Comparative history as world history: Religious conversion in modern India

Journal of World History

Volumn 8, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 243-271

  Eaton, Richard M ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMPARATIVE STUDY; HISTORICAL STUDY; RELIGIOUS CONVERSION;

INDIA;

EID: 0031427957     PISSN: 10456007     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jwh.2005.0063     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. am borrowing the notion of "creative adaptation" from John Smail, who some years ago wrote, in a different context, that "remembering that the essence of acculturation is the acceptance of change by the acculturating group - and hence that there can be no question, in the last analysis, of forced culture change - we can bring the problem of culture change in late colonial Indonesia under the more suggestive heading of creative adaptation" (John R. W. Smail, "On the Possibility of an Autonomous History of Modern Southeast Asia," Journal of Southeast Asian History 2, no. 2 [July 1961): 91).
2. Melford E. Spiro, "Religion: Problems of Definition and Explanation," in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, edited by Michael Banton (London: Tavistock, 1969), p. 96.
3. Official missionary records relating to the movement are found at the American Baptist Historical Society, Rochester, New York. Unofficial private records of the missionaries - letters, papers, translated scriptures, and memoirs - were deposited in the Bethel Theological Seminary Library, St. Paul, Minnesota. British ethnographies began with E. G. Gait's report in the 1891 census, followed by a series of important ethnographies by Naga Hills District officers: John H. Hutton's studies of the Angami and Sema Nagas appeared in 1921, and J. P. Mills's study of the Ao Nagas appeared in 1926. About the same time sociologist William C. Smith also studied the Ao Nagas. In 1931 Mills followed up his earlier studies with a monograph, "The Effect on the Tribes of the Naga Hills District of Contacts with Civilisation." Similarly, Hutton later reflected on the movement in his "Mixed Culture of the Naga Tribes," published in 1965. These studies were supplemented by those of noted anthropologists Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, who published several important monographs between 1939 and 1976, and Verrier Elwin, whose studies of the Nagas appeared in the 19605.
4. Julian Jacobs, The Nagas Hill Peoples of Northeast India: Society, Culture, and the Colonial Encounter (London: Thames and Hudson, 1990), p. 174.
5. For a differing perspective, focusing more on the agency of missionaries and factors like "discourses of the imperial imagination" than on the changing cosmologies of the people actually undergoing conversion, see Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, vol. 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), and Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
6. For a differing perspective, focusing more on the agency of missionaries and factors like "discourses of the imperial imagination" than on the changing cosmologies of the people actually undergoing conversion, see Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, vol. 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), and Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
7. See Robin Horton, "African Conversion," Africa 41, no. 2 (April 1971): 85-108; and Horton, "On the Rationality of Conversion," Africa 45 (1975): 219-35, 373-99. For a discussion of the theory's relevance for other cases of conversion in Africa, see J. D. Y. Peel, "Conversion and Tradition in Two African Societies: Ijebu and Buganda," Past and Present 77 (November 1977): 108-42 . For a recapitulation of Horton's ideas, see his Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on Magic, Religion, and Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 359-69, 374-75.
8. See Robin Horton, "African Conversion," Africa 41, no. 2 (April 1971): 85-108; and Horton, "On the Rationality of Conversion," Africa 45 (1975): 219-35, 373-99. For a discussion of the theory's relevance for other cases of conversion in Africa, see J. D. Y. Peel, "Conversion and Tradition in Two African Societies: Ijebu and Buganda," Past and Present 77 (November 1977): 108-42 . For a recapitulation of Horton's ideas, see his Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on Magic, Religion, and Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 359-69, 374-75.
9. See Robin Horton, "African Conversion," Africa 41, no. 2 (April 1971): 85-108; and Horton, "On the Rationality of Conversion," Africa 45 (1975): 219-35, 373-99. For a discussion of the theory's relevance for other cases of conversion in Africa, see J. D. Y. Peel, "Conversion and Tradition in Two African Societies: Ijebu and Buganda," Past and Present 77 (November 1977): 108-42 . For a recapitulation of Horton's ideas, see his Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on Magic, Religion, and Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 359-69, 374-75.
