Investing in Amnesia, or fantasy and forgetfulness in the World Bank's approach to healthcare reform in Sub-Saharan Africa

Journal of Developing Areas

Volumn 31, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 337-356

  Epprecht, Marc ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE   (Zimbabwe)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HEALTH POLICY; WORLD BANK POLICY;

AFRICA; AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA; ARTICLE; CRITIQUE; DEVELOPING COUNTRY; ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT; ECONOMIC FACTORS; ECONOMICS; EVALUATION; FINANCIAL ACTIVITIES; FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT; FOREIGN AID; HEALTH; HEALTH CARE DELIVERY; HEALTH SERVICE; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; ORGANIZATION; POLICY; POLITICAL FACTORS; POLITICAL SYSTEM; POLITICS; UNITED NATIONS; WORLD BANK;

AFRICA; AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA; CAPITALISM; CRITIQUE; DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE; DEVELOPING COUNTRIES; ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT; ECONOMIC FACTORS; FINANCIAL ACTIVITIES; FOREIGN AID; HEALTH; HEALTH SERVICES; INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES; ORGANIZATIONS; POLICY; POLITICAL FACTORS; POLITICAL SYSTEMS; WORLD BANK;

AFRICA; AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA; DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE; DEVELOPING COUNTRIES; ECONOMICS; EVALUATION STUDIES; FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT; HEALTH; HEALTH SERVICES; INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; ORGANIZATIONS; POLITICAL SYSTEMS; POLITICS; PUBLIC POLICY; UNITED NATIONS;

AFRICA, (SUB-SAHARA);

EID: 0031410742     PISSN: 0022037X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (123)

1. World Bank, World Development Report 1993: Investing in Health (New York, Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 13.
2. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 3.
3. See Robert Kaplan, "The Coming Anarchy," Atlantic, February 1994, pp. 44-76, and Richard Preston, The Hot Zone (New York: Random House, 1994), for widely read and all too plausible examples of this frightening view.
4. See Robert Kaplan, "The Coming Anarchy," Atlantic, February 1994, pp. 44-76, and Richard Preston, The Hot Zone (New York: Random House, 1994), for widely read and all too plausible examples of this frightening view.
5. World Bank, Better Health in Africa: Experience and Lessons Learned (Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development [IBRD], 1994).
6. See, for example, "A Better Prescription," Economist, 10 July 1993, pp. 88-89.
7. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
8. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
9. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
10. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
11. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
12. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
13. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
14. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
15. See Inter-Church Coalition on Africa (hereafter ICCAF), Beyond Adjustment: Responding to the Health Crisis in Africa (Toronto: ICCAF, 1993); and ICCAF, "ICCAF, World Bank Continue Health Care Debate," Economic Justice Update, July 1994, for two focused critiques of Investing in Health; and Jean Lennock, Paying for Health: Poverty and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe (London: Oxfam, 1994), for a case study of the impact of a structural adjustment program upon health in a supposedly "successful" adjuster. Meredith Turshen and Annie Thébaud, "International Medical Aid," Monthly Review (December 1981): 39-50, make similar points about the World Health Organization's earlier, and much more liberal, venture into primary healthcare. More general critiques of the developmentalist paradigm, and the bourgeois economics and Enlightenment science that underpin it, are legion. For examples, see Sue V. Rosser, ed., Feminism within the Science and Health Care Professions: Overcoming Resistance (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1988); Rosi Braidotti, Ewa Charkiewicz, Sabine Hausler, and Saskia Wieringa, Women, the Environment, and Sustainable Development: Towards a Theoretical Synthesis (London: Zed Books in Association with INSTRAW [International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women], 1994); Diane Elson, Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester: University Press, 1990); Michel Chossudovsky, Structural Adjustment, Health, and the Social Dimensions: A Review (Ottawa: CIDA [Canadian International Development Agency], 1992); World Health Organization (WHO), Health Dimensions of Economic Reform (Geneva: WHO, 1992); as well as those cited in note 14 below.
