Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the horn of Africa

Journal of African History

Volumn 38, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 423-457

  Phillips, Jacke ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ECONOMIC HISTORY; TRADING RELATION;

AFRICA, (SOUTHERN); EGYPT;

EID: 0031409181     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853797007068     Document Type: Article

References (168)

1. This article originated as a lecture at Birkbeck College, University of London, in June 1995, one in a series of four on the cross-cultural theme 'Egypt and Africa', organized by Dr Olga Krzyszkowska. Dr Stanley Burstein of California State University, Los Angeles, kindly read a preliminary draft of the 'Ptolemaic' section of this paper, and Louise Bradbury the 'Puntite' section. Research was continued under the auspices of the British Institute in Eastern Africa for the Aksum Archaeological Research Project.
2. have, where possible, emphasized recent titles with good further bibliographies. The Egyptian dates quoted are those of J. Baines and J. Málek, Atlas of Ancient Eygpt (Oxford, 1980), 36-7. Although several differing 'absolute' dates and period subdivisions continue to be defended by scholars on various grounds, the Atlas has become a standard reference. Dates prior to 664 B.C. are not precise, although the Middle Kingdom dates are nearest to being so.
3. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
4. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
5. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
6. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
7. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
8. Major reassessment began with R. Herzog, Punt (Glückstadt, 1968). But see also the review of Herzog by K. A. Kitchen, 'Punt and how to get there', Orientalia, XL (1971), 184-207, and 'The land of Punt', in T. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa : Food, Metals and Towns (London and New York, 1993), 587-608. See also the triple contribution of R. Pirelli, 'Punt in Egyptian myth and trade'; C. Cozzolino, 'The land of Pwnt'; and R. Fattovich, 'Punt: the archaeological perspective', in G. M. Zaccone and T. R. di Netro (eds.), Sesto Cngresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti (Turin, 1993), ii, 383-90, 391-8 and 399-405 respectively.
9. The following topographical bibiliographies for the areas of modern northern Ethiopia, Eritrea and coastal Sudan are useful for further reading: E. Godet, 'Repertoire de sites Pre-Axoumites et Axoumites du Tigre (Ethiopie)', Documents pour servir a l'Histoire des Civilisations Ethiopiennes (= Abbay), VIII (1977), 19-58,
10. e partie: Erythree', Abbay, XI (1980-2), 73-113;
11. F. W. Hinkel, The Archaeological Map of the Sudan VI: The Area of the Red Sea Coast and Northern Ethiopian Frontier (Berlin, 1992).
12. N. de G. Davies, Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-re' (New York, 1935), pl. XXII, and The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re' at Thebes (New York, 1943), pl. XVII. See further discussion of this scene below. The designation 'TT' is the standard 'Theban Tomb' reference number for private tombs on the west bank at Thebes.
13. N. de G. Davies, Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-re' (New York, 1935), pl. XXII, and The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re' at Thebes (New York, 1943), pl. XVII. See further discussion of this scene below. The designation 'TT' is the standard 'Theban Tomb' reference number for private tombs on the west bank at Thebes.
14. Sn-šsmt is a product not yet identified, and the staves presumably are of wood, perhaps ebony. Unless otherwise specified, translations of Egyptian texts are taken (sometimes with minor emendments by the present author) from Kitchen, 'Land of Punt', passim. Note that only a small selection of texts mentioning Punt are included in the present article.
15. But see also comments on this term below. Pepi took the throne aged six. The entire letter, carved on Harkhuf's tomb wall, is translated by M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. 1: The Old and Middle Kingdoms (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1973), 26-7.
16. See, for example, A. Gautier, 'La faune de l'occupation néolithique d'el Kadada (secteurs 12-22-32) au Soudan central', Archéologie du Nil Moyen, 1 (1986), 64, pl. I.4. An 'A-Group' example is H.-Å. Nordström, Neolithic and A-Group Sites, Uppsala, 1972, 25, 125, 186, pl. 196.2 [lower left]. A systematic search would reveal many more examples, the majority only in passing in the literature; the two quoted are remarkable in their detailed publication. The El Kadada example in particular is best seen as representing overland trade with the east coast, rather than river trade with the north, as the site is located on the east bank of the Nile, near modern Shendi in the Sudan.
17. See, for example, A. Gautier, 'La faune de l'occupation néolithique d'el Kadada (secteurs 12-22-32) au Soudan central', Archéologie du Nil Moyen, 1 (1986), 64, pl. I.4. An 'A-Group' example is H.-Å. Nordström, Neolithic and A-Group Sites, Uppsala, 1972, 25, 125, 186, pl. 196.2 [lower left]. A systematic search would reveal many more examples, the majority only in passing in the literature; the two quoted are remarkable in their detailed publication. The El Kadada example in particular is best seen as representing overland trade with the east coast, rather than river trade with the north, as the site is located on the east bank of the Nile, near modern Shendi in the Sudan.
18. Little work has been done on cowrie shells found in the Nile Valley. They are not even mentioned specifically in A. Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962), 59-60, although Red Sea shells are briefly discussed. An updating of most aspects of that volume, I. Shaw and P. T. Nicholson (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 1997 does not discuss Red Sea shells, although other relevant materials (e.g. ivory) are included. I would like to thank Dr Gunnar Håland of the University of Bergen for providing further information on the subject of cowrie shells from his work, and emphasizing the realistic possibilities and benefits of such research into the excavated shells for understanding ancient trading connections. The extent of the trade is exemplified by D. S. Reese, 'The trade in Indo-Pacific shells in to the Mediterranean basin and Europe', Oxford Journal of Archaeology, × (1991), 159-96, and the potential of such research by P. J. Mitchell, 'Prehistoric exchange and interaction in Southeastern Southern Africa: marine shells and ostrich eggshell', African Archaeological Review, XIII (1996), 35-76.
19. Little work has been done on cowrie shells found in the Nile Valley. They are not even mentioned specifically in A. Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962), 59-60, although Red Sea shells are briefly discussed. An updating of most aspects of that volume, I. Shaw and P. T. Nicholson (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 1997 does not discuss Red Sea shells, although other relevant materials (e.g. ivory) are included. I would like to thank Dr Gunnar Håland of the University of Bergen for providing further information on the subject of cowrie shells from his work, and emphasizing the realistic possibilities and benefits of such research into the excavated shells for understanding ancient trading connections. The extent of the trade is exemplified by D. S. Reese, 'The trade in Indo-Pacific shells in to the Mediterranean basin and Europe', Oxford Journal of Archaeology, × (1991), 159-96, and the potential of such research by P. J. Mitchell, 'Prehistoric exchange and interaction in Southeastern Southern Africa: marine shells and ostrich eggshell', African Archaeological Review, XIII (1996), 35-76.
20. Little work has been done on cowrie shells found in the Nile Valley. They are not even mentioned specifically in A. Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962), 59-60, although Red Sea shells are briefly discussed. An updating of most aspects of that volume, I. Shaw and P. T. Nicholson (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 1997 does not discuss Red Sea shells, although other relevant materials (e.g. ivory) are included. I would like to thank Dr Gunnar Håland of the University of Bergen for providing further information on the subject of cowrie shells from his work, and emphasizing the realistic possibilities and benefits of such research into the excavated shells for understanding ancient trading connections. The extent of the trade is exemplified by D. S. Reese, 'The trade in Indo-Pacific shells in to the Mediterranean basin and Europe', Oxford Journal of Archaeology, × (1991), 159-96, and the potential of such research by P. J. Mitchell, 'Prehistoric exchange and interaction in Southeastern Southern Africa: marine shells and ostrich eggshell', African Archaeological Review, XIII (1996), 35-76.
21. Little work has been done on cowrie shells found in the Nile Valley. They are not even mentioned specifically in A. Lucas and J. R. Harris, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962), 59-60, although Red Sea shells are briefly discussed. An updating of most aspects of that volume, I. Shaw and P. T. Nicholson (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge, 1997 does not discuss Red Sea shells, although other relevant materials (e.g. ivory) are included. I would like to thank Dr Gunnar Håland of the University of Bergen for providing further information on the subject of cowrie shells from his work, and emphasizing the realistic possibilities and benefits of such research into the excavated shells for understanding ancient trading connections. The extent of the trade is exemplified by D. S. Reese, 'The trade in Indo-Pacific shells in to the Mediterranean basin and Europe', Oxford Journal of Archaeology, × (1991), 159-96, and the potential of such research by P. J. Mitchell, 'Prehistoric exchange and interaction in Southeastern Southern Africa: marine shells and ostrich eggshell', African Archaeological Review, XIII (1996), 35-76.