10. See Robin Horton, "African Conversion," Africa 41, no. 2 (April 1971): 85-108; and Horton, "On the Rationality of Conversion," Africa 45 (1975): 219-35, 373-99. For a discussion of the theory's relevance for other cases of conversion in Africa, see J. D. Y. Peel, "Conversion and Tradition in Two African Societies: Ijebu and Buganda," Past and Present 77 (November 1977): 108-42 . For a recapitulation of Horton's ideas, see his Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West: Essays on Magic, Religion, and Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 359-69, 374-75.
11. Horton, Patterns of Thought, p. 315.
12. In an earlier article I explored aspects of this subject as it related to Nagas as a whole. See Richard M. Eaton, "Conversion to Christianity among the Nagas, 1876-1971," Indian Economic and Social History Review 11, no. 1 (1984): 1-43. While drawing on much of the material that appeared in that article, the present paper incorporates more recent literature and addresses comparative and theoretical issues that did not arise in the earlier piece.
13. John H. Hutton, The Angami Nagas (1921; reprint, London: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 291.
14. As Fürer-Haimendorf remarked, "a Naga village could not even ideally remain at peace as long as there prevailed the belief that the occasional capture of a human head was essential for maintaining the fertility of the crops and the well-being of the community" (Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, "Morality and Prestige among the Nagas," in Anthropology and Archaeology: Essays in Commemoration of Verrier Elwin, 1907-64, edited by M. C. Pradhan [London: Oxford University Press, 1969], p. 156).
15. "To the Naga," wrote Fürer-Haimendorf, "mankind appears as sharply divided between the small circle of his co-villagers and clansmen, from whom he expects assistance and to whom he is bound by a number of obligations, and the entire outward world consisting of the people of his own tribe living in other villages as well as the people of neighbouring tribes, who are his potential enemies and also potential victims of headhunting" (Fürer-Haimendorf, "Morality and Prestige," p. 156).
16. Census of India, 1891 (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1891), Assam, 1:93.
17. Sir James Johnstone, Manipur and the Naga Hills (1896; reprint, Delhi: Vivek, 1971), PP. 43, 44.
18. The best accounts of Christian missions in the Naga Hills are Joseph Puthenpurakal, Baptist Missions in Nagaland: a Study in Historical and Ecumenical Perspective (Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1984); and Puthuvail Thomas Philip, The Growth of Baptist Churches in Nagaland, 2nd ed. (Guwahati: Christian Literature Centre, 1983).
19. The best accounts of Christian missions in the Naga Hills are Joseph Puthenpurakal, Baptist Missions in Nagaland: a Study in Historical and Ecumenical Perspective (Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1984); and Puthuvail Thomas Philip, The Growth of Baptist Churches in Nagaland, 2nd ed. (Guwahati: Christian Literature Centre, 1983).
20. "Families from other villages gradually came in and we soon numbered a hundred houses," recalled Clark's wife Mary. "Gradually other villages, seeing our prosperity, began asking for teachers, and the Nagas not being sufficiently advanced, a few Assamese Christians were called for evangelistic and educational work" (Mary M. Clark, A Corner in India [Philadelphia: American Baptist Publications Society, 1907], p. 91).
21. Sidney W. Rivenburg, The Star of the Naga Hills (Philadelphia: Judson, 1941), pp. 96-97. By this time Rivenburg had already translated a primer and books on arithmetic and hygiene, as well as parts of the New Testament, into Angami.
22. American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 96th Annual Report (Boston: American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 1910), p. 78.
23. Papers of J. E. Tanquist, Bethel Theological Seminary Library, St. Paul, Minnesota, MS, 1935, p. 223b (hereafter cited as Tanquist Papers). By 1923 the mission ran 208 schools, chiefly primary, serving 5,438 pupils. American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 109th Annual Report (Valley Forge, Pa.: American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 1923), p. 113.