16. Investing in Health accomplishes this in a single sentence on page 55.
17. Better Health in Africa excludes South Africa from the analysis because health and socioeconomic conditions there supposedly "differ so greatly" from the rest of the continent. In fact, while South Africa possesses a biomedical and industrial infrastructure that can rival that of the developed West, and while its overall per capita income and spending on health and education appears to place it in a different development league, its Black population taken separately ranks well behind many other African nations on the Human Development Index. South African Blacks have historically pioneered new strains of diseases that were spread throughout the subcontinent by migrant workers. In short, South Africa is full of such directly pertinent lessons that one can only conclude that it is excluded for precisely that reason: it utterly discredits the usefulness of economic and scientific development without broad political and historical analysis. See below, note 14.
18. The bank's innovative research tool - the DALY or Disability Adjusted Life Year - is intended to give a rough guide to the actual economic impact of specific types of ill-health in any society. The formula to calculate DALYs accords an infant negligible worth while a 60-year old is granted half the value of a 25-year old. See World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 26.
19. Better Health in Africa dismisses evidence that contradicts its continued support for structural adjustment, including much of the voluminous literature cited in its own bibliography, in a truly impressive manner. Citing one single book review, one unpublished paper by a World Bank researcher, and two tangential academic articles, the report concludes that the "empirical basis is weak for claims that adjustment policies have multiple negative effects on health" (World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 148).
20. Better Health in Africa dismisses evidence that contradicts its continued support for structural adjustment, including much of the voluminous literature cited in its own bibliography, in a truly impressive manner. Citing one single book review, one unpublished paper by a World Bank researcher, and two tangential academic articles, the report concludes that the "empirical basis is weak for claims that adjustment policies have multiple negative effects on health" (World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 148).
21. See "Explaining the World Development Report 1993: Investing in Health: The World Bank Response," in ICCAF, "Health Care Debate," 1994), pp. 3-5.
22. The assumption in this line of inquiry is, à la Gramsci, that historical consciousness can be an important tool in exposing and combating the subtler ramparts of class or imperialist power. For studies of the concept of hegemony through development discourse, see James Fergusen, The Anti-politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Maryanne Marchand and Jane Parpart, eds., Postmodernism/Feminism/Development (London: Routledge, 1995); and David B. Moore, "Development Discourse as Hegemony: Towards an Ideological History, 1945-95," in Debating Development Discourse, ed. David B. Moore and Gerry Schmitz (London: MacMillan, 1995). For an innovative, "psychotherapeutic" approach to developmentalist hegemony at the institutional level see Robert Chambers, "The Self-Deceiving State," IDS Bulletin 23, no. 4 (1992): 31-42.
23. The assumption in this line of inquiry is, à la Gramsci, that historical consciousness can be an important tool in exposing and combating the subtler ramparts of class or imperialist power. For studies of the concept of hegemony through development discourse, see James Fergusen, The Anti-politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Maryanne Marchand and Jane Parpart, eds., Postmodernism/Feminism/Development (London: Routledge, 1995); and David B. Moore, "Development Discourse as Hegemony: Towards an Ideological History, 1945-95," in Debating Development Discourse, ed. David B. Moore and Gerry Schmitz (London: MacMillan, 1995). For an innovative, "psychotherapeutic" approach to developmentalist hegemony at the institutional level see Robert Chambers, "The Self-Deceiving State," IDS Bulletin 23, no. 4 (1992): 31-42.
24. The assumption in this line of inquiry is, à la Gramsci, that historical consciousness can be an important tool in exposing and combating the subtler ramparts of class or imperialist power. For studies of the concept of hegemony through development discourse, see James Fergusen, The Anti-politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Maryanne Marchand and Jane Parpart, eds., Postmodernism/Feminism/Development (London: Routledge, 1995); and David B. Moore, "Development Discourse as Hegemony: Towards an Ideological History, 1945-95," in Debating Development Discourse, ed. David B. Moore and Gerry Schmitz (London: MacMillan, 1995). For an innovative, "psychotherapeutic" approach to developmentalist hegemony at the institutional level see Robert Chambers, "The Self-Deceiving State," IDS Bulletin 23, no. 4 (1992): 31-42.
