The margins of order: Strategies of segregation on the eastern Cape frontier, 1806-c. 1850

Journal of Southern African Studies

Volumn 23, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 635-653

  Lester, Alan ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SURREY   (United Kingdom)

^b ST MARY'S UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CULTURAL EXCLUSION; HISTORICAL STUDY; RACIAL SEGREGATION; XHOSA PEOPLE;

SOUTH AFRICA;

EID: 0031410249     PISSN: 03057070     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03057079708708561     Document Type: Article

References (170)

1. Aside from minor trading posts, the only other British administration in Africa at the time that the Cape was taken was Sierra Leone, where freed slaves had been governed by a humanitarian-inspired trading company since 1793. Although it became a Crown Colony in 1808, policy regarding neighbouring independent Africans was not such a vital concern as it was in the Cape until some time afterwards (see P. Curtin, The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action, 178O-1850, Vol. 1, (Madison, 1964), ch. 5).
2. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
3. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
4. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
5. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
6. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
7. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
8. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
9. J. Peires, The House of Phalo: A History of the Xhosa People in the Days of Their Independence (Berkeley, 1981); N. Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People (London, 1992); C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, 1992). For a critique of Crais, see S. Marks, 'Racial Capitalism: A Cultural or Economic System? Review of C. C. Crais, The Making of a Colonial Order', South African Historical Journal, 28 (1993), pp. 309-317. A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995). T. Stapleton, Maqoma: Xhosa Resistance to Colonial Advance (Johannesburg, 1994); J. G. Pretorius, The British Humanitarians and the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1834-1836 (Pretoria, 1988 ); T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order (London, 1996).
10. Trapido has written of African voters playing a significant role in the eastern Cape 'small tradition' of liberalism, but their incorporation was marginal, partially representing a strategic concession, rather than critical to trends in the shaping of industrial society (see for example S. Trapido, ' "The Friends of the Natives": Merchants, Peasants and the Political and Ideological Structure of Liberalism in the Cape, 1854-1910', in S. Marks and A. Atmore (eds), Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa (Harlow, 1980), pp. 247-274).
11. E. Walker, The Frontier Tradition in South Africa (lecture delivered at Rhodes House, Oxford, 1930), pp. 3-5; E. Walker, The Great Trek (London, 1965), pp. 1-13; W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colour Question (London, 1927), pp. 4, 288; I. D. MacCrone, Race Attitudes in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1937), pp. 125-136.
12. E. Walker, The Frontier Tradition in South Africa (lecture delivered at Rhodes House, Oxford, 1930), pp. 3-5; E. Walker, The Great Trek (London, 1965), pp. 1-13; W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colour Question (London, 1927), pp. 4, 288; I. D. MacCrone, Race Attitudes in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1937), pp. 125-136.
13. E. Walker, The Frontier Tradition in South Africa (lecture delivered at Rhodes House, Oxford, 1930), pp. 3-5; E. Walker, The Great Trek (London, 1965), pp. 1-13; W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colour Question (London, 1927), pp. 4, 288; I. D. MacCrone, Race Attitudes in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1937), pp. 125-136.
14. E. Walker, The Frontier Tradition in South Africa (lecture delivered at Rhodes House, Oxford, 1930), pp. 3-5; E. Walker, The Great Trek (London, 1965), pp. 1-13; W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colour Question (London, 1927), pp. 4, 288; I. D. MacCrone, Race Attitudes in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1937), pp. 125-136.
15. M. Legassick, 'The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography', in S. Marks and A. Atmore (eds), Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa (London, 1980), pp. 44-80.
16. My concept of marginality is linked to the concept of an 'open frontier' propounded by H. Giliomee, 'The Eastern Frontier, 1770-1812', in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840 (Cape Town, 1989), pp. 421-471, and 'Processes in the Development of the South African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson, The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981), pp. 76-119, although it extends over a later period.
17. My concept of marginality is linked to the concept of an 'open frontier' propounded by H. Giliomee, 'The Eastern Frontier, 1770-1812', in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840 (Cape Town, 1989), pp. 421-471, and 'Processes in the Development of the South African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson, The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981), pp. 76-119, although it extends over a later period.
18. J. S. Galbraith, Reluctant Empire: British Policy on the South African Frontier, 1834-1854 (Berkeley, 1963), p. 50.
19. For increasing trade with British settler involvement after 1820, see R. Beck, 'The Legalization and Development of Trade on the Cape Frontier, 1817-1830' (unpublished PhD thesis, Indiana University, 1987). For later differentiation between Boer and British colonists' attitudes to the frontier, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 35-36, 184-203.
20. For increasing trade with British settler involvement after 1820, see R. Beck, 'The Legalization and Development of Trade on the Cape Frontier, 1817-1830' (unpublished PhD thesis, Indiana University, 1987). For later differentiation between Boer and British colonists' attitudes to the frontier, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 35-36, 184-203.