24. American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 109th Annual Report, p. 115.
25. "There may be some complaint," J. E. Tanquist admitted, "because directly religious work is carried out in a Government-supported religious-community school. But what then? Would it not be better to lose that support than to be in any way hindered from carrying out our God-given task of winning souls for Christ?" (Tanquist Papers, MS, 1923, pp. 117-18).
26. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1942, p. 300.
27. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1934, p. 204.
28. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1937, p. 249.
29. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1922, p. 126.
30. Clark, Corner in India, p. 33.
31. Clark, Corner in India, p. 54.
32. But on this latter point the government - always desiring not to rock the cultural boat - intervened and in 1925 refused to allow the mission to start work in a new area until it agreed not to impose Western clothing on converts. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1925, p. 135.
33. Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, Return to the Naked Nagas (New York: Vikas, 1976), pp. 47-50.
34. Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf wrote that "to the Ao a feast without rice beer is unthinkable" (Return to the Naked Nagas, p. 48 ) and that "without rice beer the life of the Angami is little more than a bad dream" (The Naked Nagas, 2nd rev. Indian ed. [Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1962], p. 7).
35. Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf wrote that "to the Ao a feast without rice beer is unthinkable" (Return to the Naked Nagas, p. 48 ) and that "without rice beer the life of the Angami is little more than a bad dream" (The Naked Nagas, 2nd rev. Indian ed. [Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1962], p. 7).
36. J. P. Mills, "The Effect on the Tribes of the Naga Hills District of Contacts with Civilisation," in Census of India, 1931, vol. 3, part 1, report, appendix A (Calcutta, 1932), p. iv.
37. Tanquist once cited the "cleavages and animosities incident to the spread of Christianity among people who are closely knit together in village life and whose very village customs constitute their old religion" (Tanquist Papers, MS, 1936, p. 239).
38. William C. Smith in Standaret, 31 December 1913, cited in Tanquist Papers, MS, 1913, P. 75.
39. One British official theorized that exemption from payment of village taxes, granted to converts by the government in 1905, promoted the movement to Christianity. But potential converts would have had to weigh the benefits of nonpayment of several baskets of rice against the severe disapprobation of the other villagers on whom they depended for economic, political, and social support. Moreover, the truly large conversion movement did not begin until four decades after that exemption was put in place. Hutton, Angami Nagas, PP. 373-74.
40. Asoso Yonuo, The Rising Nagas (Delhi: Vivek Publishing House, n.d.), p. 125; cited in Kevikyiekielie Linyii, The Angami Church since 1950 (Bangalore: United Theological College, 1983), p. 23.
41. Asoso Yonuo, The Rising Nagas (Delhi: Vivek Publishing House, n.d.), p. 125; cited in Kevikyiekielie Linyii, The Angami Church since 1950 (Bangalore: United Theological College, 1983), p. 23.
42. William C. Smith, The Ao Naga Tribe of Assam (London: Oxford University Press, 1925), pp. 180-81.
43. Mills, "Effect on the Tribes," p. 11. The last point recalls George Orwell's characterization of the British Raj as "Pox Britannica."
44. V. K. Anand, Nagaland in Transition (New Delhi: Associated Publishing House, 1967), P. 93.
45. "On the Mission Field," noted Tanquist, "the spiritual reform movements nearly always originate with the young people" (Tanquist Papers, MS, 1934, p. 203).
46. Mary Clark to J. W. Murdock, 5 August 1880, American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, Rochester, N.Y., correspondence, reel FM-59.
47. Smith, Ao Naga Tribe, p. 78.
48. Smith, Ao Naga Tribe, p. 78 (emphasis added). Smith is here summarizing observations made in Edward W. Clark, Ao-Naga Dictionary (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1911), pp. 360-62.
