy's timely essay, 'Rights After Liberation: a report from Eritrea', in Dissent (New York), Summer 1996, p. 129, and Fouad Makki, 'Nationalism, State Formation and the Public Sphere: Eritrea, 1991-96', in Review of African Political Economy (Abingdon), 23, 70, December 1996, p. 482.
50. Although the term 'culture of silence' has not been used by others when describing the situation in Eritrea, some scholars have referred to 'tacit censure' and the uneasiness about being regarded as 'impolite' or presumptious if 'politically charged' or 'delicate' topics arise. See Craig Calhoun and Pamela Delargy's timely essay, 'Rights After Liberation: a report from Eritrea', in Dissent (New York), Summer 1996, p. 129, and Fouad Makki, 'Nationalism, State Formation and the Public Sphere: Eritrea, 1991-96', in Review of African Political Economy (Abingdon), 23, 70, December 1996, p. 482.
51. Eritrea's youthful rebels offered rich variations on the theme of a Marxism heavily influenced by pan-Africanism, and they reasserted Eritrea's African-ness in the PLF's first manifesto, 'We and Our Objectives', proclaimed in 1971. Such an outlook challenged the 'domesticated' version used by the Organisation of African Unity to justify inter-African violence and the disenfranchisement of post-colonial peoples by home-grown dictators. At the OAU's 1991 summit in Cairo, Eritrea's first President reasserted his nation's commitment to African solidarity and development, but unequivocally stated that the OAU's vision of continental solidarity was in dire need of reform.
52. The translations of Maoist texts reflected an adaptation of the tactics and strategies of the 'People's War', as well as the introduction of nekefeta & r'essae nekefeta, 'criticism and self-criticism' sessions, which were an integral feature of EPLF units. One of the early pamphlets distributed was known as Mahta or 'Spark', which was an adaptation of the Soviet Iskra. Cuban defiance against US hegemony was commemorated in early references by the EPLF to its areas of refuge as the Sierra Maestra.
53. EPLF documents discuss the importance of a 'vanguard' party, the significance of the peasantry and the proletariat, and the realisation of mahberawinet as a goal. Thus, although the existence of a socialist party was not officially announced, its de facto existence was not contested during the evolution of the PLF from a small guerrilla band to a national organisation. From its early beginnings, the Hezbawi Serawit Selfi Ertra, the 'Popular Forces Party of Eritrea', spread its influence to all levels of the Front. By the early 1980s it came to be known as Mahbernetawit Selfi Ertra, the 'Socialist Party of Eritrea', with an expanded membership which continued to operate clandestinely. A careful reading of the EPLF's ideological publications reveals a commitment to the principle of a 'vanguard' party, but the war-time discipline of not breaching confidentiality continues to be upheld, which means that its former members remain silent about their now 'defunct' organisation.
54. See Medhanie Tesfatzion, Eritrea: the dynamics of a national question (Amsterdam, 1986), for information about the opposition to the EPLF and details of what he called the Eritrean People's Revolutionary Party.
55. Jennie Street, 'Eritrea: the making of a nation', in African Business, May 1997, p. 31.
56. 'Hezbawi Genbar'n Mengisti Ertra'n: Entay Aynet Zemdena', in Hedri, 1, May 1995, p. 13, my translation.
57. 'Interview with Ato Al-Amin Mohamed Said', in ibid. 2, September 1995, p. 32, my translation.
58. Dehai website, 'Interview with Yemane Gebreab, Part I', 1997.
59. A look at different party newspapers from October 1946 to April 1950 reveals the existence of engaged nationals who expressed their opinions openly - both in writing and in speeches. See Nai Ertra Semunawi Gazeta, Ityopia, Sout Arrabita al Islamiya al Eritrea, Natznet Entra, and Eritrea Nuova, for reports of meetings, opinion columns, commentaries, and articles dealing with key issues of the period. Also, Lloyd Ellingson, 'The Emergence of Political Parties in Eritrea, 1941-1950', in The Journal of African History (Cambridge), 18, 2, 1977, pp. 261-81.
60. A look at different party newspapers from October 1946 to April 1950 reveals the existence of engaged nationals who expressed their opinions openly - both in writing and in speeches. See Nai Ertra Semunawi Gazeta, Ityopia, Sout Arrabita al Islamiya al Eritrea, Natznet Entra, and Eritrea Nuova, for reports of meetings, opinion columns, commentaries, and articles dealing with key issues of the period. Also, Lloyd Ellingson, 'The Emergence of Political Parties in Eritrea, 1941-1950', in The Journal of African History (Cambridge), 18, 2, 1977, pp. 261-81.