21. See A. Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1806-c.1838', The South African Geographical Journal, 78, 2 (1996) and c. "Otherness" and the Frontiers of Empire: The Eastern Cape Colony, 1806-c.1850', Journal of Historical Geography (forthcoming).
22. See A. Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1806-c.1838', The South African Geographical Journal, 78, 2 (1996) and c. "Otherness" and the Frontiers of Empire: The Eastern Cape Colony, 1806-c.1850', Journal of Historical Geography (forthcoming).
23. Journal of S. H. Hudson, Bathurst, 1821 (no precise date or pagination), Cape (Government) Archives, Cape Town (hereafter, CA), A 602/2.
24. Rowles to his son-in-law, 14 August 1834, CA, GH 28/12/1.
25. Keegan is undoubtedly correct in ascribing exaggerated British settler claims of the Xhosa threat to a desire for greater military expenditure in the region (Colonial South Africa, p. 74). He further points out that settlers supplying arms to the Xhosa were some of the most vocal concerning the danger that they constituted (p. 132). But this does not mean that there was no genuine sense of insecurity among a large proportion of colonists along the frontier. Fear of the Xhosa was widespread, especially after the Xhosa had proved a match for colonial forces in the Amatolas during the Sixth War.
26. For general approaches, see J. Philip, Researches in South Africa, 2 vols (London, 1828); T. Pringle, Narrative of a Residence in South Africa (London, 1835). For differentiation within this discourse and between these three men, see A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995), pp. 92-140.
27. For general approaches, see J. Philip, Researches in South Africa, 2 vols (London, 1828); T. Pringle, Narrative of a Residence in South Africa (London, 1835). For differentiation within this discourse and between these three men, see A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995), pp. 92-140.
28. For general approaches, see J. Philip, Researches in South Africa, 2 vols (London, 1828); T. Pringle, Narrative of a Residence in South Africa (London, 1835). For differentiation within this discourse and between these three men, see A. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies: Racial Ideology at the Cape of Good Hope, 1820-1850' (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge University, 1995), pp. 92-140.
29. Col. Collins, 'Supplement to the Relations of a Journey into the Country of the Bosjeman and Caffre People', 1809, in D. Moodie (ed), The Record: Or a Series of Official Papers Relative to the Condition and Treatment of the Native Tribes of South Africa (Cape Town, 1960), V.
30. This point will be discussed further below.
31. Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 4.
32. Ibid.
33. For general accounts of the early nineteenth century institution of a colonial order within the Cape Colony, see, for example, J. B. Peires, 'The British and the Cape, 1814-1834', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 472-518; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance; S. Newton-King, 'The Labour Market of the Cape Colony, 1807-28', in Marks and Atmore (eds), Economy and Society, pp. 171-208; H. Giliomee, 'Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981) and Keegan, Colonial South Africa.
34. For general accounts of the early nineteenth century institution of a colonial order within the Cape Colony, see, for example, J. B. Peires, 'The British and the Cape, 1814-1834', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 472-518; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance; S. Newton-King, 'The Labour Market of the Cape Colony, 1807-28', in Marks and Atmore (eds), Economy and Society, pp. 171-208; H. Giliomee, 'Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981) and Keegan, Colonial South Africa.
35. For general accounts of the early nineteenth century institution of a colonial order within the Cape Colony, see, for example, J. B. Peires, 'The British and the Cape, 1814-1834', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 472-518; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance; S. Newton-King, 'The Labour Market of the Cape Colony, 1807-28', in Marks and Atmore (eds), Economy and Society, pp. 171-208; H. Giliomee, 'Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981) and Keegan, Colonial South Africa.
36. For general accounts of the early nineteenth century institution of a colonial order within the Cape Colony, see, for example, J. B. Peires, 'The British and the Cape, 1814-1834', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 472-518; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance; S. Newton-King, 'The Labour Market of the Cape Colony, 1807-28', in Marks and Atmore (eds), Economy and Society, pp. 171-208; H. Giliomee, 'Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981) and Keegan, Colonial South Africa.
37. For general accounts of the early nineteenth century institution of a colonial order within the Cape Colony, see, for example, J. B. Peires, 'The British and the Cape, 1814-1834', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 472-518; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance; S. Newton-King, 'The Labour Market of the Cape Colony, 1807-28', in Marks and Atmore (eds), Economy and Society, pp. 171-208; H. Giliomee, 'Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier', in H. Lamar and L. Thompson (eds), The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981) and Keegan, Colonial South Africa.
38. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 45.
39. Ibid.
40. For this earlier period, see S. Newton-King, 'The Enemy Within: The Struggle for Ascendancy on the Cape Eastern Frontier, 1760-1800' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1992).
41. See S. Newton King, 'Commerce and Material Culture on the Eastern Cape Frontier, 1784-1812', Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Seminar Papers, Vol. 14 (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 1988), pp. 1-22.
42. See Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 53-58 and Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 112-116. For effects on Xhosa gender relations in particular, see H. Bradford, Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c.1806-1870 (unpublished seminar paper presented to the Centre For African Studies, University of Cape Town, August, 1995).