49. Smith, Ao Naga Tribe, p. 78 (emphasis added). Smith is here summarizing observations made in Edward W. Clark, Ao-Naga Dictionary (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1911), pp. 360-62.
50. J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas (London: Macmillan, 1926), p. 244.
51. Mills, Ao Nagas, pp. 222-23; Smith, Ao Naga Tribe, pp. 77-78.
52. Mills, Ao Nagas, pp. 222-23; Smith, Ao Naga Tribe, pp. 77-78.
53. Wrote the ethnographer J. P. Mills, "On their good will largely depend a man's health and happiness. They are everywhere - in the village, in the field, in the jungle, by streams, in trees, and, most favourite haunt of all, in the huge boulders which were so numerous in the Ao country" (Mills, Ao Nagas, p. 216).
54. Clark, Ao-Naga Dictionary, p. 350.
55. Mills, Ao Nagas, p. 6.
56. Hutton, Angami Nagas, p. 186. Moreover, Mills observed that Ao spirits, or tsungrem, "are regarded as resembling the people of the locality in which they live. For instance, should a sick man be told by the 'medicine man' whom he consults that it is a tsungrem of the Pham country [another Naga group, to the east] which is holding his soul to ransom, he will offer a little thread of the kind which the Pham buy keenly from the Aos" (Mills, Ao Nagas, p. 216).
57. Hutton, Angami Nagas, p. 186. Moreover, Mills observed that Ao spirits, or tsungrem, "are regarded as resembling the people of the locality in which they live. For instance, should a sick man be told by the 'medicine man' whom he consults that it is a tsungrem of the Pham country [another Naga group, to the east] which is holding his soul to ransom, he will offer a little thread of the kind which the Pham buy keenly from the Aos" (Mills, Ao Nagas, p. 216).
58. "The old religion of these people furnishes a splendid basis for Christianity," wrote E. W. Clark in 1881. "The fundamental ideas are there, perverted it is true, but there. And most of the needful terms are there" (E. W. Clark to J. W. Murdock, 10 March 1881, American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, Rochester, N.Y., correspondence, reel FM-59). For her part, Mary Clark was certain that the Aos believed in an individual soul and an after-life, that they had a notion of sin and a need for salvation, and that they had an apocalyptic vision that approximated Judgment Day (Clark, Corner in India, pp. 57-63).
59. Reverend Clark, who compiled an Ao-English dictionary, was himself pivotal in the process, bringing out an Ao translation of Matthew in 1883. A complete Ao New Testament appeared in 1929, translated by Rev. R. B. Longwell and Rev. William Smith, "with the help of Ao Christians." Similarly, the first Angami New Testament appeared in 1927, translated by Reverend Tanquist, assisted by several Angami converts. In 1928 Tanquist also directed translation of Mark into the Sema language, assisted by another Naga convert; the complete Sema New Testament, published in 1950, was revised by three other converts. Similarly, the first Gospels to appear in the Lotha language, in the 193os, were prepared by three Lotha converts. J. S. M. Hooper, Bible Translation in India, Pakistan and Ceylon, 2nd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 166-67.
60. Reverend Tanquist, interviewed by Christopher R. King in St. Paul, Minnesota, 11 May 1968.
61. Mills, Ao Nagas, p. 367.
62. "The decisive consideration," wrote Weber, "was and remains: who is deemed to exert the stronger influence on the individual in his everyday life, the theoretically supreme god or the lower spirits and demons?. . .The process of rationalization (ratio) favoured the primacy of universal gods; and every consistent crystallization of a pantheon followed systematic rational principles to some degree, since it was always influenced by professional sacerdotal rationalism or by the rational striving for order on the part of secular individuals" (Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, translated by Ephraim Fischoff [Boston: Beacon Press, 1964], pp. 20, 22).