61. Established by the Constituent Assembly at its meeting in Asmara, 21-23 May 1997, the Transitional National Assembly (TNA) was entrusted with the task of overseeing national elections and the transition to constitutional rule. The TNA has 150 members: 75 from the central committee of the PFDJ, 60 representatives of regional assemblies, and 15 representatives from Eritreans residing abroad. For more details, refer to 'Bae'khouri Qwam Natza Ertra Tzediku', 'The First Eritrean Constitution Has Been Ratified', in Hadas Ertra, 24 May 1997.
62. Dan Bellamy, 'Eritrea: end of the honeymoon', in New African (London), May 1997, p. 23.
63. Hadas Ertra, 24 May 1997, p. 5, my emphasis and translation.
64. With the notable exception of the matrilineal Kunamas, the majority of Eritrea's indigenous systems of administration are patriarchal and quite repressive of the feminine half of society. During the long years of the war for independence, traditional institutions of governance and courts have been pressured by the EPLF to allow 'under-represented' elements of society to participate in the baitos, or 'village assemblies'. See Yohannes Habteselassie Adhanom, 'Democraciawi Bae'taa'tat He'ghi Enda'Abba: Tzelwai'ou Dehri Nai Mee'ti Amet Bae'daawi Meg'zae'ti', 'Democratic Elements in Traditional Patriarchal Legal Systems: their influences after one hundred years of alien rule', Asmara, 7 July 1992.
65. The Eritrean Newsletter at provides the political programmes and communiqués of the ELF-RC, the ELF-Central Command-Sagem, the ELF-Abdallah Idris Group, and the EDM. Edition No. 70, April-May 1996, is a special 20-years issue.
66. Oswald Iteen, 'Ethiopia and Eritrea: the fruits of division', in Swiss Review of World Affairs (Zurich), September 1995, p. 8.
67. 'Sudan: body of evidence', in Africa Confidential, 9 May 1997. For an understanding of the defiance of the pro-NIF Sudanese population, see 'No Surrender', in BBC Focus on Africa (London), April-June 1997, pp. 12-15.
68. 'Sudan: body of evidence', in Africa Confidential, 9 May 1997. For an understanding of the defiance of the pro-NIF Sudanese population, see 'No Surrender', in BBC Focus on Africa (London), April-June 1997, pp. 12-15.
69. Fears that former ELF members in exile would finance sectarian parties were publicised in cartoons that depicted them hatching plots to establish cafés using foreign funds. See Sagem, 2, 10, October 1990, p. 13.
70. Haggai Erlich, The Struggle Over Eritrea, 1962-1978: war and revolution in the Horn of Africa (Stanford, 1983).
71. Dan Bellamy, 'End of the Honeymoon', in New African, 352, May 1997, p. 23, laments that the 'Eritrean government has gone cold about multi-party politics and that... [the country] is rapidly sliding into a one party state', and declares that the ratification of the constitution indicated an 'end of the honeymoon' rather than a beginning of constitutional rule. By way of contrast, Street, loc. cit. p. 31, reports that the country is engaged in a challenge to 'create a modern, progressive nation-state', and that 'the same single-minded determination that saw the Eritrean people successfully through their harrowing war is now being applied to the economic, social and political imperatives of peacetime'.
72. In the first half of 1997 a high-level Eritrean delegation led by President Afewerki visited South Korea, Singapore, and Peking. For more information, see The Korea Herald (Seoul), The Straits Times (Singapore), and Hadas Ertra, April 1997.
73. Sagem, p. 23, my translation.
74. A number of agency heads have been expelled from Eritrea by the Government since 1994 due to either 'misunderstandings', 'misinterpretations', or 'failure to abide by agreed upon rules of partnership' by donor agencies. The most recent incident was the expulsion of UNHCR staff for reasons explained by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Hadas Ertra, 3 May 1997.
75. Eritrea's language policy can be described as 'endoglossic' because it offers equal opportunities for the development of all existing languages. See Mehret Eyob-Teklu, 'Policy Qua'n' qua ab Teh'tae-Sahara Hagerat Africa', 'Language Policies in Sub-Saharan African Countries', First Congress on Eritrean Languages, Asmara, 16-18 August 1996, pp. 9-11.