25. The assumption in this line of inquiry is, à la Gramsci, that historical consciousness can be an important tool in exposing and combating the subtler ramparts of class or imperialist power. For studies of the concept of hegemony through development discourse, see James Fergusen, The Anti-politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Maryanne Marchand and Jane Parpart, eds., Postmodernism/Feminism/Development (London: Routledge, 1995); and David B. Moore, "Development Discourse as Hegemony: Towards an Ideological History, 1945-95," in Debating Development Discourse, ed. David B. Moore and Gerry Schmitz (London: MacMillan, 1995). For an innovative, "psychotherapeutic" approach to developmentalist hegemony at the institutional level see Robert Chambers, "The Self-Deceiving State," IDS Bulletin 23, no. 4 (1992): 31-42.
26. John Farley, Bilharzia: A History of Imperial Tropical Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 4.
27. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
28. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
29. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
30. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
31. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
32. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
33. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
34. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
35. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
36. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
37. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de
38. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
39. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
40. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
41. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
42. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
43. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
44. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
45. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
46. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
47. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
48. A large scholarly literature exists on this history. See the overviews given by Steven Feierman, "Struggles for Control: The Social Roots of Health and Healing in Modern Africa," African Studies Review 28 (June/September 1985): 73-147; Philip Curtin, "Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa," American Historical Review 90 (June 1985): 594-613; Gwyn Prins, "But What Was the Disease? The Present State of Health and Healing in African Studies," Past and Present 124 (August 1989): 159-79; C. C. Hughes and J. M. Hunter, "Disease and 'Development' in Africa," Social Science and Medicine (1970): 443-93; and Toyin Falola and Dennis Itavyar, The Political Economy of Health in Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1992). Powerfully argued case studies include John Ford, Trypanosomiasis in African Ecology: A Study of the Tsetse Fly Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970); Farley, Bilharzia: Maynard Swanson, "The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909," Journal of African History 18, no. 3 (1977): 387-410; Maryinez Lyons, "Sleeping Sickness Epidemics and Public Health in the Belgian Congo," in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978); Maryinez Lyons, The Colonial Disease: A Social History of Sleeping Sickness in Northern Zaire, 1900-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J. W. Cell, "Anglo-Indian Medical Theory and the Origins of Segregation in West Africa," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 307-35; Cedric de Beer, The South African Disease: Apartheid Health and Health Services (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986); F. Esoavelomandroso, "Maladie et politique en situation coloniale: la peste à Madagascar," Annales economies, sociétés, et civilizations 36, no. 2 (1981): 168-90, Meredith Turshen, The Political Ecology of Disease in Tanzania (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984); Elikia M'Bokolo, "Peste et société urbaine à Dakar: l'épidémie de 1914," Cahiers d'études africaines 22 (1982): 13-46; K. David Patterson, "River Blindness in Northern Ghana, 1900-1960," in Disease in African History: An Introductory Survey and Case Studies, ed. Gerald W. Hartwig and K. David Patterson (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1978); Carol Summers, "Intimate Colonialism: The Imperial Production of Reproduction in Uganda, 1907-25," Signs 16 (Summer 1991): 787-807; Megan Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991); Randall Packard, White Plague, Black Labour: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); and Randall Packard, "The Invention of the 'Tropical Worker': Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines, 1903-36," Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (1993): 271-92; Ian Phimister, "African Labour Conditions and Health in the Southern Rhodesian Mining Industry, 1898-1953," in Studies in the History of African Mine Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, ed. Ian Phimister and Charles van Onselen (Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1978); and Alan Jeeves, "Migrant Workers and Epidemic Malaria on the South African Sugar Estates, 1906-1948," in White Farms, Black Labor, ed. Alan Jeeves and Jonathan Crush (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997), pp. 114-36.
49. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 136; see also pp. 166-68. As late as 1990, Japan was still spending a third and France a quarter of their bilateral health assistance on hospitals that provided state-of-the-art tertiary care. A single such glittering testimony to donor generosity typically consumes half or more of a nation's total health budget.