43. See Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 53-58 and Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 112-116. For effects on Xhosa gender relations in particular, see H. Bradford, Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c.1806-1870 (unpublished seminar paper presented to the Centre For African Studies, University of Cape Town, August, 1995).
44. See Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 53-58 and Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 112-116. For effects on Xhosa gender relations in particular, see H. Bradford, Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c.1806-1870 (unpublished seminar paper presented to the Centre For African Studies, University of Cape Town, August, 1995).
45. Calderwood to Philip, 18 January 1846, quoted in Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 289. Emphasis in the original.
46. Calderwood to Castlereagh, 18 September 1809, CA, GH 23/2. Xhosa cattle raids continued throughout the period, but they peaked in times of drought, during episodes of particular political instability and when colonists had abused the 'spoor law' (discussed below) spectacularly.
47. Cradock to Graham, 6 October 1811, CA, GH 28/4.
48. For details, see B. Maclennan, A Proper Degree of Terror: John Graham and the Cape's Eastern Frontier (Johannesburg, 1986).
49. See Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 48.
50. Cradock to Liverpool, 10 June 1812, CA, GH 23/4.
51. This will again be alluded to towards the end of the paper. For racial science on the Cape frontier in a slightly later period, see A. Bank, 'Of "Native Skulls" and "Noble Caucasians": Phrenology in Colonial South Africa', Journal of Southern African Studies, 22, 3 (1996), pp. 387-404.
52. Government Proclamation, 21 August 1810, CA, CO 5807.
53. Alexander to Graham, 23 May 1812, CA, GH 28/5.
54. Somerset to Bathurst, 24 April 1817, CA, GH 23/5.
55. Ibid.
56. Government Advertisement, 18 April 1817, CA, CO 5816.
57. Goulbourn to Somerset, 22 October 1816, CA, GH 1/20.
58. Somerset to Bathurst, 24 April 1817, CA, GH 23/5.
59. For this war and the fascinating role played in it by the diviner Nxele, see Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 143-145 and Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 472-479.
60. For this war and the fascinating role played in it by the diviner Nxele, see Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 143-145 and Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 472-479.
61. See Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 71-83 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 33-34.
62. See Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 71-83 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 33-34.
63. Somerset intended 'not to permit the Territory to be inhabited until our endeavours to civilize the Kafirs had been successful' (quoted in Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 83), but it was partially settled by British farmers and some Xhosa chiefs were allowed to return to it on sufferance nonetheless.
64. For the 1820 settler origins and experiences, see Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 524-534, 541-550; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 87-95; Peires, 'The British and the Cape', pp. 474-480; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 61-74 and M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers (Cape Town, 1987).
65. For the 1820 settler origins and experiences, see Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 524-534, 541-550; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 87-95; Peires, 'The British and the Cape', pp. 474-480; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 61-74 and M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers (Cape Town, 1987).
66. For the 1820 settler origins and experiences, see Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 524-534, 541-550; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 87-95; Peires, 'The British and the Cape', pp. 474-480; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 61-74 and M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers (Cape Town, 1987).
67. For the 1820 settler origins and experiences, see Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 524-534, 541-550; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 87-95; Peires, 'The British and the Cape', pp. 474-480; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 61-74 and M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers (Cape Town, 1987).
68. For the 1820 settler origins and experiences, see Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 524-534, 541-550; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 87-95; Peires, 'The British and the Cape', pp. 474-480; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 61-74 and M. D. Nash, The Settler Handbook: A New List of the 1820 Settlers (Cape Town, 1987).
69. There had been previous suggestions to settle dispossessed highland Scots there as a counter cattle-raiding and warlike folk (Maclennan, A Proper Degree of Terror, pp. 161-162).
70. M. Beecham, Paper Prepared by Mr Beecham for the Use of Mr Buxton: The Cape of Good Hope, n.d. (1836?) Public Record Office, London (hereafter PRO), CO 58/165; Mostert, Frontiers, p. 559.
71. M. Beecham, Paper Prepared by Mr Beecham for the Use of Mr Buxton: The Cape of Good Hope, n.d. (1836?) Public Record Office, London (hereafter PRO), CO 58/165; Mostert, Frontiers, p. 559.
72. For the experiences of one such trader, see J. Goldswain, in U. Long (ed), The Chronicle of Jeremiah Goldswain, Albany Settler of 1820, 2 vols (Cape Town, 1949).
73. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 92.
74. The cartoon, published in 1819, was entitled Blessings of Emigration to the Cape, with Forlorn crossed out and replaced by Good Hope. See L. Bryer and K. S. Hunt, The 1820 Settlers, (Cape Town, 1984), p. 19.
75. The cartoon, published in 1819, was entitled Blessings of Emigration to the Cape, with Forlorn crossed out and replaced by Good Hope. See L. Bryer and K. S. Hunt, The 1820 Settlers, (Cape Town, 1984), p. 19.