63. This, of course, is precisely what the Apostle Paul did when preaching before the elite of Athens in the first century. "Men of Athens," he declared, "I have seen for myself how extremely scrupulous you are in all religious matters, because I noted, as I strolled around admiring your sacred monuments, that you had an altar inscribed: to an Unknown God. Well, the God whom I proclaim is in fact the one whom you already worship without knowing it" (Acts 17:22-23).
64. In 1945 Tanquist supervised a revised Ao New Testament that replaced Tsungrem with Jihova. But, as the veteran missionary later admitted, "the people were not enthusiastic about the change, to say the least," and they continued to use the Ao term Tsungrem (Tanquist to A. F. Merrill, administrative secretary, Public Relations Department, American Baptist Convention, New York City, 8 March 1960, copy in author's possession). In Tanquist's personal copy of an Ao hymnal in which God was consistently rendered as Tsungrem, the latter term was crossed out in pencil and replaced by Jihova (Otzütajung Ken [Ao Naga Hymnal] [Calcutta: B. I. Anderson, n.d.], in Bethel Theological Seminary Library, St. Paul, Minn.).
65. Clark, Corner in India, p. 108.
66. Smith, Ao Noga Tribe, p. 79.
67. Puthenpurakal, Baptist Missions in Nagaland, p. 81.
68. As early as 1876 Clark wrote that "it is a well-recognized fact in India that aboriginal tribes like the Nagas who are not Hindu, Mussalman or Buddhists constitute by far the most promising field of missionary labor in India" (E. W. Clark to J. W. Murdock, 17 May 1876, American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, Rochester, N.Y., correspondence, reel FM-59).
69. J. D. Y. Peel, "Syncretism and Religious Change," Comparative Studies in Society and History 10 (1967-68): 139-40.
70. Bengt I. Anderson, "On Tour in the Naga Hills," MS, 1931, p. 3, in Papers of B. I. Anderson, Bethel Theological Seminary Library, St. Paul, Minn. (hereafter cited as Anderson Papers).
71. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1944, pp. 328-29.
72. John H. Hutton, The Sema Nagas (1921; reprint, London: Oxford University Press, 1968), preface to 2nd ed.
73. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1936, pp. 240-41.
74. Bengt I. Anderson, "Annual Report for the Year 1938, Impur," MS, Anderson Papers.
75. Hutton, Sema Nagas, p. 150.
76. John H. Hutton, "The Mixed Culture of the Naga Tribes," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 95 (1965): 33.
77. Hutton, "The Mixed Culture of the Naga Tribes," p. 23.
78. The 1891 census reported the Semas' occupation of the large Tizu Valley "within the last thirty or forty years" and noted the severe pressure they had recently put on the southern Ao country. Census of India, 1891, Assam, 1:246. As Hutton observed, "the process of expelling Ao villages went on right down to the annexation of the country by government [in 1906 and 1921], which alone saved the Aos from being driven north and west of Mokokchung" (Hutton, Sema Nagas, p. 17).
79. Tanquist Papers, MS, 1936, p. 240.
80. American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 116th Annual Report (Boston: American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 1930), p. 120.
81. In 1931 the American missionary Bengt Anderson visited a large Sema village of 300 houses whose powerful chief was a well-known opponent of Christian teachings. Anderson describes meeting the old chief, who reminisced about the old days when his village had been strong and his people headhunters. He complained that the government and mission had broken up their old customs and that converted villagers refused to drink, participate in the old war dances, or pay proper respect to their chief. But to Anderson's surprise, the interview ended with the old man requesting a Christian teacher for his village. It seems that the chief's younger brother had been baptized a year earlier and was now the leader of a large section of the village's retainer population. Unable to shed his brother from the village and thereby monopolize the village's dependent families for his own service, the old chief was forced to give in (Anderson, "On Tour in the Naga Hills," 1931, p. 3). In 1939 Anderson recalled that while ten years earlier Sema chiefs had shown extreme hostility to the mission, "they have now become converted and most of them are very loyal and a good many of them spiritual leaders as well" (Anderson, "On Tour in the Naga Hills," 1939, p. 2).