50. The Color of Gold, dir. Don Edkins, 1 hour, First Run/Icarus Films, 1991, videocassette. African mistrust of Western contraceptives in the colonial era are similarly grounded in empirically justifiable suspicions of safety and political motivation, as discussed by Amy Kaler, "A Threat to the Nation and a Threat to the Men: The Prohibition of Depo-Provera in Zimbabwe, 1981," in Changing Contraceptives, ed. Andrew Russell (London: Routledge, forthcoming). Other examples of Africans' perceptive, if sometimes colorfully expressed consciousness of the politics of healthcare choices in the colonial era, can be found throughout the sources cited in note 14 above. M'Bokolo, "Peste et société," for example, describes how Africans in Dakar interpreted French efforts at controlling the 1914 outbreak of bubonic plague as a plot to punish Dakar for electing Biaise Diagne to the French National Assembly.
51. The Color of Gold, dir. Don Edkins, 1 hour, First Run/Icarus Films, 1991, videocassette. African mistrust of Western contraceptives in the colonial era are similarly grounded in empirically justifiable suspicions of safety and political motivation, as discussed by Amy Kaler, "A Threat to the Nation and a Threat to the Men: The Prohibition of Depo-Provera in Zimbabwe, 1981," in Changing Contraceptives, ed. Andrew Russell (London: Routledge, forthcoming). Other examples of Africans' perceptive, if sometimes colorfully expressed consciousness of the politics of healthcare choices in the colonial era, can be found throughout the sources cited in note 14 above. M'Bokolo, "Peste et société," for example, describes how Africans in Dakar interpreted French efforts at controlling the 1914 outbreak of bubonic plague as a plot to punish Dakar for electing Biaise Diagne to the French National Assembly.
52. The Color of Gold, dir. Don Edkins, 1 hour, First Run/Icarus Films, 1991, videocassette. African mistrust of Western contraceptives in the colonial era are similarly grounded in empirically justifiable suspicions of safety and political motivation, as discussed by Amy Kaler, "A Threat to the Nation and a Threat to the Men: The Prohibition of Depo-Provera in Zimbabwe, 1981," in Changing Contraceptives, ed. Andrew Russell (London: Routledge, forthcoming). Other examples of Africans' perceptive, if sometimes colorfully expressed consciousness of the politics of healthcare choices in the colonial era, can be found throughout the sources cited in note 14 above. M'Bokolo, "Peste et société," for example, describes how Africans in Dakar interpreted French efforts at controlling the 1914 outbreak of bubonic plague as a plot to punish Dakar for electing Biaise Diagne to the French National Assembly.
53. "Zaire Uses All Its Weapons in Fight against Fear," Manchester Guardian Weekly, 4 June 1995, p. 13.
54. John M. Janzen, Lemba, 1650-1930: A Drum of Affliction in Africa and the New World (NY: Garland, 1982). As Prins phrased it, ritual healers based in the marketplaces of central Africa "protected [Africans'] health from capitalism" (Prins, "But What Was the Disease," p. 177).
55. John M. Janzen, Lemba, 1650-1930: A Drum of Affliction in Africa and the New World (NY: Garland, 1982). As Prins phrased it, ritual healers based in the marketplaces of central Africa "protected [Africans'] health from capitalism" (Prins, "But What Was the Disease," p. 177).
56. World Bank, Annual Development Report 1978 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 50.
57. Notably in its authoritative World Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1989), p. 3. Other country-specific myths - Lesotho as a "peasant subsistence economy," the "Ivorian miracle," "civil war" in Angola and Mozambique, and so on - are systematically perpetrated through the World Bank's voluminous library of case studies.
58. For the latter point, see the ruminations of the World Bank senior policy adviser for sub-Saharan Africa, Pierre Landell-Mills, "Governance, Cultural Change, and Empowerment," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (December 1992): 543-67. An explicit expression of contempt for African culture (by an African, the former president of the African Development Bank) can be found in Banacar N'Diaye, The Banker's Faith (Abidjan: 1995).
59. For the latter point, see the ruminations of the World Bank senior policy adviser for sub-Saharan Africa, Pierre Landell-Mills, "Governance, Cultural Change, and Empowerment," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (December 1992): 543-67. An explicit expression of contempt for African culture (by an African, the former president of the African Development Bank) can be found in Banacar N'Diaye, The Banker's Faith (Abidjan: 1995).