76. The cartoon, published in 1819, was entitled Blessings of Emigration to the Cape, with Forlorn crossed out and replaced by Good Hope. See L. Bryer and K. S. Hunt, The 1820 Settlers, (Cape Town, 1984), p. 19.
77. The cartoon, published in 1819, was entitled Blessings of Emigration to the Cape, with Forlorn crossed out and replaced by Good Hope. See L. Bryer and K. S. Hunt, The 1820 Settlers, (Cape Town, 1984), p. 19.
78. For these developments, see Newton King, 'The Labour Market', pp. 196-200 and Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strateg', pp. 101-102.
79. For these developments, see Newton King, 'The Labour Market', pp. 196-200 and Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strateg', pp. 101-102.
80. See Somerset to Bourke, 28 August 1826, CL, MS 17036.
81. In 1829, about to be ejected from his lands in the Ceded Territory, Maqoma asked to be taken under colonial authority. Ngqika before him had asked to be given lands in England (see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 91).
82. For the increase in violence immediately preceding the war, see Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 625-655 and Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 89-94.
83. For the increase in violence immediately preceding the war, see Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 625-655 and Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 89-94.
84. For the increase in violence immediately preceding the war, see Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 625-655 and Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 89-94.
85. Here we touch upon the notorious mfecane debate. For contestation over the role of European-inspired slave raiding in stimulating these refugee movements, see, on the one hand, J. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-519; A. Webster, 'Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction Under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the "Emancipation" of the Fingo' (unpublished MA Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991) and Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 49-50. On the other hand, see E. Eldredge, 'Slave Raiding Across the Cape Frontier', and 'Delagoa Bay and the Hinterland in the Early Nineteenth Century: Politics, Trade, Slaves, and Slave Raiding', both in E. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder and Pietermaritzburg, 1994), pp. 93-127, 127-167. For an overview of the debate, see C. Hamilton (ed), The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995).
86. Here we touch upon the notorious mfecane debate. For contestation over the role of European-inspired slave raiding in stimulating these refugee movements, see, on the one hand, J. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-519; A. Webster, 'Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction Under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the "Emancipation" of the Fingo' (unpublished MA Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991) and Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 49-50. On the other hand, see E. Eldredge, 'Slave Raiding Across the Cape Frontier', and 'Delagoa Bay and the Hinterland in the Early Nineteenth Century: Politics, Trade, Slaves, and Slave Raiding', both in E. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder and Pietermaritzburg, 1994), pp. 93-127, 127-167. For an overview of the debate, see C. Hamilton (ed), The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995).
87. Here we touch upon the notorious mfecane debate. For contestation over the role of European-inspired slave raiding in stimulating these refugee movements, see, on the one hand, J. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-519; A. Webster, 'Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction Under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the "Emancipation" of the Fingo' (unpublished MA Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991) and Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 49-50. On the other hand, see E. Eldredge, 'Slave Raiding Across the Cape Frontier', and 'Delagoa Bay and the Hinterland in the Early Nineteenth Century: Politics, Trade, Slaves, and Slave Raiding', both in E. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder and Pietermaritzburg, 1994), pp. 93-127, 127-167. For an overview of the debate, see C. Hamilton (ed), The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995).
88. Here we touch upon the notorious mfecane debate. For contestation over the role of European-inspired slave raiding in stimulating these refugee movements, see, on the one hand, J. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-519; A. Webster, 'Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction Under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the "Emancipation" of the Fingo' (unpublished MA Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991) and Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 49-50. On the other hand, see E. Eldredge, 'Slave Raiding Across the Cape Frontier', and 'Delagoa Bay and the Hinterland in the Early Nineteenth Century: Politics, Trade, Slaves, and Slave Raiding', both in E. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder and Pietermaritzburg, 1994), pp. 93-127, 127-167. For an overview of the debate, see C. Hamilton (ed), The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995).
89. Here we touch upon the notorious mfecane debate. For contestation over the role of European-inspired slave raiding in stimulating these refugee movements, see, on the one hand, J. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi: Thoughts on Dithakong and Mbolompo', Journal of African History, 29 (1988), pp. 487-519; A. Webster, 'Land Expropriation and Labour Extraction Under Cape Colonial Rule: The War of 1835 and the "Emancipation" of the Fingo' (unpublished MA Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991) and Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 49-50. On the other hand, see E. Eldredge, 'Slave Raiding Across the Cape Frontier', and 'Delagoa Bay and the Hinterland in the Early Nineteenth Century: Politics, Trade, Slaves, and Slave Raiding', both in E. Eldredge and F. Morton (eds), Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder and Pietermaritzburg, 1994), pp. 93-127, 127-167. For an overview of the debate, see C. Hamilton (ed), The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in South African History (Johannesburg, 1995).
90. Beecham, PRO, CO 58/165.
91. See Beecham, PRO, CO 58/165; Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 635-636. For increasing colonial exasperation at Xhosa cattle raiding during the late-1820s and early-1830s, see Somerset papers, 5 February 1828, CL, MS 17042; Philip to D'Urban, 22 October 1834, CA, GH 28/12/3; Rowles to his son-in-law, 14 August 1834, CA, GH 28/12/1; South African Commercial Advertiser, 22 February 1834; Philip papers, 1830, CA, A 2564 and Buchner to Somerset, 11 June 1834, CA, GH 28/12/2.