76. The EPLF held 'town meetings' before independence when leaders would respond to questions from the rank-and-file, inhabitants of the liberated areas, and members of the Diaspora. The Transitional Government has continued this tradition, and every September the President responds to thousands of questions mailed in advance. Excerpts of these sessions are also printed in the multilingual newspapers.
77. Zemed Kristos wey Zemed Mohamed iye z'b'l inte alo... Addu Ye'nadi, translated by the author who viewed the televised session. Afewerki's exasperation with the nuances of veiled discourse was evident when he declared, with characteristically refreshing candour, that those 'who identify themselves as having a closer relationship to either Christ or Mohammed [rather than the nation] should then not be surprised if they are asked to find that "nation"'. But newspaper editors chose not to print this statement in what appears to be an attempt to avoid offending religious sensitivities.
78. For a critical appraisal of the rôle of Eritrean women in the post-liberation era, see Sylvia Percz-Vitoria, 'Les Femmes d'Erythree ne désarment pas', in Le Monde Diplomatique (Paris), January 1997, p. 10.
79. The Constitution of Eritrea conspicuously omits to guarantee rights to women. Rather Article 14 states that 'All persons are equal before the law'. According to the Preamble, para 6, 'the fact that the Eritrean women's heroic participation in the struggle for independence and solidarity based on equality and mutual respect generated by such struggle will serve as an unshakable foundation for our commitment and struggle to create a society in which women and men shall interact on the bases of mutual respect, fraternity and equality'. It is interesting to note that the English version uses the word 'fraternity' rather than a gender-neutral term such as 'solidarity', once again indicating the disdain of Eritreans for what they term 'cosmetic changes in the portrayal of gender discourses'. See Constitution of Eritrea, CCE, Asmara, May 1997.
80. 72 Ibid. Ch. 3, Article 22, p. 20.
81. Ibid. Ch. 2, Article 6, 'National Unity and Stability'; Article 7, 'Democratic Principles'; and Article 10, 'Economic and Social Development'.
82. Ragnhild Ek, 'Africa's Youngest State Charts a New Course', in Africa Today, 44, 2, May-June 1997, pp. 30-31, briefly demonstrates that the particular circumstances accompanying the birth of the new Eritrean nation-state endow it with the capability to chart an independent economic course for development, not least because of rich mineral resources and lack of debts.
83. The Eritrean régime's successes are remarkable because they have been achieved with little or no bloodshed since the end of the liberation struggle. Foreign policy analysts continue to be surprised despite the fact that the majority of polices implemented in the transition period had been formulated well in advance of independence. Political, economic, and social policies on development, democracy, and multi-partyism had all been discussed within the leadership and disseminated to the rank-and-file, as well as the population at large, through the radio Dimtzi Hafash and EPLF journals. The surprising factor is that unlike most liberation movements the post-war leadership actually implemented its vision.
84. The term 'proto-democratic' is used by Robert A. Dahl, 'The Newer Democracies: from the time of triumph to the time of troubles', in Daniel N. Nelson (ed.), After Authoritarianism: democracy or disorder? (Westport, CT, 1995), p. 8, to describe countries which have not achieved full democracy but have begun establishing the institutional mechanisms and guarantees. Most are confronted with the challenge required of 'achieving national integration in the face of existing and often ancient linguistic, ethnic, religious, or regional conflicts, which are sometimes compounded by ideological differences'.
85. Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: participation and opposition (New Haven and London, 1971), argued that in order for a democracy to exist the government must be responsive to the preferences of citizens, who in turn must have opportunities (i) to formulate their preferences, (ii) to signify these to their fellow citizens and the government by individual and collective action, and (iii) to have their preferences weighted equally in the conduct of government, that is, with no discrimination because of their content or source.
86. Daniel Pearl, 'Eritrea Emerges as America's Newest Ally: tiny nation seen as bulwark against Sudanese-backed terror', in Wall Street Journal (New York), 4 March 1997.
87. For details, see Iyob, op. cit. pp. 29-58.
88. Indian Ocean Newsletter (Paris), 656, 28 January 1995, p. 2, attributes the concept of a 'formidable troika' to a former US Ambassador to Eritrea, Robert Houdek. This has become a 'quintet' consisting of Museveni of Uganda, Zenawi of Ethiopia, Afewerki of Eritrea, Kagame of Rwanda, and, more recently, Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
89. Jennie Street, 'Shalom Eritrea', in New African, February 1997, p. 25. See also, Pearl, Ioc. cit.