60. See, for example, Alexander J. Yeats, "Do African Countries Pay More for Imports? Yes," World Bank Economic Review 4 (January 1990): 1-20. The World Bank averaged a billion dollars per year in net profits over the 1976-92 period, with retained earnings reaching close to US $15 billion in 1992 (ICCAF, Beyond Adjustment, p. 37, citing World Bank Annual Reports).
61. See, for example, Alexander J. Yeats, "Do African Countries Pay More for Imports? Yes," World Bank Economic Review 4 (January 1990): 1-20. The World Bank averaged a billion dollars per year in net profits over the 1976-92 period, with retained earnings reaching close to US $15 billion in 1992 (ICCAF, Beyond Adjustment, p. 37, citing World Bank Annual Reports).
62. Mary Blacklock, "Certain Aspects of the Welfare of Women and Children in the Colonies," Annals of Tropical Medicine and Parasitology 30, no. 4 (1936): 221-64.
63. Explorations of the fate of policies intended to "emancipate" African women in the middle colonial period can be found in many of the studies cited in note 32, as well as in Karen T. Hansen, ed., African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992); and Marc Epprecht, 'This Matter of Women Is Getting Very Bad': Gender, Development, and Politics in Colonial Lesotho, 1870-1965 (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, forthcoming).
64. Explorations of the fate of policies intended to "emancipate" African women in the middle colonial period can be found in many of the studies cited in note 32, as well as in Karen T. Hansen, ed., African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992); and Marc Epprecht, 'This Matter of Women Is Getting Very Bad': Gender, Development, and Politics in Colonial Lesotho, 1870-1965 (Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, forthcoming).
65. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 58.
66. World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. xiv.
67. ICCAF, Beyond Adjustment, p. 35.
68. Anne Renfrew, ESAP and Health: The Effects of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme on the Health of the People of Zimbabwe (Gweru: Mambo Press, 1992).
69. Lennock, Paying for Health, p. 19, citing a Unicef survey.
70. Herald (Harare), 30 May 1997; 26 May 1997; 1 May 1996. See also Francis Chinemana and David Sanders, "Health and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe," in Social Change and Economic Reform in Africa, ed. P. Gibson (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitut, 1993). This and other published studies are already somewhat out-of-date in that the health budget was cut by a further 40 percent in FY 1995/1996.
71. Herald (Harare), 30 May 1997; 26 May 1997; 1 May 1996. See also Francis Chinemana and David Sanders, "Health and Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe," in Social Change and Economic Reform in Africa, ed. P. Gibson (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitut, 1993). This and other published studies are already somewhat out-of-date in that the health budget was cut by a further 40 percent in FY 1995/1996.
72. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 50.
73. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
74. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
75. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
76. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
77. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
78. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2
79. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
80. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
81. The substantial literature on this topic includes Jane Parpart, "Sexuality and Power on the Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964," in Patriarchy and Class: African Women in the Home and Workforce, ed. Sharon Stichler and Jane Parpart (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986); Beth Maina Ahlberg, Women, Sexuality, and the Changing Social Order: The Impact of Government Policies on Reproductive Behavior in Kenya (Philadelphia, PA: Gordon and Breach, 1991); Elizabeth Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1992); Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1890-1910 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1994); and Epprecht, This Matter of Women. On HIV/AIDS, see Randall Packard and P. Richardson, "Epidemiologists, Social Scientists, and the Structure of Medical Research on AIDS in Africa," Social Science and Medicine 33 (1991): 71-94; Patricia McFadden, "Sex, Sexuality, and the Problems of AIDS in Africa," in Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, ed. Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES Trust, 1992), pp. 157-95; Beth Maina Ahlberg, "Is There a Distinct African Sexuality? A Critical Response to Caldwell," Africa 64, no. 2 (1994): 220-40. For a strongly argued exposition on racism in the scientific and political treatment of HIV/AIDS, see Richard C. Chirimuuta and Rosalind J. Chirimuuta, AIDS, Africa, and Racism (London: Free Association Books, 1989).
82. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
83. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
84. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
85. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
86. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
87. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
88. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
89. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
90. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
91. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
92. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
93. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
94. World Bank, Trends in Developing Economies (Washington, DC: IBRD, 1993), p. 261. On the specific impact of structural adjustment on African women's health, see Dorothy Muntemba, "The Impact of IMF-World Bank Programmes on Women and Children in Zambia," in The IMF, World Bank, and African Debt, ed. Bade Onimode (London: Zed Books, 1989), pp. 111-24; Unicef, The Invisible Adjustment: Poor Women and the Economic Crisis (New York: Unicef, 1987); Giovanni A. Cornea, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (Oxford: University Press, 1987); Aili Mari Tripp, "The Impact of Crisis and Economic Reform on Women in Urban Tanzania," in Unequal Burden: Economic Crisis, Persistent Poverty, and Women's Work, ed. Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992); Astrid Nypan, "Revival of Female Circumcision: A Case of Neotraditionalism," in Gender and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Kristi Anne Stolen and Mariken Vaa (Oslo: Norwegian University Press, 1991); Renee Pittin, "Gender and Class in a Nigerian Industrial Setting," Review of African Political Economy 31 (1984): 71-81; Nazreen Kanji and Niki Jazdowska, "Structural Adjustment and Women in Zimbabwe," Review of African Political Economy 56 (1993): 11-26; Meredith Turshen, "The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Women's Health and Health Services in Southern Africa" (Paper delivered at the Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa, Kingston, Ontario, 22 January 1994). More generalized critiques of the social costs of structural adjustment can be found in Onimode, IMF, World Bank, and African Debt; Barry Riddell, "Things Fall Apart Again: Structural Adjustment Programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 30 (March 1992): 55; Waiden Bello and Shea Cunningham, Dark Victory: The U.S., Structural Adjustment, and Global Poverty (London: Food First, 1994); and Susan Meeker-Lowry, "Hope for the South: The IMF, the World Bank, and Third World," Z Magazine, October 1994, pp. 46-52.
95. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 88.
96. Jonathan Crush and Charles Ambler, eds., Liquor and Labor in Southern Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1993); Susan Diduk, "European Alcohol, History, and the State in Cameroon," African Studies Review 36, no. 1 (1993): 1-42.
97. Jonathan Crush and Charles Ambler, eds., Liquor and Labor in Southern Africa (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1993); Susan Diduk, "European Alcohol, History, and the State in Cameroon," African Studies Review 36, no. 1 (1993): 1-42.
98. Steven Haggblade, "The Shebeen Queen and the Evolution of Botswana's Sorghum Beer Industry," in Liquor and Labor, ed. Crush and Ambler; G wen Malahleha, "Liquor Brewing: A Cottage Industry in Lesotho Shebeens," Journal of Eastern African Research and Development 15 (1985): 45-55; Phil Bonner, "'Desirable or Undesirable Basotho Women?' Liquor, Prostitution, and the Migration of Basotho Women to the Rand, 1920-1945," in Women and Gender in Southern Africa to 1945, ed. Cheryl Walker (Cape Town: David Philips, 1990), pp. 221-50.
99. Steven Haggblade, "The Shebeen Queen and the Evolution of Botswana's Sorghum Beer Industry," in Liquor and Labor, ed. Crush and Ambler; G wen Malahleha, "Liquor Brewing: A Cottage Industry in Lesotho Shebeens," Journal of Eastern African Research and Development 15 (1985): 45-55; Phil Bonner, "'Desirable or Undesirable Basotho Women?' Liquor, Prostitution, and the Migration of Basotho Women to the Rand, 1920-1945," in Women and Gender in Southern Africa to 1945, ed. Cheryl Walker (Cape Town: David Philips, 1990), pp. 221-50.
100. Steven Haggblade, "The Shebeen Queen and the Evolution of Botswana's Sorghum Beer Industry," in Liquor and Labor, ed. Crush and Ambler; G wen Malahleha, "Liquor Brewing: A Cottage Industry in Lesotho Shebeens," Journal of Eastern African Research and Development 15 (1985): 45-55; Phil Bonner, "'Desirable or Undesirable Basotho Women?' Liquor, Prostitution, and the Migration of Basotho Women to the Rand, 1920-1945," in Women and Gender in Southern Africa to 1945, ed. Cheryl Walker (Cape Town: David Philips, 1990), pp. 221-50.