82. In 1931 the American missionary Bengt Anderson visited a large Sema village of 300 houses whose powerful chief was a well-known opponent of Christian teachings. Anderson describes meeting the old chief, who reminisced about the old days when his village had been strong and his people headhunters. He complained that the government and mission had broken up their old customs and that converted villagers refused to drink, participate in the old war dances, or pay proper respect to their chief. But to Anderson's surprise, the interview ended with the old man requesting a Christian teacher for his village. It seems that the chief's younger brother had been baptized a year earlier and was now the leader of a large section of the village's retainer population. Unable to shed his brother from the village and thereby monopolize the village's dependent families for his own service, the old chief was forced to give in (Anderson, "On Tour in the Naga Hills," 1931, p. 3). In 1939 Anderson recalled that while ten years earlier Sema chiefs had shown extreme hostility to the mission, "they have now become converted and most of them are very loyal and a good many of them spiritual leaders as well" (Anderson, "On Tour in the Naga Hills," 1939, p. 2).
83. Hutton, Sema Nagas, preface to 2nd ed.
84. Hutton, Sema Nagas, p. 194.
85. Hutton, Sema Nagas, p. 191n.
86. Hutton, Sema Nagas, p. 194.
87. As in Matthew 5:34 ("Do not swear at all, either by heaven, since that is God's throne ...") or 22:21 ("Give back to Caesar what belongs to Caesar - and to God what belongs to God"). Sümi Bible Kaku Akitheu: The New Testament (Sema Naga) (Calcutta: Bible Society of India and Ceylon, 1950). See also Alhou Kishe Le: Gospel Songs in Sema-Naga (Impur: American Baptist Mission, 1941).
88. As in Matthew 5:34 ("Do not swear at all, either by heaven, since that is God's throne ...") or 22:21 ("Give back to Caesar what belongs to Caesar - and to God what belongs to God"). Sümi Bible Kaku Akitheu: The New Testament (Sema Naga) (Calcutta: Bible Society of India and Ceylon, 1950). See also Alhou Kishe Le: Gospel Songs in Sema-Naga (Impur: American Baptist Mission, 1941).
89. It also endeared them to British administrators who, arriving with their experience in the Indian plains, had come to admire what they saw as the virtues of a fixed - and hence docile and taxable - peasantry.
90. In early Christian history, for example, the word pagan (one who did not adopt the new religion) originally meant "agrarian society" or "country-dweller," pointing to the tendency of sedentary, agrarian societies to resist religious innovation, at least relative to more mobile communities or classes.
91. Acts 14:11, then, instead of reading, "These people are gods who have come down to us disguised as men," would have read "These people are Jehovahs who have come down ..." Tanquist to Merrill, 8 March 1960. See also S. W. Rivenburg, Hymns in Angami Naga (Kohima: Baptist Mission Press, 1892).
92. Philip, Growth of the Baptist Chruches, p. 84.
93. Joseph E. Tanquist, ed., A New Selection of Hymns in Angami Naga (Kohima: Baptist Mission Press, 1918).
94. Tanquist to Merrill, 8 March 1960.
95. Hutton, Angami Nagas, p. 181n.
96. See The Gospels, Acts, Romans, and Corinthians in Angami, 3rd ed. (Kohima: American Baptist Foreign Mission Society, 1923).
97. Hutton, Angami Nagas, p. 180.
98. "Once thought to be far away," noted an Angami Christian, "Ukepenuopfii is brought nearer through the gospel, [and] man is allowed to talk and have fellowship with God personally" (Linyii, The Angami Church since 1950, p. 75).
99. For a thoughtful review of this issue, see J. J. Ray Burman, "Impact of Christianity among the Tribes of North-East India," in Tribal Situation in North-East India, edited by Sarthak Sengupta (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1994), pp. 165-83.
100. The Naga Nation and Its Struggle against Genocide (Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 1986), p. 107.