Remapping Tutira: Contours in the environmental history of New Zealand

Journal of Historical Geography

Volumn 23, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 418-446

  Wynn, Graeme ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY; HISTORICAL STUDY; LAND SETTLEMENT; NATURE-SOCIETY RELATIONS; SPECIES INVASION;

NEW ZEALAND;

EID: 0031404838     PISSN: 03057488     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1006/jhge.1997.0061     Document Type: Article

References (158)

1. W. T. L. Travers, On the changes effected in the natural features of a new country by the introduction of civilized races, Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute [hereafter TPNZI] 2 (1869) 299-313, 313-30.
2. W. T. L. Travers, On the changes effected in the natural features of a new country by the introduction of civilized races (Part iii). Abstract of a lecture delivered at the Colonial Museum, Wellington, August 27, 1870, TPNZI 3 (1870) 326-35.
3. W. T. L. Travers, On the changes effected in the natural features of a new country by the introduction of civilized races (Part iii). Abstract of a lecture delivered at the Colonial Museum, Wellington, August 27, 1870, TPNZI 3 (1870) 326-35.
4. A. W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (London 1986).
5. W. H. McNeill, quoted on the dustjacket of ibid. As early as 1871, a New Zealand botanist observed that "European plants have largely displaced indigenous kinds in the vicinity of the seats of settlement". T. Kirk, A comparison of the indigenous floras of the British Islands and New Zealand, TPNZI 4 (1871) 247.
6. W. H. McNeill, quoted on the dustjacket of ibid. As early as 1871, a New Zealand botanist observed that "European plants have largely displaced indigenous kinds in the vicinity of the seats of settlement". T. Kirk, A comparison of the indigenous floras of the British Islands and New Zealand, TPNZI 4 (1871) 247.
7. For more on the articulation of natural theology in nineteenth-century New Zealand, see P. Star, T. H. Potts and the origins of conservation in New Zealand (1850-1890), (Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Otago, New Zealand). I am indebted to John Stenhouse, supervisor of this thesis, for discussion of this point.
8. K. B. Cumberland, A century's change: natural to cultural vegetation in New Zealand, The Geographical Review 31 (1941) 529-55; A. H. Clark, The Invasion of New Zealand by People, Plants and Animals. The South Island (New Brunswick, New Jersey 1949) 381.
9. K. B. Cumberland, A century's change: natural to cultural vegetation in New Zealand, The Geographical Review 31 (1941) 529-55; A. H. Clark, The Invasion of New Zealand by People, Plants and Animals. The South Island (New Brunswick, New Jersey 1949) 381.
10. K. B. Cumberland, Landmarks (Auckland and Sydney 1982); W. H. Oliver, The Oxford History of New Zealand (Oxford 1981); A. H. Grey, Aotearoa and New Zealand: A Historical Geography (Christchurch 1994) 17-18.
11. K. B. Cumberland, Landmarks (Auckland and Sydney 1982); W. H. Oliver, The Oxford History of New Zealand (Oxford 1981); A. H. Grey, Aotearoa and New Zealand: A Historical Geography (Christchurch 1994) 17-18.
12. K. B. Cumberland, Landmarks (Auckland and Sydney 1982); W. H. Oliver, The Oxford History of New Zealand (Oxford 1981); A. H. Grey, Aotearoa and New Zealand: A Historical Geography (Christchurch 1994) 17-18.
13. Travers, On the changes effected, 313.
14. S. Zeller, Land of promise, promised land: the culture of Victorian science in Canada, (Unpublished mimeo).
15. L. Barber, The Heyday of Natural History, 1820-1870 (New York 1980) 13-26 provides a lively, if somewhat scornful summary.
16. The only study of the work of the Acclimatisation Societies in toto is R. M. McDowell, Gamekeepers for the Nation: The Story of New Zealand's Acclimatisation Societies 1861-1990, (Christchurch 1994). Written by a biologist, its treatment of the nineteenth century is highly uneven and does not do justice to a rich, albeit scattered, body of source materials. It is complemented by several society histories written, for the most part, by members. By 1869, according to J. M. Wellwood (Ed.), Hawke's Bay Acclimatisation Society Centenary, 1868-1968, (Hastings 1968) 128, there were Acclimatisation Societies in Auckland (1866), Hawke's Bay (1868), Nelson (1867), North Canterbury (1863), Otago (1864), Southland (1867), and Wanganui (1868). McDowell constructs a slightly different chronology, giving Auckland pre-eminence in time with an 1861 foundation (although the society was moribund for some years before 'revival' in 1867) and assigning an 1863 foundation date to the Wanganui society. By this account the Nelson society was founded in 1863, though not registered until 1868, and the [North] Canterbury society first met in 1864; Southland and Hawke's Bay are assigned to 1867, and Wellington to 1871. By 1878, there were 11 societies in existence. The general aims of these societies were well summed up in the declaration of purpose from the Tauranga society: "the introduction, acclimatisation, and domestication of all innocuous animals, birds, fishes, insects and vegetables. Whether useful or ornamental, the perfection, propagation, hybridisation of species, newly introduced or already domesticated; the spread of indigenous animals etc. from parts of the Colonies where they are not known; the procuring whether by purchase, gift, or exchange of animals etc. from Great Britain, the British Colonies and Foreign Countries." See Peter Scott, Tauranga Acclimatisation Society 1882-1982, (n.p., 1982). Buckland's role in the mania for acclimatisation in the UK can be followed in Barber, op. cit., 139-51 and G. H. O. Burgess, The Curious World of Frank Buckland (London 1967).
17. The only study of the work of the Acclimatisation Societies in toto is R. M. McDowell, Gamekeepers for the Nation: The Story of New Zealand's Acclimatisation Societies 1861-1990, (Christchurch 1994). Written by a biologist, its treatment of the nineteenth century is highly uneven and does not do justice to a rich, albeit scattered, body of source materials. It is complemented by several society histories written, for the most part, by members. By 1869, according to J. M. Wellwood (Ed.), Hawke's Bay Acclimatisation Society Centenary, 1868-1968, (Hastings 1968) 128, there were Acclimatisation Societies in Auckland (1866), Hawke's Bay (1868), Nelson (1867), North Canterbury (1863), Otago (1864), Southland (1867), and Wanganui (1868). McDowell constructs a slightly different chronology, giving Auckland pre-eminence in time with an 1861 foundation (although the society was moribund for some years before 'revival' in 1867) and assigning an 1863 foundation date to the Wanganui society. By this account the Nelson society was founded in 1863, though not registered until 1868, and the [North] Canterbury society first met in 1864; Southland and Hawke's Bay are assigned to 1867, and Wellington to 1871. By 1878, there were 11 societies in existence. The general aims of these societies were well summed up in the declaration of purpose from the Tauranga society: "the introduction, acclimatisation, and domestication of all innocuous animals, birds, fishes, insects and vegetables. Whether useful or ornamental, the perfection, propagation, hybridisation of species, newly introduced or already domesticated; the spread of indigenous animals etc. from parts of the Colonies where they are not known; the procuring whether by purchase, gift, or exchange of animals etc. from Great Britain, the British Colonies and Foreign Countries." See Peter Scott, Tauranga Acclimatisation Society 1882-1982, (n.p., 1982). Buckland's role in the mania for acclimatisation in the UK can be followed in Barber, op. cit., 139-51 and G. H. O. Burgess, The Curious World of Frank Buckland (London 1967).