22. See L. Bradbury, 'Reflections on traveling to "God's Land" and Punt in the Middle Kingdom', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXV (1988), 127-56, for an analysis of this and other Middle Kingdom texts. Also see T. Säve-Söderbergh, The Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty (Uppsala and Leipzig, 1946), 11-12.
23. See L. Bradbury, 'Reflections on traveling to "God's Land" and Punt in the Middle Kingdom', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXV (1988), 127-56, for an analysis of this and other Middle Kingdom texts. Also see T. Säve-Söderbergh, The Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty (Uppsala and Leipzig, 1946), 11-12.
24. A. M. A. H. Sayed, 'Discovery of the site of the 12th dynasty port at Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea shore', Revue d' Égyptologie, XXIX (1977), passim, and 'New light on the recently discovered port on the Red Sea shore', Chronique d' Égypte, LVIII (1983), 23-37.
25. A. M. A. H. Sayed, 'Discovery of the site of the 12th dynasty port at Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea shore', Revue d' Égyptologie, XXIX (1977), passim, and 'New light on the recently discovered port on the Red Sea shore', Chronique d' Égypte, LVIII (1983), 23-37.
26. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago, 1906), 1, §605; see also A. Nibbi, 'Remarks on the two stelae from the Wadi Gasus', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXII (1976), 50.
27. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago, 1906), 1, §605; see also A. Nibbi, 'Remarks on the two stelae from the Wadi Gasus', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXII (1976), 50.
28. M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, i, 214.
29. E. Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, III (London, 1898), pls. LXIX-LXXXVI; see also W. S. Smith, 'The Land of Punt', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 1 (1962), 61, for a reconstruction of the south wall scene.
30. E. Naville, The Temple of Deir el-Bahari, III (London, 1898), pls. LXIX-LXXXVI; see also W. S. Smith, 'The Land of Punt', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 1 (1962), 61, for a reconstruction of the south wall scene.
31. E. Danelius and H. Steinitz, 'The fishes and other aquatic animals on the Punt-reliefs at Deir el-Bahri', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LIII (1967), 17.
32. Geographical directions are physically oriented on the temple walls, where the scenes of Punt are located on the south wall and the scenes depicting the voyage itself and events in Egypt on the west wall of the colonnade, which faces east. Thus, the ships face the appropriate sailing directions on the temple walls, and the Puntites present not only themselves and their goods to the Egyptian commander, but also to the queen in the inner (western) reaches of her temple. This close attention to appropriate orientation is often found in Egyptian wall scenes. Note also the one small row-boat, which may be a Puntite vessel, at the extreme left of the 'arrival' scene.
33. No archaeological evidence has been recovered at Deir el-Bahri for any trees planted there although the 'Punt reliefs' do include a scene of such trees in a 'garden of Amun' (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, pl. LXXVIII) and the texts tell us specifically they were planted beside Amon's temple. See D. M. Dixon, 'The transplantation of Punt incense tree', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LV (1969), 61 and n. 3. Breasted, Ancient Record, 11, §246-95, remains the most complete, although now outdated, translation of the accompanying texts into English.
34. 'God's Land' (T3-ntr) is a generalized location south and east of Egypt, which included not only Punt but also areas such as Irem (Irm) and 'Am(au) ('m). The latter is a region accessible both from Punt and from Nubia, and most likely is the same as I'm reached by Harkhuf in the Old Kingdom. See Bradbury, 'Reflections', passim, and D. O'Connor, 'The location of Irem', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIII (1987), 99-136.
35. 'God's Land' (T3-ntr) is a generalized location south and east of Egypt, which included not only Punt but also areas such as Irem (Irm) and 'Am(au) ('m). The latter is a region accessible both from Punt and from Nubia, and most likely is the same as I'm reached by Harkhuf in the Old Kingdom. See Bradbury, 'Reflections', passim, and D. O'Connor, 'The location of Irem', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIII (1987), 99-136.
36. The present article includes illustrations not usually reproduced, but the reader also should consult the more complete illustrations in the references cited, especially Naville, Deir el-Bahari; Smith, 'Land of Punt', and Herzog, Punt.
37. The present article includes illustrations not usually reproduced, but the reader also should consult the more complete illustrations in the references cited, especially Naville, Deir el-Bahari; Smith, 'Land of Punt', and Herzog, Punt.
38. The present article includes illustrations not usually reproduced, but the reader also should consult the more complete illustrations in the references cited, especially Naville, Deir el-Bahari; Smith, 'Land of Punt', and Herzog, Punt.
39. See J. S. Phillips, 'A note on Puntite housing', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXXII (1996), 206-7.
40. In the uppermost register, behind the prostrating Nubians from Irm and Nmy, and together with the rhinoceros figures, are two groups of the more usual long-horned cattle as well as one of short-horns. Whether they should also be associated with Punt, or perhaps with Nubian peoples, is unclear. In the areas around the Puntites and their housing, only short-horned cattle are seen. These upper registers are composed of fragments, based on comparative figure scales, as reconstructed by Smith, 'Land of Punt', 61, and by O'Connor, 'Location', 112-4, fig. 3.
41. In the uppermost register, behind the prostrating Nubians from Irm and Nmy, and together with the rhinoceros figures, are two groups of the more usual long-horned cattle as well as one of short-horns. Whether they should also be associated with Punt, or perhaps with Nubian peoples, is unclear. In the areas around the Puntites and their housing, only short-horned cattle are seen. These upper registers are composed of fragments, based on comparative figure scales, as reconstructed by Smith, 'Land of Punt', 61, and by O'Connor, 'Location', 112-4, fig. 3.
42. But see also discussion on TT 143, below.
43. Naville, Deir el-Bahari, 19.
44. See O'Connor, 'Location', passim, esp. 112-22. O'Connor equates Nmy and 'm. Interestingly, Naville also notes (Deir el-Bahari, 19) that Puntite hair is 'flaxen'.
45. N.M. Davies, 'A fragment of a Punt scene', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XLVII (1961), 19-23, pl. IV. The fragment corresponds to others at Deir el-Bahri (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, pl. LXX), and suggests the destroyed majority of the wall may also have been decorated with variations of scenes on the temple reliefs. See also Smith's reconstruction, 'Land of Punt', 61, second and third registers from the top.
46. N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes (New York, 1922), pl. XXXII.
47. See n. 5, above.
48. N. de G. Davies, 'The work of the Graphic Branch of the expedition', Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXX (1935, II Suppl. Nov.), 46-9; other scenes are found in M. Baud, Les Dessins Ebauchés de la Nécropole Thébaine (au Temps du Nouvelle Empire), being Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, LXIII (1935), 169-70, fig. 78, and W. Wreszynski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 (Leipzig, 1923), pls. 347-8. Unpublished watercolour facsimilies of the two major scenes are held in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and I must thank the Keeper of Antiquities, Dr Helen Whitehouse, for allowing me to study them. L. Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats, Punt trade and a lost emporium', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXXIII (1996), 37-60, argues for a Nile setting for this scene (possibly at Kurgus between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts) on several grounds, although problems and inconsistencies still remain. W. Helck's identification of the tomb owner, in Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reiches (Leiden and Cologne, 1958), 352, 468, is not universally accepted.
49. N. de G. Davies, 'The work of the Graphic Branch of the expedition', Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXX (1935, II Suppl. Nov.), 46-9; other scenes are found in M. Baud, Les Dessins Ebauchés de la Nécropole Thébaine (au Temps du Nouvelle Empire), being Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, LXIII (1935), 169-70, fig. 78, and W. Wreszynski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 (Leipzig, 1923), pls. 347-8. Unpublished watercolour facsimilies of the two major scenes are held in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and I must thank the Keeper of Antiquities, Dr Helen Whitehouse, for allowing me to study them. L. Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats, Punt trade and a lost emporium', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXXIII (1996), 37-60, argues for a Nile setting for this scene (possibly at Kurgus between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts) on several grounds, although problems and inconsistencies still remain. W. Helck's identification of the tomb owner, in Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reiches (Leiden and Cologne, 1958), 352, 468, is not universally accepted.