92. See Beecham, PRO, CO 58/165; Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 635-636. For increasing colonial exasperation at Xhosa cattle raiding during the late-1820s and early-1830s, see Somerset papers, 5 February 1828, CL, MS 17042; Philip to D'Urban, 22 October 1834, CA, GH 28/12/3; Rowles to his son-in-law, 14 August 1834, CA, GH 28/12/1; South African Commercial Advertiser, 22 February 1834; Philip papers, 1830, CA, A 2564 and Buchner to Somerset, 11 June 1834, CA, GH 28/12/2.
93. See Beecham, PRO, CO 58/165; Stapleton, Maqoma, pp. 63-99; Mostert, Frontiers, pp. 635-636. For increasing colonial exasperation at Xhosa cattle raiding during the late-1820s and early-1830s, see Somerset papers, 5 February 1828, CL, MS 17042; Philip to D'Urban, 22 October 1834, CA, GH 28/12/3; Rowles to his son-in-law, 14 August 1834, CA, GH 28/12/1; South African Commercial Advertiser, 22 February 1834; Philip papers, 1830, CA, A 2564 and Buchner to Somerset, 11 June 1834, CA, GH 28/12/2.
94. Some Xhosa chiefs, however, notably those given land concessions in the Ceded Territory, remained neutral and sheltered British missionaries during the war. See Beecham, PRO, CO 58/165. The war ended after a colonial column entered Gcaleka Xhosa territory and took the paramount, Hintsa, hostage. He was killed and mutilated trying to escape. Maqoma and his followers remained secure in the Amatola mountains. See Southey to Napier, 10 October 1837, CA, GH 1/121 and Report of Inquiry into Hintsa's Death, PRO, CO 48/185.
95. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies', pp. 217-228; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 142.
96. Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies', pp. 217-228; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 142.
97. Southey, Southey and Shaw to Editor, Grahamstown Journal, 23 January 1835.
98. Smith to D'Urban, 14 January 1835, CA, GH 22/1.
99. For use of the phrase, see Smith to D'Urban, undated (May - June 1835?), CA, enclosure 18, GH 28/12/1, and Government Proclamation, 10 May 1835, CA, CO 5831. For Philip's reaction, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 145 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 111. For a discussion of colonial and metropolitan imagery of the Xhosa at this time see Lester, ' "Otherness" and the Frontiers of Empire'.
100. For use of the phrase, see Smith to D'Urban, undated (May - June 1835?), CA, enclosure 18, GH 28/12/1, and Government Proclamation, 10 May 1835, CA, CO 5831. For Philip's reaction, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 145 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 111. For a discussion of colonial and metropolitan imagery of the Xhosa at this time see Lester, ' "Otherness" and the Frontiers of Empire'.
101. For use of the phrase, see Smith to D'Urban, undated (May - June 1835?), CA, enclosure 18, GH 28/12/1, and Government Proclamation, 10 May 1835, CA, CO 5831. For Philip's reaction, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 145 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 111. For a discussion of colonial and metropolitan imagery of the Xhosa at this time see Lester, ' "Otherness" and the Frontiers of Empire'.
102. Government Proclamation, 10 May 1835, CA, CO 5831.
103. Keegan, describing D'Urban and later Smith, as 'rogue governors', explains the official intention to expel the Xhosa as the result of D'Urban's willingness to support settler capitalist expansion in the face of metropolitan reluctance (Colonial South Africa, pp. 5, 74, 129, 140-145). However, there is some evidence that, while he was sympathetic to settlers' expressed security concerns, D'Urban was not entirely 'captured' by their acquisitive interests. Rather, his initial decision to expel the Xhosa was taken primarily on strategic grounds. See A. Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province, 1835-7: Colonisation, Land, Labour and Security', Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Seminar Papers (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 14 March 1997), Le Cordeur, Eastern Cape Separatism, p. 76 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 112-113.
104. Keegan, describing D'Urban and later Smith, as 'rogue governors', explains the official intention to expel the Xhosa as the result of D'Urban's willingness to support settler capitalist expansion in the face of metropolitan reluctance (Colonial South Africa, pp. 5, 74, 129, 140-145). However, there is some evidence that, while he was sympathetic to settlers' expressed security concerns, D'Urban was not entirely 'captured' by their acquisitive interests. Rather, his initial decision to expel the Xhosa was taken primarily on strategic grounds. See A. Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province, 1835-7: Colonisation, Land, Labour and Security', Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Seminar Papers (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 14 March 1997), Le Cordeur, Eastern Cape Separatism, p. 76 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 112-113.