18. The only study of the work of the Acclimatisation Societies in toto is R. M. McDowell, Gamekeepers for the Nation: The Story of New Zealand's Acclimatisation Societies 1861-1990, (Christchurch 1994). Written by a biologist, its treatment of the nineteenth century is highly uneven and does not do justice to a rich, albeit scattered, body of source materials. It is complemented by several society histories written, for the most part, by members. By 1869, according to J. M. Wellwood (Ed.), Hawke's Bay Acclimatisation Society Centenary, 1868-1968, (Hastings 1968) 128, there were Acclimatisation Societies in Auckland (1866), Hawke's Bay (1868), Nelson (1867), North Canterbury (1863), Otago (1864), Southland (1867), and Wanganui (1868). McDowell constructs a slightly different chronology, giving Auckland pre-eminence in time with an 1861 foundation (although the society was moribund for some years before 'revival' in 1867) and assigning an 1863 foundation date to the Wanganui society. By this account the Nelson society was founded in 1863, though not registered until 1868, and the [North] Canterbury society first met in 1864; Southland and Hawke's Bay are assigned to 1867, and Wellington to 1871. By 1878, there were 11 societies in existence. The general aims of these societies were well summed up in the declaration of purpose from the Tauranga society: "the introduction, acclimatisation, and domestication of all innocuous animals, birds, fishes, insects and vegetables. Whether useful or ornamental, the perfection, propagation, hybridisation of species, newly introduced or already domesticated; the spread of indigenous animals etc. from parts of the Colonies where they are not known; the procuring whether by purchase, gift, or exchange of animals etc. from Great Britain, the British Colonies and Foreign Countries." See Peter Scott, Tauranga Acclimatisation Society 1882-1982, (n.p., 1982). Buckland's role in the mania for acclimatisation in the UK can be followed in Barber, op. cit., 139-51 and G. H. O. Burgess, The Curious World of Frank Buckland (London 1967).
19. The only study of the work of the Acclimatisation Societies in toto is R. M. McDowell, Gamekeepers for the Nation: The Story of New Zealand's Acclimatisation Societies 1861-1990, (Christchurch 1994). Written by a biologist, its treatment of the nineteenth century is highly uneven and does not do justice to a rich, albeit scattered, body of source materials. It is complemented by several society histories written, for the most part, by members. By 1869, according to J. M. Wellwood (Ed.), Hawke's Bay Acclimatisation Society Centenary, 1868-1968, (Hastings 1968) 128, there were Acclimatisation Societies in Auckland (1866), Hawke's Bay (1868), Nelson (1867), North Canterbury (1863), Otago (1864), Southland (1867), and Wanganui (1868). McDowell constructs a slightly different chronology, giving Auckland pre-eminence in time with an 1861 foundation (although the society was moribund for some years before 'revival' in 1867) and assigning an 1863 foundation date to the Wanganui society. By this account the Nelson society was founded in 1863, though not registered until 1868, and the [North] Canterbury society first met in 1864; Southland and Hawke's Bay are assigned to 1867, and Wellington to 1871. By 1878, there were 11 societies in existence. The general aims of these societies were well summed up in the declaration of purpose from the Tauranga society: "the introduction, acclimatisation, and domestication of all innocuous animals, birds, fishes, insects and vegetables. Whether useful or ornamental, the perfection, propagation, hybridisation of species, newly introduced or already domesticated; the spread of indigenous animals etc. from parts of the Colonies where they are not known; the procuring whether by purchase, gift, or exchange of animals etc. from Great Britain, the British Colonies and Foreign Countries." See Peter Scott, Tauranga Acclimatisation Society 1882-1982, (n.p., 1982). Buckland's role in the mania for acclimatisation in the UK can be followed in Barber, op. cit., 139-51 and G. H. O. Burgess, The Curious World of Frank Buckland (London 1967).
20. The only study of the work of the Acclimatisation Societies in toto is R. M. McDowell, Gamekeepers for the Nation: The Story of New Zealand's Acclimatisation Societies 1861-1990, (Christchurch 1994). Written by a biologist, its treatment of the nineteenth century is highly uneven and does not do justice to a rich, albeit scattered, body of source materials. It is complemented by several society histories written, for the most part, by members. By 1869, according to J. M. Wellwood (Ed.), Hawke's Bay Acclimatisation Society Centenary, 1868-1968, (Hastings 1968) 128, there were Acclimatisation Societies in Auckland (1866), Hawke's Bay (1868), Nelson (1867), North Canterbury (1863), Otago (1864), Southland (1867), and Wanganui (1868). McDowell constructs a slightly different chronology, giving Auckland pre-eminence in time with an 1861 foundation (although the society was moribund for some years before 'revival' in 1867) and assigning an 1863 foundation date to the Wanganui society. By this account the Nelson society was founded in 1863, though not registered until 1868, and the [North] Canterbury society first met in 1864; Southland and Hawke's Bay are assigned to 1867, and Wellington to 1871. By 1878, there were 11 societies in existence. The general aims of these societies were well summed up in the declaration of purpose from the Tauranga society: "the introduction, acclimatisation, and domestication of all innocuous animals, birds, fishes, insects and vegetables. Whether useful or ornamental, the perfection, propagation, hybridisation of species, newly introduced or already domesticated; the spread of indigenous animals etc. from parts of the Colonies where they are not known; the procuring whether by purchase, gift, or exchange of animals etc. from Great Britain, the British Colonies and Foreign Countries." See Peter Scott, Tauranga Acclimatisation Society 1882-1982, (n.p., 1982). Buckland's role in the mania for acclimatisation in the UK can be followed in Barber, op. cit., 139-51 and G. H. O. Burgess, The Curious World of Frank Buckland (London 1967).
21. C. Darwin, On the Origin of Species (1859; reprint edition London 1950); S. Zeller, Environment, culture and the reception of Darwin in Canada, 1859-1909, and J. Stenhouse, Darwinism in New Zealand 1859-1900, both in R. Numbers and J. Stenhouse (Eds), Responding to Darwin (forthcoming).
22. C. Darwin, On the Origin of Species (1859; reprint edition London 1950); S. Zeller, Environment, culture and the reception of Darwin in Canada, 1859-1909, and J. Stenhouse, Darwinism in New Zealand 1859-1900, both in R. Numbers and J. Stenhouse (Eds), Responding to Darwin (forthcoming).