50. N. de G. Davies, 'The work of the Graphic Branch of the expedition', Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXX (1935, II Suppl. Nov.), 46-9; other scenes are found in M. Baud, Les Dessins Ebauchés de la Nécropole Thébaine (au Temps du Nouvelle Empire), being Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, LXIII (1935), 169-70, fig. 78, and W. Wreszynski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 (Leipzig, 1923), pls. 347-8. Unpublished watercolour facsimilies of the two major scenes are held in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and I must thank the Keeper of Antiquities, Dr Helen Whitehouse, for allowing me to study them. L. Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats, Punt trade and a lost emporium', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXXIII (1996), 37-60, argues for a Nile setting for this scene (possibly at Kurgus between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts) on several grounds, although problems and inconsistencies still remain. W. Helck's identification of the tomb owner, in Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reiches (Leiden and Cologne, 1958), 352, 468, is not universally accepted.
51. N. de G. Davies, 'The work of the Graphic Branch of the expedition', Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXX (1935, II Suppl. Nov.), 46-9; other scenes are found in M. Baud, Les Dessins Ebauchés de la Nécropole Thébaine (au Temps du Nouvelle Empire), being Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, LXIII (1935), 169-70, fig. 78, and W. Wreszynski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 (Leipzig, 1923), pls. 347-8. Unpublished watercolour facsimilies of the two major scenes are held in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and I must thank the Keeper of Antiquities, Dr Helen Whitehouse, for allowing me to study them. L. Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats, Punt trade and a lost emporium', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXXIII (1996), 37-60, argues for a Nile setting for this scene (possibly at Kurgus between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts) on several grounds, although problems and inconsistencies still remain. W. Helck's identification of the tomb owner, in Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reiches (Leiden and Cologne, 1958), 352, 468, is not universally accepted.
52. N. de G. Davies, 'The work of the Graphic Branch of the expedition', Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXX (1935, II Suppl. Nov.), 46-9; other scenes are found in M. Baud, Les Dessins Ebauchés de la Nécropole Thébaine (au Temps du Nouvelle Empire), being Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, LXIII (1935), 169-70, fig. 78, and W. Wreszynski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 (Leipzig, 1923), pls. 347-8. Unpublished watercolour facsimilies of the two major scenes are held in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and I must thank the Keeper of Antiquities, Dr Helen Whitehouse, for allowing me to study them. L. Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats, Punt trade and a lost emporium', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, XXXIII (1996), 37-60, argues for a Nile setting for this scene (possibly at Kurgus between the Fourth and Fifth Cataracts) on several grounds, although problems and inconsistencies still remain. W. Helck's identification of the tomb owner, in Zur Verwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reiches (Leiden and Cologne, 1958), 352, 468, is not universally accepted.
53. ; A third female figure may be represented in a loose fragment of the Deir el-Bahri reliefs (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, pl. LXXI, upper left). 'She', too, is quite slim, and wears similar clothing to the TT 143 women (Fig. 9a). Both this figure and the 'Queen of Punt' have dark-painted skin, so the usual Egyptian male/female skin colour convention cannot help to identify the sex of the figure. The women depicted in TT 143 are light-skinned
54. N. M. and N. de G. Davies, 'The tomb of Amenmosě (no. 89) at Thebes', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XXVI (1940), 31-6, pl. XXV.
55. The translation here is that of Kitchen, 'Land of Punt', 600, but the original publication of the text, A. H. Gardiner, T. E. Peet and J. Černy, The Inscriptions of Sinai (London, 1952-5), no. 211, and others (e.g., Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats' 56, n. 3) give different translations in English that cannot as easily provide the same implications, although the probability that the chiefs were middlemen remains inferred, See also Dixon, 'Transplantation', 62.
56. The translation here is that of Kitchen, 'Land of Punt', 600, but the original publication of the text, A. H. Gardiner, T. E. Peet and J. Černy, The Inscriptions of Sinai (London, 1952-5), no. 211, and others (e.g., Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats' 56, n. 3) give different translations in English that cannot as easily provide the same implications, although the probability that the chiefs were middlemen remains inferred, See also Dixon, 'Transplantation', 62.
57. The translation here is that of Kitchen, 'Land of Punt', 600, but the original publication of the text, A. H. Gardiner, T. E. Peet and J. Černy, The Inscriptions of Sinai (London, 1952-5), no. 211, and others (e.g., Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats' 56, n. 3) give different translations in English that cannot as easily provide the same implications, although the probability that the chiefs were middlemen remains inferred, See also Dixon, 'Transplantation', 62.
58. Evidence for the existence of such a far-flung contact even a millennium earlier than the Eighteenth Dynasty, either direct or indirect (but more likely the latter) has recently been recognized. A pendant recovered in a grave dated to c. 2500-2400 B.C. at Tell Asmar near modern Baghdad is now identified as copal from the area of Zanzibar, Madagascar and Mozambique; see C. Meyer, J. M. Todd and C. W. Beck, 'From Zanzibar to Zagros: a copal pendant from Eshnunna', Journal of Near Eastern Studies, L (1991), 289-98. (I thank Dr Mark Horton of the University of Bristol for this reference). The identification has since been questioned, although not in print. (I thank Dr Randi Håland of the University of Bergen for this information.)
59. See Kitchen, 'Land of Punt', 600-2.
60. Breasted, Ancient Records, IV, §407.
61. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
62. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
63. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
64. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
65. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
66. F. Ll. Griffith, in W. M. F. Petrie, Tanis, II (London, 1888), 107, pl. 42, modernized; see also A. B. Lloyd, 'Once more Hammamat inscription 191', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXI (1975), 54-6. Both Daphnae and Sais are cities in the Egyptian Delta. Similar observations were later recorded by various Ptolemaic explorers and the phenomenon was well-known by the time of Nonnosus, about 560 A.D. See S. Burstein, Agatharchides, of Cnidus : On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 29-30; N. G. Wilson, Photius : The Bibliotheca (London, 1994), 28. The four parallel 'inundation' inscriptions dated to Year 6 of Taharqa (Twenty-fifth Dynasty) found on stelae at Kawa, Koptos, Tanis and Mata'nah, although not mentioning Punt and specifically nothing that this inundation occurred in the appropriate season, are sufficiently similar to the Defenneh stela that we may suspect that they are at least partly a source for its text - if only as political upstaging by a pharaoh of the succeeding dynasty that had overthrown the Nubian kings. For the Taharqa stela text, see M. F. L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa Vol. 1: The Inscriptions (London, 1949), 22-32 and, more recently, T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Vol. 1: From the Eighth to the Mid-fifth century B.C. (Bergen, 1994), 135-45. My thanks to Dr Pawel Wolf of Humboldt University, Berlin, for drawing my attention to these stelae.
67. See Herzog, Punt; Kitchen, 'Land of Punt'; Bradbury, 'Reflections', and other references cited in the present article as examples favouring present opinion. However, some minor queries remain.
68. See Herzog, Punt; Kitchen, 'Land of Punt'; Bradbury, 'Reflections', and other references cited in the present article as examples favouring present opinion. However, some minor queries remain.
69. See Herzog, Punt; Kitchen, 'Land of Punt'; Bradbury, 'Reflections', and other references cited in the present article as examples favouring present opinion. However, some minor queries remain.
70. A. J. Arkell, 'Four occupation sites at Agordat', Kush, 11 (1954), 33-64; but see also R. Fattovich 'The problem of Sudanese-Ethiopian contacts in antiquity: status quaestionis and current trends of research', in J. M. Plumley (ed.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978 (Cambridge, 1982), 78, for a more critical assessment of the pottery and other finds. Fattovich does relate it to the material from Kassala and Jebel Moya, in 'The Gash group of the Eastern Sudan: an outline', in L. Krzyzaniak, M. Kobusiewicz and J. Alexander (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. (Poznan, 1993), 439. The latter site has recently been re-examined and redated by R. Gerharz, Jebel Moya (Meroitica 14, Berlin, 1994). The ear-studs are certainly not imports. The Agordat pottery is being restudied by A. Manzo and S. Brandt.