105. Keegan, describing D'Urban and later Smith, as 'rogue governors', explains the official intention to expel the Xhosa as the result of D'Urban's willingness to support settler capitalist expansion in the face of metropolitan reluctance (Colonial South Africa, pp. 5, 74, 129, 140-145). However, there is some evidence that, while he was sympathetic to settlers' expressed security concerns, D'Urban was not entirely 'captured' by their acquisitive interests. Rather, his initial decision to expel the Xhosa was taken primarily on strategic grounds. See A. Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province, 1835-7: Colonisation, Land, Labour and Security', Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Seminar Papers (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 14 March 1997), Le Cordeur, Eastern Cape Separatism, p. 76 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 112-113.
106. Keegan, describing D'Urban and later Smith, as 'rogue governors', explains the official intention to expel the Xhosa as the result of D'Urban's willingness to support settler capitalist expansion in the face of metropolitan reluctance (Colonial South Africa, pp. 5, 74, 129, 140-145). However, there is some evidence that, while he was sympathetic to settlers' expressed security concerns, D'Urban was not entirely 'captured' by their acquisitive interests. Rather, his initial decision to expel the Xhosa was taken primarily on strategic grounds. See A. Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province, 1835-7: Colonisation, Land, Labour and Security', Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Seminar Papers (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 14 March 1997), Le Cordeur, Eastern Cape Separatism, p. 76 and Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 112-113.
107. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
108. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
109. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
110. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
111. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
112. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
113. Cobbing, 'The Mfecane as Alibi' and Webster, Land Expropriation, see orthodox versions of the 'Mfengu' as mfecane refugees as having been concocted by Ayliff and disseminated by Smith and subsequently in the historiography by Theal and Cory. They did so, it is argued, to provide an elaborate cover for the fact that the 'Mfengu' were really forcibly 'apprenticed' Xhosa. These were mostly the more readily controlled women and children. While many 'Mfengu' were probably Xhosa, and later Mfengu identity was certainly created largely within colonial discourse and subsequently reified by colonial practice, this interpretation faces some significant obstacles. Not the least of these are oral traditions of refugee clientship amongst the Xhosa, and subsequent animosity between Xhosa and Mfengu exacerbated by British favouritism towards the latter in the allocation of Xhosa land. For further objections to the Webster thesis, see Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 147, n. 85. See also Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. For the early construction of Mfengu identity by the colonial authorities, see Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy', pp. 103-104; for Mfengu origins, see T. Stapleton, 'Gathering Under the Milkwood Tree: The Development of Mfengu Tribalism in the Eastern Cape, 1878-1978' (unpublished seminar paper, University of Fort Hare, 1996) and 'The Expansion of a Pseudo-Ethnicity in the Eastern Cape: Reconsidering the Fingo "Exodus" of 1865', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 29, 2 (1996), pp. 41-58.
114. Some had already done so on mission stations amongst the Xhosa. See C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London, 1988), pp. 32-44 and Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. The followers of some Xhosa chiefs (notably the Gqunukhwebe) who had allied themselves with the British during the war were also defined, rather more ambiguously, as capable of improvement (Somerset to D'Urban, 23 October 1835, CA, GH 19/4).
115. Some had already done so on mission stations amongst the Xhosa. See C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London, 1988), pp. 32-44 and Peires, The House of Phalo, pp. 84-89. The followers of some Xhosa chiefs (notably the Gqunukhwebe) who had allied themselves with the British during the war were also defined, rather more ambiguously, as capable of improvement (Somerset to D'Urban, 23 October 1835, CA, GH 19/4).
116. Confidential Notes Upon the Treaties Signed With the Xhosa, 17 September 1835, CA, GH 19/4.
117. Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 120.
118. D'Urban to Smith, 21 August 1835, quoted in Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 151-152. Emphasis in the original.
119. Ibid.
120. Mostert, Frontiers, p. 763.
121. For an analysis of the British administration of the province, see Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'. For the blend of humanitarian and economic influences on Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and his delayed decision to disallow Queen Adelaide Province, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 173-195; Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 123-50; Pretorius, The British Humanitarians, pp. 74-177, 259-312 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 149-52.
122. For an analysis of the British administration of the province, see Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'. For the blend of humanitarian and economic influences on Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and his delayed decision to disallow Queen Adelaide Province, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 173-195; Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 123-50; Pretorius, The British Humanitarians, pp. 74-177, 259-312 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 149-52.
123. For an analysis of the British administration of the province, see Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'. For the blend of humanitarian and economic influences on Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and his delayed decision to disallow Queen Adelaide Province, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 173-195; Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 123-50; Pretorius, The British Humanitarians, pp. 74-177, 259-312 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 149-52.
124. For an analysis of the British administration of the province, see Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'. For the blend of humanitarian and economic influences on Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and his delayed decision to disallow Queen Adelaide Province, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 173-195; Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 123-50; Pretorius, The British Humanitarians, pp. 74-177, 259-312 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 149-52.
125. For an analysis of the British administration of the province, see Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'. For the blend of humanitarian and economic influences on Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies in London, and his delayed decision to disallow Queen Adelaide Province, see Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, pp. 173-195; Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 123-50; Pretorius, The British Humanitarians, pp. 74-177, 259-312 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 149-52.