23. C. Darwin, On the Origin of Species (1859; reprint edition London 1950); S. Zeller, Environment, culture and the reception of Darwin in Canada, 1859-1909, and J. Stenhouse, Darwinism in New Zealand 1859-1900, both in R. Numbers and J. Stenhouse (Eds), Responding to Darwin (forthcoming).
24. G. P. Marsh, Man and Nature (New York 1864); G. Wynn, Pioneers, politicians, and the conservation of forests in early New Zealand, Journal of Historical Geography 5 (1979) 171-88; G. Wynn, Conservation and society in late nineteenth-century New Zealand, New Zealand Journal of History 11 (1977) 124-36.
25. G. P. Marsh, Man and Nature (New York 1864); G. Wynn, Pioneers, politicians, and the conservation of forests in early New Zealand, Journal of Historical Geography 5 (1979) 171-88; G. Wynn, Conservation and society in late nineteenth-century New Zealand, New Zealand Journal of History 11 (1977) 124-36.
26. G. P. Marsh, Man and Nature (New York 1864); G. Wynn, Pioneers, politicians, and the conservation of forests in early New Zealand, Journal of Historical Geography 5 (1979) 171-88; G. Wynn, Conservation and society in late nineteenth-century New Zealand, New Zealand Journal of History 11 (1977) 124-36.
27. T. Kirk, The displacement of species in New Zealand, TPNZI 28 (1895) 2.
28. W. P. Reeves, A colonist in his garden, in W. F. Alexander and A. E. Currie (Eds), New Zealand Verse (London 1906) 22-6, from Reeves, New Zealand, and Other Poems (London 1898).
29. W. P. Reeves, A colonist in his garden, in W. F. Alexander and A. E. Currie (Eds), New Zealand Verse (London 1906) 22-6, from Reeves, New Zealand, and Other Poems (London 1898).
30. M. Colborne-Veel, Emigravit, in Alexander and Currie, op. cit., 14-5, from Colborne-Veel, The Fairest of the Angels, and Other Verse (London 1894).
31. M. Colborne-Veel, Emigravit, in Alexander and Currie, op. cit., 14-5, from Colborne-Veel, The Fairest of the Angels, and Other Verse (London 1894).
32. Kirk, loc cit., 8; C. King, Immigrant Killers: Introduced Predators and the Conservation of Birds in New Zealand (Auckland 1985) has shown that the depredations of weasels, stoats etc., were appreciable, but that deforestation, scrub burning, and hunting by humans were also significant in the reduction of indigenous bird populations. See also H. B. Martin, Objections to the introduction of beasts of prey to destroy the rabbit, TPNZI 17 (1885) 179-82 and J. M. Diamond and C. R. Veitch, Extinctions and introductions in the New Zealand avifauna: cause and effect, Science 211 (1981) 499-501.
33. Kirk, loc cit., 8; C. King, Immigrant Killers: Introduced Predators and the Conservation of Birds in New Zealand (Auckland 1985) has shown that the depredations of weasels, stoats etc., were appreciable, but that deforestation, scrub burning, and hunting by humans were also significant in the reduction of indigenous bird populations. See also H. B. Martin, Objections to the introduction of beasts of prey to destroy the rabbit, TPNZI 17 (1885) 179-82 and J. M. Diamond and C. R. Veitch, Extinctions and introductions in the New Zealand avifauna: cause and effect, Science 211 (1981) 499-501.
34. Kirk, loc cit., 8; C. King, Immigrant Killers: Introduced Predators and the Conservation of Birds in New Zealand (Auckland 1985) has shown that the depredations of weasels, stoats etc., were appreciable, but that deforestation, scrub burning, and hunting by humans were also significant in the reduction of indigenous bird populations. See also H. B. Martin, Objections to the introduction of beasts of prey to destroy the rabbit, TPNZI 17 (1885) 179-82 and J. M. Diamond and C. R. Veitch, Extinctions and introductions in the New Zealand avifauna: cause and effect, Science 211 (1981) 499-501.
35. Kirk, loc cit., 8; C. King, Immigrant Killers: Introduced Predators and the Conservation of Birds in New Zealand (Auckland 1985) has shown that the depredations of weasels, stoats etc., were appreciable, but that deforestation, scrub burning, and hunting by humans were also significant in the reduction of indigenous bird populations. See also H. B. Martin, Objections to the introduction of beasts of prey to destroy the rabbit, TPNZI 17 (1885) 179-82 and J. M. Diamond and C. R. Veitch, Extinctions and introductions in the New Zealand avifauna: cause and effect, Science 211 (1981) 499-501.
36. J. D. Hooker, Notes on the replacement of species in the colonies and elsewhere, The Natural History Review (1864) 124.
37. Travers, On the changes effected, 312-3.
38. J. F. Armstrong, On the naturalized plants of the province of Canterbury, TPNZI4 (1871) 285. On this theme see also R. Gillies, Notes on some changes in the fauna of Otago, TPNZI 10 (1878) 306-22 and A. Bathgate, Some changes in the flora and fauna of Otago in the last sixty years, New Zealand Journal of Science and Technology 4 (1922) 273-83.
39. J. F. Armstrong, On the naturalized plants of the province of Canterbury, TPNZI4 (1871) 285. On this theme see also R. Gillies, Notes on some changes in the fauna of Otago, TPNZI 10 (1878) 306-22 and A. Bathgate, Some changes in the flora and fauna of Otago in the last sixty years, New Zealand Journal of Science and Technology 4 (1922) 273-83.
40. J. F. Armstrong, On the naturalized plants of the province of Canterbury, TPNZI4 (1871) 285. On this theme see also R. Gillies, Notes on some changes in the fauna of Otago, TPNZI 10 (1878) 306-22 and A. Bathgate, Some changes in the flora and fauna of Otago in the last sixty years, New Zealand Journal of Science and Technology 4 (1922) 273-83.
41. Kirk, loc cit., 19.
42. Ornithology of New Zealand, Nature (18 July 1872) 219, a review of F. W. Hutton, Catalogue of the Birds of New Zealand, with Diagnosis of the Species (New Zealand 1871) and W. L. Buller, A History of the Birds of New Zealand, Part I (London 1872).
43. Ornithology of New Zealand, Nature (18 July 1872) 219, a review of F. W. Hutton, Catalogue of the Birds of New Zealand, with Diagnosis of the Species (New Zealand 1871) and W. L. Buller, A History of the Birds of New Zealand, Part I (London 1872).
44. Ornithology of New Zealand, Nature (18 July 1872) 219, a review of F. W. Hutton, Catalogue of the Birds of New Zealand, with Diagnosis of the Species (New Zealand 1871) and W. L. Buller, A History of the Birds of New Zealand, Part I (London 1872).
45. Morning Herald, Dunedin, 26 January 1881.
46. T. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS of New Zealand, especially with regard to those occurring in the Province of Auckland, TPNZI 2 (1869) 145. See also T. Kirk, Plants observed during a visit north of Auckland, TPNZI 1 (1868) 140; J. Buchanan, Flowering plants and ferns of the Chatham Islands, TPNZI 7 (1875) 333.