71. A. J. Arkell, 'Four occupation sites at Agordat', Kush, 11 (1954), 33-64; but see also R. Fattovich 'The problem of Sudanese-Ethiopian contacts in antiquity: status quaestionis and current trends of research', in J. M. Plumley (ed.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978 (Cambridge, 1982), 78, for a more critical assessment of the pottery and other finds. Fattovich does relate it to the material from Kassala and Jebel Moya, in 'The Gash group of the Eastern Sudan: an outline', in L. Krzyzaniak, M. Kobusiewicz and J. Alexander (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. (Poznan, 1993), 439. The latter site has recently been re-examined and redated by R. Gerharz, Jebel Moya (Meroitica 14, Berlin, 1994). The ear-studs are certainly not imports. The Agordat pottery is being restudied by A. Manzo and S. Brandt.
72. A. J. Arkell, 'Four occupation sites at Agordat', Kush, 11 (1954), 33-64; but see also R. Fattovich 'The problem of Sudanese-Ethiopian contacts in antiquity: status quaestionis and current trends of research', in J. M. Plumley (ed.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978 (Cambridge, 1982), 78, for a more critical assessment of the pottery and other finds. Fattovich does relate it to the material from Kassala and Jebel Moya, in 'The Gash group of the Eastern Sudan: an outline', in L. Krzyzaniak, M. Kobusiewicz and J. Alexander (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. (Poznan, 1993), 439. The latter site has recently been re-examined and redated by R. Gerharz, Jebel Moya (Meroitica 14, Berlin, 1994). The ear-studs are certainly not imports. The Agordat pottery is being restudied by A. Manzo and S. Brandt.
73. A. J. Arkell, 'Four occupation sites at Agordat', Kush, 11 (1954), 33-64; but see also R. Fattovich 'The problem of Sudanese-Ethiopian contacts in antiquity: status quaestionis and current trends of research', in J. M. Plumley (ed.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978 (Cambridge, 1982), 78, for a more critical assessment of the pottery and other finds. Fattovich does relate it to the material from Kassala and Jebel Moya, in 'The Gash group of the Eastern Sudan: an outline', in L. Krzyzaniak, M. Kobusiewicz and J. Alexander (eds.), Environmental Change and Human Culture in the Nile Basin and Northern Africa until the Second Millennium B.C. (Poznan, 1993), 439. The latter site has recently been re-examined and redated by R. Gerharz, Jebel Moya (Meroitica 14, Berlin, 1994). The ear-studs are certainly not imports. The Agordat pottery is being restudied by A. Manzo and S. Brandt.
74. J. W. Crowfoot, 'Some potsherds from Kassala', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XIV (1928), 114, 116.
75. See G. Tringali, 'Cenni sulle "Ona" di Asmara e dintorni', Annales d'Éthiopie, VI (1965), 143-52; S. C. Munro-Hay and G. Tringali, 'The Ona sites of Asmara and Hamasien' Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, XXXV (1993), 135-70. See also S. Jones, 'Archaeological and environmental observations in Rora Habab, Eritrea', Azania, XXVI (1991), 5-12.
76. See G. Tringali, 'Cenni sulle "Ona" di Asmara e dintorni', Annales d'Éthiopie, VI (1965), 143-52; S. C. Munro-Hay and G. Tringali, 'The Ona sites of Asmara and Hamasien' Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, XXXV (1993), 135-70. See also S. Jones, 'Archaeological and environmental observations in Rora Habab, Eritrea', Azania, XXVI (1991), 5-12.
77. See G. Tringali, 'Cenni sulle "Ona" di Asmara e dintorni', Annales d'Éthiopie, VI (1965), 143-52; S. C. Munro-Hay and G. Tringali, 'The Ona sites of Asmara and Hamasien' Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, XXXV (1993), 135-70. See also S. Jones, 'Archaeological and environmental observations in Rora Habab, Eritrea', Azania, XXVI (1991), 5-12.
78. Fattovich, 'Gash Group', 443-4. For the survey sherds, see R. Fattovich, A. Manzo and D Usai, 'Gash Delta archaeological project: 1991, 1992-93, 1993-94 held seasons', Nyame Akuma, XLII (Dec. 1994), 16-17 , and A. Manzo, 'Note sur quelques tessons égyptiens découvertes près de Kassala (Sud-Est du Sudan)', Bulletin de Liason du Groupe International d'Étude sur la Ceramique Égyptienne, XVII (1993), 41-6.
79. Fattovich, 'Gash Group', 443-4. For the survey sherds, see R. Fattovich, A. Manzo and D Usai, 'Gash Delta archaeological project: 1991, 1992-93, 1993-94 held seasons', Nyame Akuma, XLII (Dec. 1994), 16-17 , and A. Manzo, 'Note sur quelques tessons égyptiens découvertes près de Kassala (Sud-Est du Sudan)', Bulletin de Liason du Groupe International d'Étude sur la Ceramique Égyptienne, XVII (1993), 41-6.
80. Fattovich, 'Gash Group', 443-4. For the survey sherds, see R. Fattovich, A. Manzo and D Usai, 'Gash Delta archaeological project: 1991, 1992-93, 1993-94 held seasons', Nyame Akuma, XLII (Dec. 1994), 16-17 , and A. Manzo, 'Note sur quelques tessons égyptiens découvertes près de Kassala (Sud-Est du Sudan)', Bulletin de Liason du Groupe International d'Étude sur la Ceramique Égyptienne, XVII (1993), 41-6.
81. A general summary of these and other trade routes is given in P. L. Shinnie, 'Trade routes of the ancient Sudan, 3,000 B.C.-A.D. 350', in W. V. Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam (London, 1991, 49-53; this volume also includes a general summary by R. Fattovich, 'At the periphery of the Empire: the Gash Delta (Eastern Sudan)', 40-8.
82. A general summary of these and other trade routes is given in P. L. Shinnie, 'Trade routes of the ancient Sudan, 3,000 B.C.-A.D. 350', in W. V. Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa. Nubia from Prehistory to Islam (London, 1991, 49-53; this volume also includes a general summary by R. Fattovich, 'At the periphery of the Empire: the Gash Delta (Eastern Sudan)', 40-8.
83. See Bradbury, 'Kpn-boats', with further references.
84. See L. M. V. Smith, 'Report on the pottery collection', in M. D. S. Mallinson, L. M. V. Smith, S. Ikram, C. Le Quesne and P. Sheehan, Road Archaeology in the Middle Nile, 1 (London, 1996), 176-7, 189, fig. 5, type 7.2.
85. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
86. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
87. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
88. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
89. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
90. The Periplus (mid-first century A.D.) says eight days, Procopius twelve. Nonnosus, Justinian's ambassador about 560 A.D., took fifteen days by road, as described by Photius. See H. B. Dewing, Procopius: History of the Wars, 1 (London and New York, 1914), 182-5 (I, xix, 22, 27); W. G. B. Huntingford, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (London, 1980), 20, 59-60; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (Princeton, 1989), 53. Strabo (c. 26-24 B.C.) additionally tells us it was fifteen days for a 'well-girded traveller' between inland from around Ptolemais Theron (see below) to Meroë near the Fifth Cataract; see H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York, 1917-32), vii: 320-1; Burstein, Agatharchides, 8, n. 2. The Monumentum Adulitanum, recorded by Kosmas Indikopleustes on a throne seen at Adulis in the mid-sixth century A.D., attributed to an unidentified earlier Aksumite king states he 'had a road constructed going from the lands of my empire to Egypt'. S. C. Munro-Hay, Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1991), seems to propose Ezana (mid-fourth century A.D.) as the royal author, 42. It is more likely the road involved was restored or reopened than constructed.