126. See D'Urban to Stockenstrom, 6 March 1837, CA, GH 30/1 and Glenelg to Napier, 2 December 1837, CA, GH 1/118, 1798.
127. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 291.
128. The waning of humanitarian discourses during the 1840s period of rising imperialism, and its subsequent replacement by liberal notions based more firmly on political economy, is traced by Bank, 'Liberals and Their Enemies', pp. 228-236, and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 82, 127, 167-168, 214-218.
129. The waning of humanitarian discourses during the 1840s period of rising imperialism, and its subsequent replacement by liberal notions based more firmly
130. Quoted in Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 305.
131. Smith cultivated an image of himself as the great paternal chief of the Xhosa. For his often ridiculous antics, see the eloquent account by Mostert: Frontiers, pp. 762-805. For his "reign" over British Kaffraria, see A. E. Du Toit, The Cape Frontier: A Study of Native Policy With Special Reference to the Years 1847-66 (Pretoria, 1954), pp. 28-46 and Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 305.
132. Smith cultivated an image of himself as the great paternal chief of the Xhosa. For his often ridiculous antics, see the eloquent account by Mostert: Frontiers, pp. 762-805. For his "reign" over British Kaffraria, see A. E. Du Toit, The Cape Frontier: A Study of Native Policy With Special Reference to the Years 1847-66 (Pretoria, 1954), pp. 28-46 and Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 305.
133. Smith cultivated an image of himself as the great paternal chief of the Xhosa. For his often ridiculous antics, see the eloquent account by Mostert: Frontiers, pp. 762-805. For his "reign" over British Kaffraria, see A. E. Du Toit, The Cape Frontier: A Study of Native Policy With Special Reference to the Years 1847-66 (Pretoria, 1954), pp. 28-46 and Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 305.
134. See J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise (Johannesburg, 1989); H. Bradford, 'Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-1870', Journal of African History, 37, 3 (1996), pp. 351-370; Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 342; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 211-213 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 288-289, for further references.
135. See J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise (Johannesburg, 1989); H. Bradford, 'Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-1870', Journal of African History, 37, 3 (1996), pp. 351-370; Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 342; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 211-213 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 288-289, for further references.
136. See J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise (Johannesburg, 1989); H. Bradford, 'Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-1870', Journal of African History, 37, 3 (1996), pp. 351-370; Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 342; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 211-213 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 288-289, for further references.
137. See J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise (Johannesburg, 1989); H. Bradford, 'Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-1870', Journal of African History, 37, 3 (1996), pp. 351-370; Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 342; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 211-213 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 288-289, for further references.
138. See J. B. Peires, The Dead Will Arise (Johannesburg, 1989); H. Bradford, 'Women, Gender and Colonialism: Rethinking the History of the British Cape Colony and its Frontier Zones, c. 1806-1870', Journal of African History, 37, 3 (1996), pp. 351-370; Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 342; Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 211-213 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 288-289, for further references.
139. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 213.
140. Quoted in D. M. Schreuder, 'The Cultural Factor in Victorian Imperialism: A Case Study of the British "Civilizing Mission" ', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 4, 3 (1976), pp. 283-317; p. 294.
141. See J. Robinson, The Power of Apartheid: State, Power and Space in South African Cities (Butterworth Heinemann, 1996), for an analysis of the location as means of control and Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 157-203 for the extension of a wider nexus of state institutions.
142. See J. Robinson, The Power of Apartheid: State, Power and Space in South African Cities (Butterworth Heinemann, 1996), for an analysis of the location as means of control and Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 157-203 for the extension of a wider nexus of state institutions.
143. Although it must be remembered that there was significant migration from some African polities to colonial industries before their final conquest. See for example P. Delius, The Land Belongs to Us: The Pedi Polity, the Boers and the British in the Nineteenth Century Transvaal (London, 1983), pp. 62-79.
144. Quoted in Schreuder, 'The Cultural Factor in Victorian Imperialism', p. 283.
145. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 120 and Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'.
146. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 120 and Lester, 'Queen Adelaide Province'.
147. Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 115-116.
148. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 193. See also Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 133-138; R. Ross, 'The Cape of Good Hope and the World Economy. 1652-1835', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 243-69 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 72, 158-161.
149. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 193. See also Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 133-138; R. Ross, 'The Cape of Good Hope and the World Economy. 1652-1835', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 243-69 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 72, 158-161.
150. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 193. See also Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 133-138; R. Ross, 'The Cape of Good Hope and the World Economy. 1652-1835', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 243-69 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 72, 158-161.
151. Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 193. See also Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance, pp. 133-138; R. Ross, 'The Cape of Good Hope and the World Economy. 1652-1835', in Elphick and Giliomee (eds), The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 243-69 and Keegan, Colonial South Africa, pp. 72, 158-161.