47. T. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS of New Zealand, especially with regard to those occurring in the Province of Auckland, TPNZI 2 (1869) 145. See also T. Kirk, Plants observed during a visit north of Auckland, TPNZI 1 (1868) 140; J. Buchanan, Flowering plants and ferns of the Chatham Islands, TPNZI 7 (1875) 333.
48. T. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS of New Zealand, especially with regard to those occurring in the Province of Auckland, TPNZI 2 (1869) 145. See also T. Kirk, Plants observed during a visit north of Auckland, TPNZI 1 (1868) 140; J. Buchanan, Flowering plants and ferns of the Chatham Islands, TPNZI 7 (1875) 333.
49. Raoul (1844) and Cunningham cited in H. H. Allan, The origin and distribution of the naturalized plants of New Zealand, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 150th Session, Part I (November 1937).
50. J. D. Hooker, Handbook of the New Zealand Flora (London 1864-7).
51. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS; Kirk, The displacement, 24.
52. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS; Kirk, The displacement, 24.
53. Kirk, The displacement, 24.
54. T. Kirk, On the products of a ballast-heap, TPNZI 28 (1895) 501-7. Kirk refers to his investigation of the ballast-borne plants in Kirk, The displacement, and offers a slightly different account of his findings from that in the 1895 report.
55. T. F. Cheeseman, Manual of the New Zealand Flora (Wellington 1925); L. Cockayne and H. H. Allan, Notes on New Zealand Floristic Botany, etc., TPNZI 57 (1927) 48-72.
56. T. F. Cheeseman, Manual of the New Zealand Flora (Wellington 1925); L. Cockayne and H. H. Allan, Notes on New Zealand Floristic Botany, etc., TPNZI 57 (1927) 48-72.
57. Allan, loc cit., 26.
58. L. Cockayne, The Vegetation of New Zealand, Vol. 14, Die Vegetation der Erde. (Leipzig 1928); G. M. Thompson, The Naturalisation of Animals and Plants in New Zealand (Cambridge 1922).
59. L. Cockayne, The Vegetation of New Zealand, Vol. 14, Die Vegetation der Erde. (Leipzig 1928); G. M. Thompson, The Naturalisation of Animals and Plants in New Zealand (Cambridge 1922).
60. Allan, loc cit., 29-31. See also H. H. Allan, A Handbook of the Naturalized Flora of New Zealand, NZ DSIR Bulletin No. 83/Botany Division pub. No 4 (Wellington 1940) and A. J. Healy, Introduced vegetation, in G. R. Williams (Ed.) The Natural History of New Zealand: An Ecological Survey (Wellington 1973) 170-89.
61. Allan, loc cit., 29-31. See also H. H. Allan, A Handbook of the Naturalized Flora of New Zealand, NZ DSIR Bulletin No. 83/Botany Division pub. No 4 (Wellington 1940) and A. J. Healy, Introduced vegetation, in G. R. Williams (Ed.) The Natural History of New Zealand: An Ecological Survey (Wellington 1973) 170-89.
62. Allan, loc cit., 29-31. See also H. H. Allan, A Handbook of the Naturalized Flora of New Zealand, NZ DSIR Bulletin No. 83/Botany Division pub. No 4 (Wellington 1940) and A. J. Healy, Introduced vegetation, in G. R. Williams (Ed.) The Natural History of New Zealand: An Ecological Survey (Wellington 1973) 170-89.
63. The details in the next three paragraphs are extracted, in large part, from Allan, The origin, 25-45.
64. It was, of course, exactly at this point that the geographers Kenneth Cumberland and Andrew Clark arrived in New Zealand. Little wonder that they were impressed by what they saw for, as Cumberland had it, "what in Europe took twenty centuries, and in North America four, has been accomplished in New Zealand within a single century - in little more than one full lifetime". Within a few years of his arrival in the country, Cumberland was convinced that "The ousting of the indigenous plant cover and the partial establishment of an exotic (mainly European) vegetation in its place is at one and the same time the essential theme of the history of New Zealand and the foundation of the regional differentiation of its area". See Cumberland, A century's change, 529-30. In pursuing the importance of 'invasions' to this story, Clark (in common with many other geographers of his day) was more concerned with patterns of land use than with biogeography. Although he has a chapter on animal pests, his treatment of invading animals and plants focuses on the domestic and the commercial - sheep, cattle, the minor domesticated animals, potatoes, wheat, the brassicas, grasses, and clovers, exotic trees and shrubs - and with regional patterns of rural economy. See Clark, op. cit. Cumberland was quick to realize that "nature's revenge was already in evidence" and moved on to important work on soil conservation
65. It was, of course, exactly at this point that the geographers Kenneth Cumberland and Andrew Clark arrived in New Zealand. Little wonder that they were impressed by what they saw for, as Cumberland had it, "what in Europe took twenty centuries, and in North America four, has been accomplished in New Zealand within a single century - in little more than one full lifetime". Within a few years of his arrival in the country, Cumberland was convinced that "The ousting of the indigenous plant cover and the partial establishment of an exotic (mainly European) vegetation in its place is at one and the same time the essential theme of the history of New Zealand and the foundation of the regional differentiation of its area". See Cumberland, A century's change, 529-30. In pursuing the importance of 'invasions' to this story, Clark (in common with many other geographers of his day) was more concerned with patterns of land use than with biogeography. Although he has a chapter on animal pests, his treatment of invading animals and plants focuses on the domestic and the commercial - sheep, cattle, the minor domesticated animals, potatoes, wheat, the brassicas, grasses, and clovers, exotic trees and shrubs - and with regional patterns of rural economy. See Clark, op. cit. Cumberland was quick to realize that "nature's revenge was already in evidence" and moved on to important work on soil conservation
66. See K. B. Cumberland, Soil Erosion in New Zealand: a Geographic Reconnaissance (Wellington 1944),
67. and A. G. Anderson, Introduction, in A. G. Anderson (Ed.), The Land Our Future: Essays on Land use and Conservation in New Zealand (Auckland 1980) 1-15. In Canterbury, in the 1960s, there were "few, if any landscapes at altitudes below 2,000 feet in which adventive species are not prominent, with many so widespread, so abundant and in such isolated situations as to present, especially to the non-botanist, every appearance of being indigenous".
68. A. J. Healy, The Adventive Flora in Canterbury, in G. A. Knox (Ed.), The Natural History of Canterbury (Wellington 1969) 264.