91. P. Rowley-Conwy, 'The camel in the Nile valley: new radiocarbon accelerator (AMS) dates for Qasr Ibrîm', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIV (1988), 245-8. Artistic evidence for the camel and dromedary go back even farther, and domestication has been argued; see M. Ripinski, 'The camel in Dynastic Egypt', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXI (1985), 134-41, and E. B. Pusch, 'Ein Dromedar aus der Ramses-Stadt', Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant, VI (1996), 107-18. See also B. Trigger, 'Land and trade as patterns in Sudanese history', in M. Liverani, A. Palmieri and R. Perone (eds.), Studi di Paletnologia in onore di Salvatore M. Puglisi (Rome, 1985), 473. I thank Dorian Fuller of the University of Cambridge for this last reference, which, although somewhat outdated by later fieldwork, nonetheless remains a valuable summary of Nilotic trade patterns. See also p. 466, on the earliest use of the 'forty-day road'.
92. P. Rowley-Conwy, 'The camel in the Nile valley: new radiocarbon accelerator (AMS) dates for Qasr Ibrîm', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIV (1988), 245-8. Artistic evidence for the camel and dromedary go back even farther, and domestication has been argued; see M. Ripinski, 'The camel in Dynastic Egypt', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXI (1985), 134-41, and E. B. Pusch, 'Ein Dromedar aus der Ramses-Stadt', Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant, VI (1996), 107-18. See also B. Trigger, 'Land and trade as patterns in Sudanese history', in M. Liverani, A. Palmieri and R. Perone (eds.), Studi di Paletnologia in onore di Salvatore M. Puglisi (Rome, 1985), 473. I thank Dorian Fuller of the University of Cambridge for this last reference, which, although somewhat outdated by later fieldwork, nonetheless remains a valuable summary of Nilotic trade patterns. See also p. 466, on the earliest use of the 'forty-day road'.
93. P. Rowley-Conwy, 'The camel in the Nile valley: new radiocarbon accelerator (AMS) dates for Qasr Ibrîm', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIV (1988), 245-8. Artistic evidence for the camel and dromedary go back even farther, and domestication has been argued; see M. Ripinski, 'The camel in Dynastic Egypt', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXI (1985), 134-41, and E. B. Pusch, 'Ein Dromedar aus der Ramses-Stadt', Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant, VI (1996), 107-18. See also B. Trigger, 'Land and trade as patterns in Sudanese history', in M. Liverani, A. Palmieri and R. Perone (eds.), Studi di Paletnologia in onore di Salvatore M. Puglisi (Rome, 1985), 473. I thank Dorian Fuller of the University of Cambridge for this last reference, which, although somewhat outdated by later fieldwork, nonetheless remains a valuable summary of Nilotic trade patterns. See also p. 466, on the earliest use of the 'forty-day road'.
94. P. Rowley-Conwy, 'The camel in the Nile valley: new radiocarbon accelerator (AMS) dates for Qasr Ibrîm', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXIV (1988), 245-8. Artistic evidence for the camel and dromedary go back even farther, and domestication has been argued; see M. Ripinski, 'The camel in Dynastic Egypt', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXXI (1985), 134-41, and E. B. Pusch, 'Ein Dromedar aus der Ramses-Stadt', Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant, VI (1996), 107-18. See also B. Trigger, 'Land and trade as patterns in Sudanese history', in M. Liverani, A. Palmieri and R. Perone (eds.), Studi di Paletnologia in onore di Salvatore M. Puglisi (Rome, 1985), 473. I thank Dorian Fuller of the University of Cambridge for this last reference, which, although somewhat outdated by later fieldwork, nonetheless remains a valuable summary of Nilotic trade patterns. See also p. 466, on the earliest use of the 'forty-day road'.
95. In addition to Fattovich's other articles more specifically directed to work at Gash, see also his 'Status Quaestionis', 76-86, and, most recently, 'The origins of the kingdom of Kush: views from the African hinterland', Archéologie du Nil Moyen, VII (1996), 69-78.
96. J. W. Crowfoot, 'Some Red Sea ports in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan', Geographical Journal, XXXVII (1911), 534, pl. facing p. 544 [lower]; H. E. Hibbert, 'Relics at Agig', Sudan Notes and Records, XIX (1936), 193, pl. X.
97. J. W. Crowfoot, 'Some Red Sea ports in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan', Geographical Journal, XXXVII (1911), 534, pl. facing p. 544 [lower]; H. E. Hibbert, 'Relics at Agig', Sudan Notes and Records, XIX (1936), 193, pl. X.
98. This is generally acknowledged to be the biblical Sheba; its famous queen would have reigned in the early tenth century B.C., about the time of Solomon.
99. R. Fattovich, 'Remarks on the Pre-Aksumite period in northern Ethiopia', J. Ethiopian Studies, XXIII (1990), 25.
100. A brief discussion of Egyptian and Nubian imports found in Ethiopia is J. S. Phillips, 'Egyptian and Nubian material from Ethiopia and Eritrea', Sudan Archaeological Research Society Newsletter, IX (1995), 2-10, with further references for the imported objects specifically mentioned in the main text.
101. See Huntingford, Periplus, 22-3, and Casson, Periplus, 16, 55 for lists of the goods by origin in that text, which is further discussed below. The Periplus also refers to a number of local and capillary trading networks feeding into the main east-west route described; see L. Casson, 'Egypt, Africa, Arabia, and India: Patterns of seaborne trade in the first century A.D.', Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, XXI (1984), 45-7. I thank Stanley Burstein for this last reference.
102. See Huntingford, Periplus, 22-3, and Casson, Periplus, 16, 55 for lists of the goods by origin in that text, which is further discussed below. The Periplus also refers to a number of local and capillary trading networks feeding into the main east-west route described; see L. Casson, 'Egypt, Africa, Arabia, and India: Patterns of seaborne trade in the first century A.D.', Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, XXI (1984), 45-7. I thank Stanley Burstein for this last reference.
103. See Huntingford, Periplus, 22-3, and Casson, Periplus, 16, 55 for lists of the goods by origin in that text, which is further discussed below. The Periplus also refers to a number of local and capillary trading networks feeding into the main east-west route described; see L. Casson, 'Egypt, Africa, Arabia, and India: Patterns of seaborne trade in the first century A.D.', Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, XXI (1984), 45-7. I thank Stanley Burstein for this last reference.
104. The possible extent of this inland east-west contact may be inferred by the recent identification of plantain banana (Musa) phytoliths in eighth-century B.C. pit contexts at Nkang, Cameroon. This plant originates in the Indo-Malaysian complex in eastern Asia. See H. Doutrelepont, L. Vrydaghs et al., 'Banana in Africa', Abstracts of Papers, 13th Biennial Conference, Society of Africanist Archaeologists (Poznan, 1996), 31. The location and contexts suggest an overland route through sub-Saharan African to be more likely than a sea route around it.
105. An excellent article illuminating just such an intensive and extensive trading network on land, in early second millennium B.C. Mesopotamia and Anatolia, is M. T. Larsen, 'Commercial networks in the Ancient Near East', in M. Rowlands, M. Larsen and K. Kristiansen (eds.), Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1987), 47-56. The evidence is derived almost solely from texts, without which we would have absolutely no idea of the sheer quantity of goods transported such long distances at that time, as listed on the few documents that have survived. The lack of early evidence for a similar network east (and, surely, west) of the Nile valley in no way precludes the near certainty that it existed.
106. J. Pirenne, 'Haoulti et ses monuments: Nouvelle interpretation', Annales d'Éthiopie, VII (1967), 125-33; see also H. de Contenson, 'Les monuments d'art sud-arabes découverts sur le site Haoulti (Éthiopie) en 1959', Syria, XXXIX (1962), 68-83.
107. J. Pirenne, 'Haoulti et ses monuments: Nouvelle interpretation', Annales d'Éthiopie, VII (1967), 125-33; see also H. de Contenson, 'Les monuments d'art sud-arabes découverts sur le site Haoulti (Éthiopie) en 1959', Syria, XXXIX (1962), 68-83.