101. Similar contradictions emerge from the "privatization" of the drug market. On the one hand, illicit drug production, trade, and consumption are on the rise in Africa since this is one of the few markets that actually supports good prices for African entrepreneurs. On the other hand, and notwithstanding the claim of Better Health in Africa that the world market "is extremely competitive and provides Africa with almost the cheapest possible drugs," structural adjustment has driven the costs for prescription pharmaceuticals beyond the reach of many poor. In cases such as malaria tablets, it has simply caused them to disappear from rural markets altogether (see World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 74; and Lennock, Paying for Health, pp. 14-15), thus contributing to an epidemic that has seen the disease spread to formerly malaria-free areas.
102. Similar contradictions emerge from the "privatization" of the drug market. On the one hand, illicit drug production, trade, and consumption are on the rise in Africa since this is one of the few markets that actually supports good prices for African entrepreneurs. On the other hand, and notwithstanding the claim of Better Health in Africa that the world market "is extremely competitive and provides Africa with almost the cheapest possible drugs," structural adjustment has driven the costs for prescription pharmaceuticals beyond the reach of many poor. In cases such as malaria tablets, it has simply caused them to disappear from rural markets altogether (see World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 74; and Lennock, Paying for Health, pp. 14-15), thus contributing to an epidemic that has seen the disease spread to formerly malaria-free areas.
103. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 87.
104. WHO, cited in Stephen R. Shalom, "Made in the USA: Deadly Exports," Z Magazine, April 1992, pp. 15-19.
105. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 89. Indeed, Zimbabwe's 1997 crop was the largest ever and has fetched record local prices. Expansion of the crop to small-scale African farmers is the focus of an aggressive campaign by government and indigenous businessmen.
106. Human Rights Watch reported in June 1995 that France actually continued training soldiers of the Hutu regime after the genocide had begun, as well as leaving arms caches for the retreating forces of the defeated Hutu army ("Zaire Helps to Rearm Hutu Killers," Manchester Guardian Weekly, 4 June 1995, p. 3).
107. The state-owned arms manufacturer Denel anticipates exports to rise from one billion rand in 1996 to as much as six billion rand in five years (Financial Gazette [Harare], 8 May 1997, p. 20). A private South African mercenary army (Executive Outcomes) has also successfully marketed its expertise in killing throughout Africa. The governments of the United States, Britain, and France, it should be added, set compelling examples of hypocrisy in this regard. In 1993, American President Bill Clinton discreetly embarked upon a "highly aggressive arms export drive" that has seen U.S. sales of weaponry rise to US $14 to $15 billion annually, making military hardware the country's most important export commodity. According to William Harting of the World Policy Institute of New York, the United States now corners nearly three-quarters of all arms sales in the Third World (Manchester Guardian Weekly, 4 June 1995). The former "Eastern bloc" also played an often dishonorable role in flooding Africa with weaponry during the Cold War. Now that ideological considerations have passed by the wayside, however, today's market-oriented Russia and China are likely to export even more weapons than before. For a general Third World approach to the health aspects of military sales, see A. Zwi and A. Ugalde, "Towards an Epidemiology of Political Violence in the Third World," Social Science and Medicine 28, no. 7 (1989): 633-42.
108. The state-owned arms manufacturer Denel anticipates exports to rise from one billion rand in 1996 to as much as six billion rand in five years (Financial Gazette [Harare], 8 May 1997, p. 20). A private South African mercenary army (Executive Outcomes) has also successfully marketed its expertise in killing throughout Africa. The governments of the United States, Britain, and France, it should be added, set compelling examples of hypocrisy in this regard. In 1993, American President Bill Clinton discreetly embarked upon a "highly aggressive arms export drive" that has seen U.S. sales of weaponry rise to US $14 to $15 billion annually, making military hardware the country's most important export commodity. According to William Harting of the World Policy Institute of New York, the United States now corners nearly three-quarters of all arms sales in the Third World (Manchester Guardian Weekly, 4 June 1995). The former "Eastern bloc" also played an often dishonorable role in flooding Africa with weaponry during the Cold War. Now that ideological considerations have passed by the wayside, however, today's market-oriented Russia and China are likely to export even more weapons than before. For a general Third World approach to the health aspects of military sales, see A. Zwi and A. Ugalde, "Towards an Epidemiology of Political Violence in the Third World," Social Science and Medicine 28, no. 7 (1989): 633-42.