152. Ordinance no. 1, Government Gazette, 5 March 1841.
153. Government Proclamation, 27 January 1848, quoted in Macmillan, Bantu, Boer and Briton, p. 300.
154. Although difficulties in collecting the taxes remained long afterwards (Du Toit, The Cape Frontier, pp. 107-108.)
155. Ibid., p. 152.
156. Quoted in Ibid., p. 300. Macmillan notes further that the wages (paid in cattle) that these servants received were decreasing.
157. Quoted in Ibid., p. 254. Emphasis in the original.
158. See Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 253.
159. Within this spatial 'fix' though, was an additional and novel feature - the urban African 'location'. In British Kaffraria, a significant urban African presence was soon accompanied by white concerns over health and order, leading to the first urban racial planning. The urban locations were seen by local military planners as arenas for the conversion of blacks from 'the bush', and were consequently subjected to particularly intensive surveillance, extending to stock numbers and dress code. See Crais. White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 151; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 155; R. Fox, E. Nel and C. Reintges, 'East London', in A. Lemon (ed), Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (London, 1991), pp. 58-71; E. Nel, 'The Evolution of Racial Residential Segregation in East London: 1849-1949' (unpublished paper, Society for Geography Conference, Pretoria, 1989) and Robinson, The Power of Apartheid, pp. 83-95.
160. Within this spatial 'fix' though, was an additional and novel feature - the urban African 'location'. In British Kaffraria, a significant urban African presence was soon accompanied by white concerns over health and order, leading to the first urban racial planning. The urban locations were seen by local military planners as arenas for the conversion of blacks from 'the bush', and were consequently subjected to particularly intensive surveillance, extending to stock numbers and dress code. See Crais. White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 151; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 155; R. Fox, E. Nel and C. Reintges, 'East London', in A. Lemon (ed), Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (London, 1991), pp. 58-71; E. Nel, 'The Evolution of Racial Residential Segregation in East London: 1849-1949' (unpublished paper, Society for Geography Conference, Pretoria, 1989) and Robinson, The Power of Apartheid, pp. 83-95.
161. Within this spatial 'fix' though, was an additional and novel feature - the urban African 'location'. In British Kaffraria, a significant urban African presence was soon accompanied by white concerns over health and order, leading to the first urban racial planning. The urban locations were seen by local military planners as arenas for the conversion of blacks from 'the bush', and were consequently subjected to particularly intensive surveillance, extending to stock numbers and dress code. See Crais. White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 151; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 155; R. Fox, E. Nel and C. Reintges, 'East London', in A. Lemon (ed), Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (London, 1991), pp. 58-71; E. Nel, 'The Evolution of Racial Residential Segregation in East London: 1849-1949' (unpublished paper, Society for Geography Conference, Pretoria, 1989) and Robinson, The Power of Apartheid, pp. 83-95.
162. Within this spatial 'fix' though, was an additional and novel feature - the urban African 'location'. In British Kaffraria, a significant urban African presence was soon accompanied by white concerns over health and order, leading to the first urban racial planning. The urban locations were seen by local military planners as arenas for the conversion of blacks from 'the bush', and were consequently subjected to particularly intensive surveillance, extending to stock numbers and dress code. See Crais. White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 151; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 155; R. Fox, E. Nel and C. Reintges, 'East London', in A. Lemon (ed), Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (London, 1991), pp. 58-71; E. Nel, 'The Evolution of Racial Residential Segregation in East London: 1849-1949' (unpublished paper, Society for Geography Conference, Pretoria, 1989) and Robinson, The Power of Apartheid, pp. 83-95.
163. Within this spatial 'fix' though, was an additional and novel feature - the urban African 'location'. In British Kaffraria, a significant urban African presence was soon accompanied by white concerns over health and order, leading to the first urban racial planning. The urban locations were seen by local military planners as arenas for the conversion of blacks from 'the bush', and were consequently subjected to particularly intensive surveillance, extending to stock numbers and dress code. See Crais. White Supremacy and Black Resistance, p. 151; Keegan, Colonial South Africa, p. 155; R. Fox, E. Nel and C. Reintges, 'East London', in A. Lemon (ed), Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities (London, 1991), pp. 58-71; E. Nel, 'The Evolution of Racial Residential Segregation in East London: 1849-1949' (unpublished paper, Society for Geography Conference, Pretoria, 1989) and Robinson, The Power of Apartheid, pp. 83-95.
164. Quoted in Schreuder, 'The Cultural Factor in Victorian Imperialism', p. 290.
165. More work needs to be done on the institutions introduced under Grey, but see work in progress by David Gordon on Grey's hospital in King William's Town. For Grey's harsh utilitarian political economy, see Peires, The Dead Will Arise, pp. 45-73.
166. See Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, pp. 36 and 63 for empirical material on the lack of metropolitan support.
167. See Lester, 'Cultural Construction and Spatial Strategy'.
168. Galbraith, Reluctant Empire, p. 61.
169. See Dubow, Scientific Racism and Bank, 'Of "Native Skulls" and "Noble Caucasians" '.
170. See Dubow, Scientific Racism and Bank, 'Of "Native Skulls" and "Noble Caucasians" '.