108. See n. 44, above.
109. 56 Kosmas, 'sailor to India', a suggestive nickname for this trader and former monk, whose Christian Topography is a much more detailed account of the Red Sea area than the earlier Hellenistic writers. It was, however, bestowed upon him only in the eleventh century and there is no evidence that he ever travelled there. See texts edited by W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie Chrètienne, 1 (Paris, 1968), and J. W. McCrindle The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk (London 1897 ), and the commentary of L. P. Kirwan, 'The Christian topography and the kingdom of Aksum' Geographical Journal, CXXXVIII (1972), 163. W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stéphanos d'Athènes et Stéphanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de bibliographie', Revue des Études Byzantines, XLVII (1989), 28-30 has identified 'Kosmas Indikopleustes as one Constantine of Antioch; see also idem, 'La "Topographie Chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustès: Hypothèses sur quelques thèmes de son illustration', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, XLVIII (1990), 155, n. 2. I would like to thank Dr Marilyn Heldman for the last two references.
110. 56 Kosmas, 'sailor to India', a suggestive nickname for this trader and former monk, whose Christian Topography is a much more detailed account of the Red Sea area than the earlier Hellenistic writers. It was, however, bestowed upon him only in the eleventh century and there is no evidence that he ever travelled there. See texts edited by W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie Chrètienne, 1 (Paris, 1968), and J. W. McCrindle The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk (London 1897 ), and the commentary of L. P. Kirwan, 'The Christian topography and the kingdom of Aksum' Geographical Journal, CXXXVIII (1972), 163. W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stéphanos d'Athènes et Stéphanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de bibliographie', Revue des Études Byzantines, XLVII (1989), 28-30 has identified 'Kosmas Indikopleustes as one Constantine of Antioch; see also idem, 'La "Topographie Chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustès: Hypothèses sur quelques thèmes de son illustration', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, XLVIII (1990), 155, n. 2. I would like to thank Dr Marilyn Heldman for the last two references.
111. 56 Kosmas, 'sailor to India', a suggestive nickname for this trader and former monk, whose Christian Topography is a much more detailed account of the Red Sea area than the earlier Hellenistic writers. It was, however, bestowed upon him only in the eleventh century and there is no evidence that he ever travelled there. See texts edited by W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie Chrètienne, 1 (Paris, 1968), and J. W. McCrindle The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk (London 1897 ), and the commentary of L. P. Kirwan, 'The Christian topography and the kingdom of Aksum' Geographical Journal, CXXXVIII (1972), 163. W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stéphanos d'Athènes et Stéphanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de bibliographie', Revue des Études Byzantines, XLVII (1989), 28-30 has identified 'Kosmas Indikopleustes as one Constantine of Antioch; see also idem, 'La "Topographie Chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustès: Hypothèses sur quelques thèmes de son illustration', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, XLVIII (1990), 155, n. 2. I would like to thank Dr Marilyn Heldman for the last two references.
112. 56 Kosmas, 'sailor to India', a suggestive nickname for this trader and former monk, whose Christian Topography is a much more detailed account of the Red Sea area than the earlier Hellenistic writers. It was, however, bestowed upon him only in the eleventh century and there is no evidence that he ever travelled there. See texts edited by W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie Chrètienne, 1 (Paris, 1968), and J. W. McCrindle The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk (London 1897 ), and the commentary of L. P. Kirwan, 'The Christian topography and the kingdom of Aksum' Geographical Journal, CXXXVIII (1972), 163. W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stéphanos d'Athènes et Stéphanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de bibliographie', Revue des Études Byzantines, XLVII (1989), 28-30 has identified 'Kosmas Indikopleustes as one Constantine of Antioch; see also idem, 'La "Topographie Chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustès: Hypothèses sur quelques thèmes de son illustration', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, XLVIII (1990), 155, n. 2. I would like to thank Dr Marilyn Heldman for the last two references.
113. 56 Kosmas, 'sailor to India', a suggestive nickname for this trader and former monk, whose Christian Topography is a much more detailed account of the Red Sea area than the earlier Hellenistic writers. It was, however, bestowed upon him only in the eleventh century and there is no evidence that he ever travelled there. See texts edited by W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographie Chrètienne, 1 (Paris, 1968), and J. W. McCrindle The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk (London 1897 ), and the commentary of L. P. Kirwan, 'The Christian topography and the kingdom of Aksum' Geographical Journal, CXXXVIII (1972), 163. W. Wolska-Conus, 'Stéphanos d'Athènes et Stéphanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de bibliographie', Revue des Études Byzantines, XLVII (1989), 28-30 has identified 'Kosmas Indikopleustes as one Constantine of Antioch; see also idem, 'La "Topographie Chrétienne de Cosmas Indicopleustès: Hypothèses sur quelques thèmes de son illustration', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, XLVIII (1990), 155, n. 2. I would like to thank Dr Marilyn Heldman for the last two references.
114. H. H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (London, 1974), 134; see also McCrindle, Cosmas, 57-9 for a slightly different translation. The text breaks off at this point, where a small portion is missing at the end according to Kosmas; McCrindle has concluded '...which had been dug' in his translation.
115. H. H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (London, 1974), 134; see also McCrindle, Cosmas, 57-9 for a slightly different translation. The text breaks off at this point, where a small portion is missing at the end according to Kosmas; McCrindle has concluded '...which had been dug' in his translation.
116. Scullard, Elephant, 133-7.
117. Burstein, Agatharchides, 3, n. 5.
118. W. W. Tarn, 'Ptolemy II and Arabia', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XV (1929), 13-14. Although now outdated, this article remains a basic reference.
119. See S. Burstein, 'Ivory and Ptolemaic exploration of the Red Sea: The missing factor', Toπoι Orient-Occident, VI (1996), 799-807.
120. Note, however, that the African elephants employed by the Ptolemies were not the larger and more imposing 'savannah' type generally envisioned as the 'African' elephant, but the 'forest' type of approximately the same scale as the Indian elephant: see Scullard, Elephant, 133-7.
121. New excavations have begun at this site. See S. Sidebotham and W. Wendrich, Berenike '95 (Leiden, 1996), with earlier references.
122. Burstein, Agatharchides, 9-10, and n. 5, contra S. C. Munro-Hay, 'The foreign trade of the Aksumite Port of Adulis', Azania, XVII (1982), 108, on the founding of Adulis. If Adulis (as the Romans knew it) did not exist in the Ptolemaic period, there must have been a Ptolemaic port in the vicinity. Others have suggested that Ptolemy II founded the port.
123. Burstein, Agatharchides, 9-10, and n. 5, contra S. C. Munro-Hay, 'The foreign trade of the Aksumite Port of Adulis', Azania, XVII (1982), 108, on the founding of Adulis. If Adulis (as the Romans knew it) did not exist in the Ptolemaic period, there must have been a Ptolemaic port in the vicinity. Others have suggested that Ptolemy II founded the port.
124. Scullard, Elephant, 133-7; Burstein, Agatharchides, 7-9.
125. Scullard, Elephant, 133-7; Burstein, Agatharchides, 7-9.
126. Although one Scylax of Caryanda, a sixth century B.C. Carian shipmaster, published an account of his voyage from India to Egypt while in the service of the Persian king Darius I, who also ruled 521-486 B.C. as the second king of the Twenty-seventh (Persian) Dynasty in Egypt; see Burstein, ' Ivory and Ptolemaic interest', 799. This text itself does not survive, but was known to the later Classical authors.
127. Burstein, Agatharchides.
128. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
129. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
130. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
131. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
132. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
133. For example, 'Pseudo-Arrian' [Anabasis et Indica] in the second century, Nonnosus (as recorded by Photius [Bibliotheke]) about 560 A.D., and Ioannis Malalas [Chronographia] in the late sixth century; see L. A. Thompson, 'Eastern Africa and the Graeco-Roman world (to A.D. 641)', in L. A. Thompson and J. Ferguson (eds.), Africa in Classical Antiquity (Ibadan, 1969), 59; Huntingford, Periplus, 59-60; Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527 (Oxford, 1972), 21, 32, n. 4; G. Vantini, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Warsaw and Heidelberg, 1975), 5; Wilson, Photius, 28; Y. M. Kobishchanov, Axum (University City, 1979), 177.