69. Cumberland, A century's change, 534.
70. C. R. Ashby, The Centenary History of the Auckland Acclimatisation Society, 1867-1967 (Auckland 1967) 11, 34.
71. Wellwood, op. cit., 24-8.
72. W. C. R. Sowman, Meadow, Mountain, Forest and Stream: the Provincial History of the Nelson Acclimatisation Society, 1863-1968 (Nelson 1981). Among the many testaments to the driving enthusiasm for acclimatization, two are worth note here: (a) a letter from Frank Buckland, Inspector of Salmon Fisheries, England and Wales (see note 10 above) enclosed in J. C. Andrew to . . . the Premier, 20 September 1873 (in Journals of the House of Assembly of New Zealand, Appendix H-8, 1874). Commenting on the effort to establish salmon in New Zealand, he wrote: "Reasoning from analogy, I think they ought to succeed there. English men and women live there. English cattle and horses thrive there, the temperature seems altogether very much the same as in England. Trout have already succeeded in Australia . . . and I cannot see why salmon should not succeed in New Zealand. He is a cohabitant with Englishmen here; why should he not be a cohabitant with Englishmen in New Zealand also"; and (b) the words of a correspondent of the Weekly Herald (Wanganui) 5 February 1870, 2 who wrote: "Instead of the discordant and ridiculous note of the tui, we should have the melody of the thrush and the blackbird." Cited by R. Arnold, New Zealand's Burning: The Settlers' World in the Mid 1880s (Wellington 1994) 280.
73. W. C. R. Sowman, Meadow, Mountain, Forest and Stream: the Provincial History of the Nelson Acclimatisation Society, 1863-1968 (Nelson 1981). Among the many testaments to the driving enthusiasm for acclimatization, two are worth note here: (a) a letter from Frank Buckland, Inspector of Salmon Fisheries, England and Wales (see note 10 above) enclosed in J. C. Andrew to . . . the Premier, 20 September 1873 (in Journals of the House of Assembly of New Zealand, Appendix H-8, 1874). Commenting on the effort to establish salmon in New Zealand, he wrote: "Reasoning from analogy, I think they ought to succeed there. English men and women live there. English cattle and horses thrive there, the temperature seems altogether very much the same as in England. Trout have already succeeded in Australia . . . and I cannot see why salmon should not succeed in New Zealand. He is a cohabitant with Englishmen here; why should he not be a cohabitant with Englishmen in New Zealand also"; and (b) the words of a correspondent of the Weekly Herald (Wanganui) 5 February 1870, 2 who wrote: "Instead of the discordant and ridiculous note of the tui, we should have the melody of the thrush and the blackbird." Cited by R. Arnold, New Zealand's Burning: The Settlers' World in the Mid 1880s (Wellington 1994) 280.
74. W. C. R. Sowman, Meadow, Mountain, Forest and Stream: the Provincial History of the Nelson Acclimatisation Society, 1863-1968 (Nelson 1981). Among the many testaments to the driving enthusiasm for acclimatization, two are worth note here: (a) a letter from Frank Buckland, Inspector of Salmon Fisheries, England and Wales (see note 10 above) enclosed in J. C. Andrew to . . . the Premier, 20 September 1873 (in Journals of the House of Assembly of New Zealand, Appendix H-8, 1874). Commenting on the effort to establish salmon in New Zealand, he wrote: "Reasoning from analogy, I think they ought to succeed there. English men and women live there. English cattle and horses thrive there, the temperature seems altogether very much the same as in England. Trout have already succeeded in Australia . . . and I cannot see why salmon should not succeed in New Zealand. He is a cohabitant with Englishmen here; why should he not be a cohabitant with Englishmen in New Zealand also"; and (b) the words of a correspondent of the Weekly Herald (Wanganui) 5 February 1870, 2 who wrote: "Instead of the discordant and ridiculous note of the tui, we should have the melody of the thrush and the blackbird." Cited by R. Arnold, New Zealand's Burning: The Settlers' World in the Mid 1880s (Wellington 1994) 280.
75. W. C. R. Sowman, Meadow, Mountain, Forest and Stream: the Provincial History of the Nelson Acclimatisation Society, 1863-1968 (Nelson 1981). Among the many testaments to the driving enthusiasm for acclimatization, two are worth note here: (a) a letter from Frank Buckland, Inspector of Salmon Fisheries, England and Wales (see note 10 above) enclosed in J. C. Andrew to . . . the Premier, 20 September 1873 (in Journals of the House of Assembly of New Zealand, Appendix H-8, 1874). Commenting on the effort to establish salmon in New Zealand, he wrote: "Reasoning from analogy, I think they ought to succeed there. English men and women live there. English cattle and horses thrive there, the temperature seems altogether very much the same as in England. Trout have already succeeded in Australia . . . and I cannot see why salmon should not succeed in New Zealand. He is a cohabitant with Englishmen here; why should he not be a cohabitant with Englishmen in New Zealand also"; and (b) the words of a correspondent of the Weekly Herald (Wanganui) 5 February 1870, 2 who wrote: "Instead of the discordant and ridiculous note of the tui, we should have the melody of the thrush and the blackbird." Cited by R. Arnold, New Zealand's Burning: The Settlers' World in the Mid 1880s (Wellington 1994) 280.
76. Nineteenth-century newspapers from all parts of the country include scores of advertisements for plants and seeds. For examples, see The Press [Christchurch] 8 June 1861, 7; 5 October 1861, 6; 30 November 1861, 7; 16 August 1862, 8.
77. E. Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (Christchurch 1974) I 393, cited by Crosby, op. cit., 253.
78. E. Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (Christchurch 1974) I 393, cited by Crosby, op. cit., 253.
79. W. Colenso, A brief list of some British plants (weeds) lately noticed, apparently of recent introduction into this part of the colony; with a few notes thereon, TPNZI 18 (1895) 289-90
80. W. T. L. Travers, Acclimatisation in Canterbury, New Zealand Country Journal 8 (1884) 500.
81. Ibid., 500.
82. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS, 131; Armstrong, On the Naturalized Plants, 286.
83. Kirk, On the NATURALIZED PLANTS, 131; Armstrong, On the Naturalized Plants, 286.
84. Clark, op. cit., 342-58.
85. Almost three decades after Clark's work, botanist A. J. Healy reflected on the paucity of attention given the adventive flora of Canterbury and brought exactly the sense of place and change - of local geography - that is missing from The Invasion to bear on the botanical literature in a ground-breaking essay that characterized the main plant communities of Canterbury and their habitats. See Healy, Adventive flora in Canterbury.
86. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
87. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
88. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
89. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
90. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
91. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
92. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
93. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
94. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
95. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
96. W. H. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira: The Story of a New Zealand Sheep Station (Edinburgh and London 1921) xxi+400; 2nd edition (London 1926) xxvii+405; 3rd edition (Edinburgh 1953) xxxi+444; 4th edition (Wellington 1969) xxxi+464. All quotes are from the 4th edition. Biographical material on Guthrie-Smith can be found in A. H. McClintock (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of New Zealand (Wellington 1966) 889-90; A. E. Woodhouse, Guthrie- Smith of Tutira (Christchurch 1959); and V. Yarwood, Guthrie-Smith of Tutira, New Zealand Geographic 27 (July-September 1995) 46-62. His self-deprecating characterization of himself as "a not altogether idiotic sheep-farmer" obscures his importance as a naturalist and conservationist whose writings were major contributions to the study of New Zealand birds; see his Mutton Birds and Other Birds (Christchurch 1914), Bird life on Island and Shore (Edinburgh and London 1925), Birds of the Water Wood and Waste (Wellington 1927) and The Sorrows and Joys of a New Zealand Naturalist (Dunedin and Wellington 1936).
97. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 398-9.
98. Ibid., 320.
99. D. Worster, Doing Environmental History, in D. Worster (Ed.), The Ends of the Earth: Perspectives on Modern Environmental History (Cambridge 1988) 292.
100. McClintock, op. cit., 890; Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 152-3, 166.
101. McClintock, op. cit., 890; Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 152-3, 166.
102. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 65-73 and 74-103 passim, deals with the Maori presence at some length.
103. Ibid., 263-5.
104. Ibid., 231, 239, 242.
105. Guthrie-Smith was particularly sensitive to the Maori presence, and the manner in which the Tutira lease had been signed. Reflecting on one renewal of this lease, he wrote: "Often I have wondered if any work at all done on the station was legally done, for if I am to credit the local natives, the original lease was signed by many who had no sort of claim on the Tutira lands; no proper supervision seems to have been exercised, many of the signatures were forgeries, or if that is too strong a word, one native signed for another; then again was it clearly defined that Newton [the first European occupant] and succeeding tenants of Tutira were permitted to destroy the ancient vegetation of the run, to cover it with clover and grass, to drain its swamps?" See Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 225.
106. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 139.
107. Ibid., 150.
108. Ibid., 152, 155.
109. Ibid., 226-33.
110. This discussion represents my best efforts to sort out an imprecise, confusing, contradictory set of accounts about the changing boundaries of Tutira. The main sources are: (i) Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, which is often vague, and sometimes internally inconsistent with regard to both chronology and acreage; Woodhouse, op. cit., which specifies the maximum extent of the run as 64000 acres, despite Guthrie-Smith's claim that this area was 61 140 acres; and (iii) a set of four unattributed, hand-drawn and hand-coloured maps on A-2 card, stamped "University of Canterbury, Department of Geography, 19 Oct 1971" and filed as "NZ Historical Maps" at that place. These maps show various features (roads, tracks, drainage, place names, boundaries) for the period 1872-1971, and derive in part from the two sources noted above, as well as from cadastral maps of the New Zealand Department of Lands and Survey. I thank Ms Katrina Richards for her work on these maps, as well as her assistance with other illustrative material in this paper originally prepared for a plate provisionally titled "Introduction of Species: the floral and faunal recolonisation of New Zealand" in the New Zealand Historical Atlas (forthcoming 1997). On this, see note by Eric Pawson in this issue of the Journal of Historical Geography.
111. This discussion represents my best efforts to sort out an imprecise, confusing, contradictory set of accounts about the changing boundaries of Tutira. The main sources are: (i) Guthrie- Smith, Tutira, which is often vague, and sometimes internally inconsistent with regard to both chronology and acreage; Woodhouse, op. cit., which specifies the maximum extent of the run as 64000 acres, despite Guthrie-Smith's claim that this area was 61 140 acres; and (iii) a set of four unattributed, hand-drawn and hand-coloured maps on A-2 card, stamped "University of Canterbury, Department of Geography, 19 Oct 1971" and filed as "NZ Historical Maps" at that place. These maps show various features (roads, tracks, drainage, place names, boundaries) for the period 1872-1971, and derive in part from the two sources noted above, as well as from cadastral maps of the New Zealand Department of Lands and Survey. I thank Ms Katrina Richards for her work on these maps, as well as her assistance with other illustrative material in this paper originally prepared for a plate provisionally titled "Introduction of Species: the floral and faunal recolonisation of New Zealand" in the New Zealand Historical Atlas (forthcoming 1997). On this, see note by Eric Pawson in this issue of the Journal of Historical Geography.
112. This discussion represents my best efforts to sort out an imprecise, confusing, contradictory set of accounts about the changing boundaries of Tutira. The main sources are: (i) Guthrie- Smith, Tutira, which is often vague,
113. This discussion represents my best efforts to sort out an imprecise, confusing, contradictory set of accounts about the changing boundaries of Tutira. The main sources are: (i) Guthrie- Smith, Tutira, which is often vague, and sometimes internally inconsistent with regard to both chronology and acreage; Woodhouse, op. cit., which specifies the maximum extent of the run as 64000 acres, despite Guthrie-Smith's claim that this area was 61 140 acres; and (iii) a set of four unattributed, hand-drawn and hand-coloured maps on A-2 card, stamped "University of Canterbury, Department of Geography, 19 Oct 1971" and filed as "NZ Historical Maps" at that place. These maps show various features (roads, tracks, drainage, place names, boundaries) for the period 1872-1971, and derive in part from the two sources noted above, as well as from cadastral maps of the New Zealand Department of Lands and Survey. I thank Ms Katrina Richards for her work on these maps, as well as her assistance with other illustrative material in this paper originally prepared for a plate provisionally titled "Introduction of Species: the floral and faunal recolonisation of New Zealand" in the New Zealand Historical Atlas (forthcoming 1997). On this, see note by Eric Pawson in this issue of the Journal of Historical Geography.
114. This discussion represents my best efforts to sort out an imprecise, confusing, contradictory set of accounts about the changing boundaries of Tutira. The main sources are: (i) Guthrie- Smith, Tutira, which is often vague, and sometimes internally inconsistent with regard to both chronology and acreage; Woodhouse, op. cit., which specifies the maximum extent of the run as 64000 acres, despite Guthrie-Smith's claim that this area was 61 140 acres; and (iii) a set of four unattributed, hand-drawn and hand-coloured maps on A-2 card, stamped "University of Canterbury, Department of Geography, 19 Oct 1971" and filed as "NZ Historical Maps" at that place. These maps show various features (roads, tracks, drainage, place names, boundaries) for the period 1872-1971, and derive in part from the two sources noted above, as well as from cadastral maps of the New Zealand Department of Lands and Survey. I thank Ms Katrina Richards for her work on these maps, as well as her assistance with other illustrative material in this paper originally prepared for a plate provisionally titled "Introduction of Species: the floral and faunal recolonisation of New Zealand" in the New Zealand Historical Atlas (forthcoming 1997). On this, see note by Eric Pawson in this issue of the Journal of Historical Geography.
115. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 416.
116. B. M. Absalom, Preface to Fourth Edition, in Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., np.
117. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 237-9.