109. The state-owned arms manufacturer Denel anticipates exports to rise from one billion rand in 1996 to as much as six billion rand in five years (Financial Gazette [Harare], 8 May 1997, p. 20). A private South African mercenary army (Executive Outcomes) has also successfully marketed its expertise in killing throughout Africa. The governments of the United States, Britain, and France, it should be added, set compelling examples of hypocrisy in this regard. In 1993, American President Bill Clinton discreetly embarked upon a "highly aggressive arms export drive" that has seen U.S. sales of weaponry rise to US $14 to $15 billion annually, making military hardware the country's most important export commodity. According to William Harting of the World Policy Institute of New York, the United States now corners nearly three-quarters of all arms sales in the Third World (Manchester Guardian Weekly, 4 June 1995). The former "Eastern bloc" also played an often dishonorable role in flooding Africa with weaponry during the Cold War. Now that ideological considerations have passed by the wayside, however, today's market-oriented Russia and China are likely to export even more weapons than before. For a general Third World approach to the health aspects of military sales, see A. Zwi and A. Ugalde, "Towards an Epidemiology of Political Violence in the Third World," Social Science and Medicine 28, no. 7 (1989): 633-42.
110. COCAMO (Cooperation Canada Mozambique), "Health in Mozambique," in Mozambique: Apartheid's Second Front (Ottawa: Cooperation Canada Mozambique, 1989).
111. Cited in COCAMO, "Health in Mozambique," p. 5.
112. It has been estimated that 90 percent of "aid" money sent to Lesotho, for example, was actually spent to purchase goods and services in South Africa. See Fergusen, Anti-Politics Machine, for a devastating deconstruction of the World Bank's developmentalist fantasies in Lesotho.
113. As noted in World Bank, World Development Report 1991 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 106. Even the more fundamentalist International Monetary Fund (IMF) has noticed this trend, although it maintains the discursive equivalent of a stiff upper lip: "[Continuing weakness in commodity prices . . . may hamper" structural adjustment efforts. See IMF, World Economic Outlook. May 1993 (Washington, DC: IMF, 1993), pp. 55, 160.
114. As noted in World Bank, World Development Report 1991 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 106. Even the more fundamentalist International Monetary Fund (IMF) has noticed this trend, although it maintains the discursive equivalent of a stiff upper lip: "[Continuing weakness in commodity prices . . . may hamper" structural adjustment efforts. See IMF, World Economic Outlook. May 1993 (Washington, DC: IMF, 1993), pp. 55, 160.
115. Debt on the whole has increased to the point where in 1991 it equaled 107.9 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's total gross domestic product (GDP), more than triple the level of 1980. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 285.
116. World Bank, Investing in Health, pp. 200, 292.
117. World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 367.
118. In the case of Malawi, for example, the student/teacher ratio rose over the 1970-90 period from an average of 43:1 to 64:1; and in Central African Republic, from 64:1 to 90:1 (World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 294). Numbers alone cannot, of course, provide any sense of declining quality. As Better Health in Africa concedes, however, rapidly shrinking salaries among professionals undermine morale and exacerbate absenteeism or exodus (World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 89).
119. In the case of Malawi, for example, the student/teacher ratio rose over the 1970-90 period from an average of 43:1 to 64:1; and in Central African Republic, from 64:1 to 90:1 (World Bank, Investing in Health, p. 294). Numbers alone cannot, of course, provide any sense of declining quality. As Better Health in Africa concedes, however, rapidly shrinking salaries among professionals undermine morale and exacerbate absenteeism or exodus (World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 89).
120. Compare the life expectancy figures given in World Bank, World Development Report 1988 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); and World Bank, Investing in Health, table I.
121. Compare the life expectancy figures given in World Bank, World Development Report 1988 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); and World Bank, Investing in Health, table I.
122. Andrew Meldrum, "Investing in Health," Africa Report, November/December 1993, p. 35.
123. World Bank, Better Health in Africa, p. 149.