134. Apart from the excavations at Adulis, of which surprisingly little has been exposed, few excavations along the coastal area have been attempted, and even fewer published. But see M. C. Smith and H. T. Wright, 'The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a Classical maritime site', Azania, XXIII (1988), 115-41, which emphasizes the polyglot nature of the pottery found there that highlights the trading network in which it played a part during the first five centuries A.D. A general account of its farther reaches is A. M. H. Sheriff, 'The East African coast and its role in maritime trade', in G. Mokhtar (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 2: Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Paris, London and Berkeley, 1981), 551-67. Survey and excavation work now being proposed by T. Insoll at Dahlak Kebir in the Dahlak islands should prove rewarding to judge from his initial unpublished assessment: 'A report on an archaeological reconnaissance made to the Dahlak Islands, Eritrea, 23 June-7 July 1996'. The role of Adulis is discussed in Munro-Hay, 'Adulis', 107-25, although several comments and conclusions there have been outdated by later research. On the present state of knowledge of Aksumite dating, see S. C. Munro-Hay and B. Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage (London, 1995), passim, esp. 75. Anwar A. Magid's recent paper, 'Some indications of past human impact on the environment of the southern Red Sea Hills, Sudan', presented at the Thirteenth Biennial Conference of the Society of Africanist Archaeologists (Poznan, 1996) provides further archeological evidence for inland contact with the Mediterranean cultures, and a discussion of its consequences; see his abstract in Nyame Akuma, XLVI (December, 1996), 100. I thank Drs Magid of the University of Bergen and Insoll of the University of Cambridge for copies of the ir unpublished papers.
135. Apart from the excavations at Adulis, of which surprisingly little has been exposed, few excavations along the coastal area have been attempted, and even fewer published. But see M. C. Smith and H. T. Wright, 'The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a Classical maritime site', Azania, XXIII (1988), 115-41, which emphasizes the polyglot nature of the pottery found there that highlights the trading network in which it played a part during the first five centuries A.D. A general account of its farther reaches is A. M. H. Sheriff, 'The East African coast and its role in maritime trade', in G. Mokhtar (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 2: Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Paris, London and Berkeley, 1981), 551-67. Survey and excavation work now being proposed by T. Insoll at Dahlak Kebir in the Dahlak islands should prove rewarding to judge from his initial unpublished assessment: 'A report on an archaeological reconnaissance made to the Dahlak Islands, Eritrea, 23 June-7 July 1996'. The role of Adulis is discussed in Munro-Hay, 'Adulis', 107-25, although several comments and conclusions there have been outdated by later research. On the present state of knowledge of Aksumite dating, see S. C. Munro-Hay and B. Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage (London, 1995), passim, esp. 75. Anwar A. Magid's recent paper, 'Some indications of past human impact on the environment of the southern Red Sea Hills, Sudan', presented at the Thirteenth Biennial Conference of the Society of Africanist Archaeologists (Poznan, 1996) provides further archeological evidence for inland contact with the Mediterranean cultures, and a discussion of its consequences; see his abstract in Nyame Akuma, XLVI (December, 1996), 100. I thank Drs Magid of the University of Bergen and Insoll of the University of Cambridge for copies of the ir unpublished papers.
136. Apart from the excavations at Adulis, of which surprisingly little has been exposed, few excavations along the coastal area have been attempted, and even fewer published. But see M. C. Smith and H. T. Wright, 'The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a Classical maritime site', Azania, XXIII (1988), 115-41, which emphasizes the polyglot nature of the pottery found there that highlights the trading network in which it played a part during the first five centuries A.D. A general account of its farther reaches is A. M. H. Sheriff, 'The East African coast and its role in maritime trade', in G. Mokhtar (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 2: Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Paris, London and Berkeley, 1981), 551-67. Survey and excavation work now being proposed by T. Insoll at Dahlak Kebir in the Dahlak islands should prove rewarding to judge from his initial unpublished assessment: 'A report on an archaeological reconnaissance made to the Dahlak Islands, Eritrea, 23 June-7 July 1996'. The role of Adulis is discussed in Munro-Hay, 'Adulis', 107-25, although several comments and conclusions there have been outdated by later research. On the present state of knowledge of Aksumite dating, see S. C. Munro-Hay and B. Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage (London, 1995), passim, esp. 75. Anwar A. Magid's recent paper, 'Some indications of past human impact on the environment of the southern Red Sea Hills, Sudan', presented at the Thirteenth Biennial Conference of the Society of Africanist Archaeologists (Poznan, 1996) provides further archeological evidence for inland contact with the Mediterranean cultures, and a discussion of its consequences; see his abstract in Nyame Akuma, XLVI (December, 1996), 100. I thank Drs Magid of the University of Bergen and Insoll of the University of Cambridge for copies of the ir unpublished papers.
137. Apart from the excavations at Adulis, of which surprisingly little has been exposed, few excavations along the coastal area have been attempted, and even fewer published. But see M. C. Smith and H. T. Wright, 'The ceramics from Ras Hafun in Somalia: notes on a Classical maritime site', Azania, XXIII (1988), 115-41, which emphasizes the polyglot nature of the pottery found there that highlights the trading network in which it played a part during the first five centuries A.D. A general account of its farther reaches is A. M. H. Sheriff, 'The East African coast and its role in maritime trade', in G. Mokhtar (ed.), General History of Africa, Vol. 2: Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Paris, London and Berkeley, 1981), 551-67. Survey and excavation work now being proposed by T. Insoll at Dahlak Kebir in the Dahlak islands should prove rewarding to judge from his initial unpublished assessment: 'A report on an archaeological reconnaissance made to the Dahlak Islands, Eritrea, 23 June-7 July 1996'. The role of Adulis is discussed in Munro-Hay, 'Adulis', 107-25, although several comments and conclusions there have been outdated by later research. On the present state of knowledge of Aksumite dating, see S. C. Munro-Hay and B. Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage (London, 1995), passim, esp. 75. Anwar A. Magid's recent paper, 'Some indications of past human impact on the environment of the southern Red Sea Hills, Sudan', presented at the Thirteenth Biennial Conference of the Society of Africanist Archaeologists (Poznan, 1996) provides further archeological evidence for inland contact with the Mediterranean cultures, and a discussion of its consequences; see his abstract in Nyame Akuma, XLVI (December, 1996), 100. I thank Drs Magid of the University of Bergen and Insoll of the University of Cambridge for copies of the ir unpublished papers.
138. J. S. Phillips, 'Seeking Bruce's Cippus', KMT, VII. 2 (1996), 32-6, with further references.
139. This and other aspects of the internal Aksumite kingdom are discussed by Tekle Hagos, 'Aksumite sites in Tigray (Ethiopia). The significance of their distribution' (M.Phil, dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1997).
140. Huntingford, Periplus, 3, 10; Casson, Periplus, 37.
141. Huntingford, Periplus, 3, 10; Casson, Periplus, 37.
142. See Jones, Geography of Strabo, I: 454-5; VIII: 52-5. The collection of papers in V. Begley and R. D. De Puma (eds.), Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade (Madison, 1991) highlights the quantity and variety of imported Roman and "Mediterranean' material found in India, and other aspects of this trading network. More recently, see also V. Begley, The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New EXcaVations and Researches, 1989-92 (Paris, 1996). An exhaustive bibliography on this subject is found in M. G. Raschke, 'New studies in Roman commerce with the Orient', Augsteig und Niedergang der Römischer Welt, 2.9.2 (1978), 604-1378.
143. See Jones, Geography of Strabo, I: 454-5; VIII: 52-5. The collection of papers in V. Begley and R. D. De Puma (eds.), Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade (Madison, 1991) highlights the quantity and variety of imported Roman and "Mediterranean' material found in India, and other aspects of this trading network. More recently, see also V. Begley, The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New EXcaVations and Researches, 1989-92 (Paris, 1996). An exhaustive bibliography on this subject is found in M. G. Raschke, 'New studies in Roman commerce with the Orient', Augsteig und Niedergang der Römischer Welt, 2.9.2 (1978), 604-1378.
144. See Jones, Geography of Strabo, I: 454-5; VIII: 52-5. The collection of papers in V. Begley and R. D. De Puma (eds.), Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade (Madison, 1991) highlights the quantity and variety of imported Roman and "Mediterranean' material found in India, and other aspects of this trading network. More recently, see also V. Begley, The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New EXcaVations and Researches, 1989-92 (Paris, 1996). An exhaustive bibliography on this subject is found in M. G. Raschke, 'New studies in Roman commerce with the Orient', Augsteig und Niedergang der Römischer Welt, 2.9.2 (1978), 604-1378.