118. Ibid., 296.
119. Ibid., 240.
120. Ibid., 236-45.
121. Ibid., 297.
122. Ibid., 246-51.
123. Ibid., 252-6. The discussion, on 255-6, of how Tansy made its way to Tutira demonstrates both Guthrie-Smith's remarkably intricate knowledge of the biogeography of his run, and the inferential method on which his analysis of floral change often depended. Found only beneath an angle-post in the boundary fence between Tutira and a neighbouring run, this plant reached Tutira from the Arapawanui station garden. Ordered to repair the boundary fence, Guthrie-Smith posited, a worker from Arapawanui lifted a spade from the garden and rode out to the broken fence. It was not difficult, then, "to observe the soil adhering to the tool; to visualise the tiny seed wrapt in its coatings of clay" making its way to the edge of Tutira - provided that "the earth might not, during the strapping on to the saddle, during the brushing through scrub, during preliminary repair work, have become detached along a section of the fence, traversing bush where the seed would perish for want of light" or been deposited where the seed might "have been choked on dense sward or rotted by exposure, or bitten below the crown by stock, or perished by too deep burial, or been annihilated by slugs, or washed out by torrential rains, or crushed underfoot, or mildewed by blight, or baked by drought". Only a remarkable combination of factors, in short, allowed the acclimatization of this new alien on Tutira. From this it was surely obvious that "[p]robably, of seeds that reach New Zealand, not one in ten thousand succeeds in establishing itself".
124. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 257-65.
125. Ibid., 266-71.
126. Ibid., 272-7.
127. Ibid., 278-94.
128. Ibid., 294.
129. My presentation of part of this paper at the Environmental Cultures: Historical Perspectives Conference in Victoria, Canada in April 1996 called forth evidence of one link in this worldwide network. Noticing my title, Athabasca University historian Jeremy Mouat wrote informing me that he owns a "handsomely inscribed copy of Tutira, sent by Guthrie-Smith to [his] grandparents", former residents of Royston, Vancouver Island who bought the nursery stock of the Buchanan-Simpsons on Lake Cowichan during the 1930s and "became very well-known rhododendron nursery people". They corresponded with Guthrie-Smith, and there are likely rhododendrons (and perhaps even weeds) from Royston on Tutira as a result.
130. Guthrie-Smith, op. cit., 295-303.
131. Ibid., 330-41.
132. H. Guthrie-Smith, Bird-life on a run, TPNZI 28 (1895) 368.
133. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 367-75. Several of Guthrie-Smith's essays on the avifauna of his property, first published in The Forerunner (Havelock North) between 1909 and 1914, have been collected under his name in Birds of Tutira (Whatamongo Bay, Queen Charlotte Sound 1990).
134. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 367-75. Several of Guthrie-Smith's essays on the avifauna of his property, first published in The Forerunner (Havelock North) between 1909 and 1914, have been collected under his name in Birds of Tutira (Whatamongo Bay, Queen Charlotte Sound 1990).
135. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 367-75. Several of Guthrie-Smith's essays on the avifauna of his property, first published in The Forerunner (Havelock North) between 1909 and 1914, have been collected under his name in Birds of Tutira (Whatamongo Bay, Queen Charlotte Sound 1990).
136. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 353, 363-4, 387.
137. F. Sargeson, Sargeson (Auckland 1981) 53-9.
138. Although this is nowhere made explicit, the inspiration for Guthrie-Smith's attempt at a natural history of his run may well have been Gilbert White's Natural History of Selborne (1789). The format of Tutira differs from that of Selborne (presented as a series of letters) but the New Zealand book certainly shares in the claim made by John White of the 1802 edition of Selborne that it "has probably been supposed by many to be formed upon a more local and confined plan than it really is. In fact, the greater part of the observations are applicable to all that portion of the island in which [the author] resided". See P. G. M. Foster, An Introduction to Selborne, in G. White, The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne (1813 Facsimile edition, London 1993) xx. Equally suggestive is Guthrie-Smith's designation of the "steep [wooded] eastern slope situated immediately behind the present homestead" (321) as 'The Hanger'; the same term was applied by the people of Selborne to the long hanging wood that clothed the chalk hills to the southwest of the village. See also the 3-page pamphlet by S. H. Cunningham, The Hanger Tutira Station (Napier 1976) which discusses the ecology of this area, and for some discussion of the influence of Selborne in the Antipodes, T. Griffiths, 'The natural history of Melbourne': the culture of nature writing in Victoria, 1880-1945, Australian Historical Studies 23 (1989) 339-65.
139. Although this is nowhere made explicit, the inspiration for Guthrie-Smith's attempt at a natural history of his run may well have been Gilbert White's Natural History of Selborne (1789). The format of Tutira differs from that of Selborne (presented as a series of letters) but the New Zealand book certainly shares in the claim made by John White of the 1802 edition of Selborne that it "has probably been supposed by many to be formed upon a more local and confined plan than it really is. In fact, the greater part of the observations are applicable to all that portion of the island in which [the author] resided". See P. G. M. Foster, An Introduction to Selborne, in G. White, The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne (1813 Facsimile edition, London 1993) xx. Equally suggestive is Guthrie-Smith's designation of the "steep [wooded] eastern slope situated immediately behind the present homestead" (321) as 'The Hanger'; the same term was applied by the people of Selborne to the long hanging wood that clothed the chalk hills to the southwest of the village. See also the 3-page pamphlet by S. H. Cunningham, The Hanger Tutira Station (Napier 1976) which discusses the ecology of this area, and for some discussion of the influence of Selborne in the Antipodes, T. Griffiths, 'The natural history of Melbourne': the culture of nature writing in Victoria, 1880-1945, Australian Historical Studies 23 (1989) 339-65.
140. Although this is nowhere made explicit, the inspiration for Guthrie-Smith's attempt at a natural history of his run may well have been Gilbert White's Natural History of Selborne (1789). The format of Tutira differs from that of Selborne (presented as a series of letters) but the New Zealand book certainly shares in the claim made by John White of the 1802 edition of Selborne that it "has probably been supposed by many to be formed upon a more local and confined plan than it really is. In fact, the greater part of the observations are applicable to all that portion of the island in which [the author] resided". See P. G. M. Foster, An Introduction to Selborne, in G. White, The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne (1813 Facsimile edition, London 1993) xx. Equally suggestive is Guthrie-Smith's designation of the "steep [wooded] eastern slope situated immediately behind the present homestead" (321) as 'The Hanger'; the same term was applied by the people of Selborne to the long hanging wood that clothed the chalk hills to the southwest of the village. See also the 3-page pamphlet by S. H. Cunningham, The Hanger Tutira Station (Napier 1976) which discusses the ecology of this area, and for some discussion of the influence of Selborne in the Antipodes, T. Griffiths, 'The natural history of Melbourne': the culture of nature writing in Victoria, 1880-1945, Australian Historical Studies 23 (1989) 339-65.