145. See Jones, Geography of Strabo, I: 454-5; VIII: 52-5. The collection of papers in V. Begley and R. D. De Puma (eds.), Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade (Madison, 1991) highlights the quantity and variety of imported Roman and "Mediterranean' material found in India, and other aspects of this trading network. More recently, see also V. Begley, The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New EXcaVations and Researches, 1989-92 (Paris, 1996). An exhaustive bibliography on this subject is found in M. G. Raschke, 'New studies in Roman commerce with the Orient', Augsteig und Niedergang der Römischer Welt, 2.9.2 (1978), 604-1378.
146. See Jones, Geography of Strabo, I: 454-5; VIII: 52-5. The collection of papers in V. Begley and R. D. De Puma (eds.), Rome and India: The Ancient Sea Trade (Madison, 1991) highlights the quantity and variety of imported Roman and "Mediterranean' material found in India, and other aspects of this trading network. More recently, see also V. Begley, The Ancient Port of Arikamedu: New EXcaVations and Researches, 1989-92 (Paris, 1996). An exhaustive bibliography on this subject is found in M. G. Raschke, 'New studies in Roman commerce with the Orient', Augsteig und Niedergang der Römischer Welt, 2.9.2 (1978), 604-1378.
147. See, for example, the Periplus commentary on the ivory brought from inland to Adulis, which is in part collected at Aksum 'from beyond the Nile through the district called Kuēneion', an area strongly suggested to be around Sennar on the Blue Nile; see Huntingford, Periplus, 20, 90; Casson, Periplus, 107-8. The sheer quantity of finely worked ivory recovered from the 'Tomb of the Brick Arches' in the recent excavations at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993-4', Antiquaries Journal, LXXV (1995), 16-22, figs. 21-4. Nonnosus' mention of seeing 5,000 elephants at Aue (midway between Adulis and Aksum) provides further evidence of the quantity of elephants in this interior region and, presumably, beyond.
148. See, for example, the Periplus commentary on the ivory brought from inland to Adulis, which is in part collected at Aksum 'from beyond the Nile through the district called Kuēneion', an area strongly suggested to be around Sennar on the Blue Nile; see Huntingford, Periplus, 20, 90; Casson, Periplus, 107-8. The sheer quantity of finely worked ivory recovered from the 'Tomb of the Brick Arches' in the recent excavations at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993-4', Antiquaries Journal, LXXV (1995), 16-22, figs. 21-4. Nonnosus' mention of seeing 5,000 elephants at Aue (midway between Adulis and Aksum) provides further evidence of the quantity of elephants in this interior region and, presumably, beyond.
149. See, for example, the Periplus commentary on the ivory brought from inland to Adulis, which is in part collected at Aksum 'from beyond the Nile through the district called Kuēneion', an area strongly suggested to be around Sennar on the Blue Nile; see Huntingford, Periplus, 20, 90; Casson, Periplus, 107-8. The sheer quantity of finely worked ivory recovered from the 'Tomb of the Brick Arches' in the recent excavations at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993-4', Antiquaries Journal, LXXV (1995), 16-22, figs. 21-4. Nonnosus' mention of seeing 5,000 elephants at Aue (midway between Adulis and Aksum) provides further evidence of the quantity of elephants in this interior region and, presumably, beyond.
150. See Casson, Periplus, 6-10.
151. G. Freeman-Grenville, 'East African coin finds and their historical significance', J. Afr. Hist., 1 (1960) 31-43; see also Thompson, 'Eastern Africa', 6-61.
152. G. Freeman-Grenville, 'East African coin finds and their historical significance', J. Afr. Hist., 1 (1960) 31-43; see also Thompson, 'Eastern Africa', 6-61.
153. A. M. Juma, 'The Swahili and the Mediterranean worlds: pottery of the late Roman period from Zanzibar', Antiquity, LXX (1996), 147-54. General comments can be found in F. Chami, The Tanzanian Coast in the First Millennium A.D. (Uppsala, 1994), passim.
154. A. M. Juma, 'The Swahili and the Mediterranean worlds: pottery of the late Roman period from Zanzibar', Antiquity, LXX (1996), 147-54. General comments can be found in F. Chami, The Tanzanian Coast in the First Millennium A.D. (Uppsala, 1994), passim.
155. See Y. M. Kobishchanov, 'The sea voyages of Ancient Ethiopians in the Indian Ocean', Proceedings of the Third International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (Addis Ababa, 1969), 22. As the location of the monastery was chosen for its remoteness and inaccessibility - even today one can enter only by means of a rope hauled up a sheer cliff by the monks who inhabit the plateau - it is unlikely the hoard would have been placed there before the monastery was founded on top of the plateau in the sixth century A.D.
156. Sheriff, 'East African coast', passim, esp. 565, although the apparently late fourth century A.D. context of the Egypto-Roman cooking vessels found on Zanzibar would suggest that Mediterranean goods may still have travelled to the far reaches of the trading network. Alternatively, they could have been around for some time before their final deposition.
157. J. S. Phillips, 'Some non-Egyptian "obelisks'", Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities, XXIV (in press); see also D. W. Phillipson, 'The significance and symbolism of Aksumite stelae', Cambridge Archaeological Journal, iv (1994), l89-210.
158. J. S. Phillips, 'Some non-Egyptian "obelisks'", Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities, XXIV (in press); see also D. W. Phillipson, 'The significance and symbolism of Aksumite stelae', Cambridge Archaeological Journal, iv (1994), l89-210.
159. F. Anfray, 'L' archéologie d'Axoum en 1972'. Paideuma, xxii (1972), 71, P1. IV [upper] For a complete list of the imported finds, see n. 50, above.
160. H M Morrison in S. C. Munro-Hay, Excavations at Aksum (London, 1989), chs. é, 14 passim. See now also K. A. Bard and R. Fattovich, 'The I.O.U./B.U. Excavation at Bieta Giyorgis (Aksum): an interim report', Nyame Akuma, LXIV (December 1995), 25-7 The Periplus makes no mention of the extensive and archaeologically attested trade in beads, although glassware is listed as an import to this area: see Huntmgford, Periplus, 21, 142. . çé_•éé• ëé
161. H M Morrison in S. C. Munro-Hay, Excavations at Aksum (London, 1989), chs. é, 14 passim. See now also K. A. Bard and R. Fattovich, 'The I.O.U./B.U. Excavation at Bieta Giyorgis (Aksum): an interim report', Nyame Akuma, LXIV (December 1995), 25-7 The Periplus makes no mention of the extensive and archaeologically attested trade in beads, although glassware is listed as an import to this area: see Huntmgford, Periplus, 21, 142. . çé_•éé• ëé
162. H M Morrison in S. C. Munro-Hay, Excavations at Aksum (London, 1989), chs. é, 14 passim. See now also K. A. Bard and R. Fattovich, 'The I.O.U./B.U. Excavation at Bieta Giyorgis (Aksum): an interim report', Nyame Akuma, LXIV (December 1995), 25-7 The Periplus makes no mention of the extensive and archaeologically attested trade in beads, although glassware is listed as an import to this area: see Huntmgford, Periplus, 21, 142. . çé_•éé• ëé
163. A drawing of this figure, including a profile, is found in D. W. Phillipson AJ. Reynolds et al., 'BIEA excavations at Aksum, Ethiopia, I99S', Azama, xxxi (1996), fig. 15.
164. Frumentius was Christian who had been shipwrecked as a child on his way to India with his uncle and brother; the uncle died but the brothers were brought to Aksum as slaves.
165. Sergew Hable Sellassie, Ancient and Medieval Ethiopian History to 1270 (Addis Ababa 1972) 26, also described some parallels in modern Ethiopian daily life.
166. This is why Ethiopian tourist posters today can truthfully advertise 'thirteen months of sunshine'.
167. Actually a substitute of it is carried; the original remains in the Treasury built to house it within the cathedral grounds, according to present-day Aksumite townspeople.
168. For a short discussion of Arab activities in the southern Red Sea during this early period of Islam, see V. Christides, 'New light on navigation and naval warfare in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean (6th-14th centuries A.D.)', Nubica, III/2 (1994), 27-30.