141. Although this is nowhere made explicit, the inspiration for Guthrie-Smith's attempt at a natural history of his run may well have been Gilbert White's Natural History of Selborne (1789). The format of Tutira differs from that of Selborne (presented as a series of letters) but the New Zealand book certainly shares in the claim made by John White of the 1802 edition of Selborne that it "has probably been supposed by many to be formed upon a more local and confined plan than it really is. In fact, the greater part of the observations are applicable to all that portion of the island in which [the author] resided". See P. G. M. Foster, An Introduction to Selborne, in G. White, The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne (1813 Facsimile edition, London 1993) xx. Equally suggestive is Guthrie-Smith's designation of the "steep [wooded] eastern slope situated immediately behind the present homestead" (321) as 'The Hanger'; the same term was applied by the people of Selborne to the long hanging wood that clothed the chalk hills to the southwest of the village. See also the 3-page pamphlet by S. H. Cunningham, The Hanger Tutira Station (Napier 1976) which discusses the ecology of this area, and for some discussion of the influence of Selborne in the Antipodes, T. Griffiths, 'The natural history of Melbourne': the culture of nature writing in Victoria, 1880-1945, Australian Historical Studies 23 (1989) 339-65.
142. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, Original preface, [1921], np. For more on the moral centre of historical discourse see W. Cronon, A place for stories: nature, history, and narrative, Journal of American History (1992) 1347-76.
143. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, Original preface, [1921], np. For more on the moral centre of historical discourse see W. Cronon, A place for stories: nature, history, and narrative, Journal of American History (1992) 1347-76.
144. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 196. The imagery in the following sentence is also Guthrie-Smith's.
145. Ibid., 197. Impacts of this sort were documented by H. Hill in a paper read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute in June 1895 (Denudation as a Factor of Geological Time, published in TPNZI 28 (1895) 666-80) which records 1000 acres of land slips on the clays and limestones of Tutira after heavy rains and floods in 1893-4. For a brief but useful recent introduction to the scientific work on this topic, see P. W. Williams, From forest to suburb: the hydrological impact of man in New Zealand, in Anderson, op. cit., 103-24.
146. Ibid., 197. Impacts of this sort were documented by H. Hill in a paper read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute in June 1895 (Denudation as a Factor of Geological Time, published in TPNZI 28 (1895) 666-80) which records 1000 acres of land slips on the clays and limestones of Tutira after heavy rains and floods in 1893-4. For a brief but useful recent introduction to the scientific work on this topic, see P. W. Williams, From forest to suburb: the hydrological impact of man in New Zealand, in Anderson, op. cit., 103-24.
147. Ibid., 197. Impacts of this sort were documented by H. Hill in a paper read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute in June 1895 (Denudation as a Factor of Geological Time, published in TPNZI 28 (1895) 666-80) which records 1000 acres of land slips on the clays and limestones of Tutira after heavy rains and floods in 1893-4. For a brief but useful recent introduction to the scientific work on this topic, see P. W. Williams, From forest to suburb: the hydrological impact of man in New Zealand, in Anderson, op. cit., 103-24.
148. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 198.
149. Ibid.; preface to the Second edition, np, and 204.
150. Ibid., 320.
151. Ibid., 325. This was, of course, disingenuous to the extent that Guthrie-Smith himself expressed profund "feeling for his little holding" and gave his acres wonderful due in Tutira, but he was feeling his distinctiveness, and the rhetorical point was his purpose.
152. Ibid., 325. Again, a rhetorical point is made. Recent work has indicated that pre-European Maori impacts on the vegetation and bird life of New Zealand were significant. See A. Anderson and M. McGlone, Living on the edge - prehistoric land and people in New Zealand, in J. Dodson (Ed.), The Naive Lands (Cheshire 1992) 199-241 and more provocatively T. F. Flannery, The Future Eaters: An Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and Peoples (Port Melbourne 1994) 242-53. Guthrie-Smith fully appreciated their impact on the site of Tutira. The idea that indigenous peoples have had a more harmonious, caring attitude towards their environment than European colonizers has a long and contested history. It has found particular purchase in emphasizing the destruction wrought by modern settlement of 'new worlds'. For an introduction to the issues see D. J. Buege, The ecologically noble savage revisited, Environmental Ethics 18 (1996) 71-88,
153. Ibid., 325. Again, a rhetorical point is made. Recent work has indicated that pre-European Maori impacts on the vegetation and bird life of New Zealand were significant. See A. Anderson and M. McGlone, Living on the edge - prehistoric land and people in New Zealand, in J. Dodson (Ed.), The Naive Lands (Cheshire 1992) 199-241 and more provocatively T. F. Flannery, The Future Eaters: An Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and Peoples (Port Melbourne 1994) 242-53. Guthrie-Smith fully appreciated their impact on the site of Tutira. The idea that indigenous peoples have had a more harmonious, caring attitude towards their environment than European colonizers has a long and contested history. It has found particular purchase in emphasizing the destruction wrought by modern settlement of 'new worlds'. For an introduction to the issues see D. J. Buege, The ecologically noble savage revisited, Environmental Ethics 18 (1996) 71-88,
154. Ibid., 325. Again, a rhetorical point is made. Recent work has indicated that pre-European Maori impacts on the vegetation and bird life of New Zealand were significant. See A. Anderson and M. McGlone, Living on the edge - prehistoric land and people in New Zealand, in J. Dodson (Ed.), The Naive Lands (Cheshire 1992) 199-241 and more provocatively T. F. Flannery, The Future Eaters: An Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and Peoples (Port Melbourne 1994) 242-53. Guthrie-Smith fully appreciated their impact on the site of Tutira. The idea that indigenous peoples have had a more harmonious, caring attitude towards their environment than European colonizers has a long and contested history. It has found particular purchase in emphasizing the destruction wrought by modern settlement of 'new worlds'. For an introduction to the issues see D. J. Buege, The ecologically noble savage revisited, Environmental Ethics 18 (1996) 71-88,
155. Ibid., 325. Again, a rhetorical point is made. Recent work has indicated that pre-European Maori impacts on the vegetation and bird life of New Zealand were significant. See A. Anderson and M. McGlone, Living on the edge - prehistoric land and people in New Zealand, in J. Dodson (Ed.), The Naive Lands (Cheshire 1992) 199-241 and more provocatively T. F. Flannery, The Future Eaters: An Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and Peoples (Port Melbourne 1994) 242-53. Guthrie-Smith fully appreciated their impact on the site of Tutira. The idea that indigenous peoples have had a more harmonious, caring attitude towards their environment than European colonizers has a long and contested history. It has found particular purchase in emphasizing the destruction wrought by modern settlement of 'new worlds'. For an introduction to the issues see D. J. Buege, The ecologically noble savage revisited, Environmental Ethics 18 (1996) 71-88,
156. and J. B. Callicott, Traditional American Indian and western European attitudes toward nature, and J. B. Callicott, American Indian Land Wisdom? Sorting out the issues, in J. B. Callicott, In Defense of the Land Ethic: Essays in Environmental Philosophy (Albany, NY 1989).
157. M. McCaskill, Hold This Land: A History of Soil Conservation in New Zealand (Wellington 1973).
158. Guthrie-Smith, Tutira, 422.