Democratization and political succession in Suharto's Indonesia

Asian Survey

Volumn 37, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 269-279

  Suryadinata, Leo ^a  

^a NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE   (Singapore)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATISATION;

INDONESIA;

EID: 0031402898     PISSN: 00044687     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/as.1997.37.3.01p0231m     Document Type: Article

References (23)

1. For a discussion on this group, see "Komite di Balik Bayang-Bayang Oposisi," Gatra (Jakarta), 6 April 1996, pp. 22-24.
2. Daniel Lev maintains that the middle class has grown significantly during the New Order and that this class is politically liberal, while Hans-Dieter Evers even argues that it demands constitutional democracy. See Lev, "Notes and the Middle Class and Change in Indonesia," in Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young, eds., The Politics of Middle Class [in] Indonesia, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 19, Monash University, 1990, pp. 44-48; Hans-Dieter Evers, "The Growth of an Industrial Labour Force and the Decline of Poverty in Indonesia," in Southeast Asian Affairs 1995, pp. 164-74.
3. Daniel Lev maintains that the middle class has grown significantly during the New Order and that this class is politically liberal, while Hans-Dieter Evers even argues that it demands constitutional democracy. See Lev, "Notes and the Middle Class and Change in Indonesia," in Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young, eds., The Politics of Middle Class [in] Indonesia, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 19, Monash University, 1990, pp. 44-48; Hans-Dieter Evers, "The Growth of an Industrial Labour Force and the Decline of Poverty in Indonesia," in Southeast Asian Affairs 1995, pp. 164-74.
4. Daniel A. Bell, David Brown, Kanishka Jayasuriya, and David Martin Jones, Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia (New York and London: St Martin's Press, 1995).
5. See Abdurrachman Wahid's "Indonesia's Muslim Middle Class: An Imperative or a Choice?" in Tanter and Young, Politics of Middle Class Indonesia, especially p. 22; Richard Robison, "The Middle Class and the Bourgeoisie in Indonesia," in Richard Robison and David S. G. Goodman, eds., The New Rich in Asia: Mobile Phones, McDonalds and Middle Class Revolution (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 84.
6. See Abdurrachman Wahid's "Indonesia's Muslim Middle Class: An Imperative or a Choice?" in Tanter and Young, Politics of Middle Class Indonesia, especially p. 22; Richard Robison, "The Middle Class and the Bourgeoisie in Indonesia," in Richard Robison and David S. G. Goodman, eds., The New Rich in Asia: Mobile Phones, McDonalds and Middle Class Revolution (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 84.
7. William Liddle, "The Middle Class and New Order Legitimacy: A Response to Dan Lev," in Tanter and Young, ibid., pp. 49-52.
8. "Mereka yang ingin jadi agen perubahan," Gatra, 11 March 1996, p. 16.
9. Philip Eldridge, "Development, Democracy and Non-Government Organizations in Indonesia," Asian Journal of Political Science, 4:1 (June 1996), pp. 17-35.
10. Juwono Sudarsono's article in Leo Suryadinata and Sharon Siddique, eds., Trends in Indonesia, II (Singapore: Singapore University Press for ISEAS, 1981), p. 141.
11. "Sebuah RUU dengan Lapang Dada," Tempo (Jakarta weekly), 26 June 1989, p. 26.
12. Observers maintain that Suharto did not want Try as he is seen to be too close to the Benny Murdani group. If this is the case, it shows that although Suharto is powerful he still has to "give face" to the army, indicating that the military establishment remains a force to be reckoned with.
13. In the last 10 years or so, Siti Hardijanti has been active in social, political, and economic fields. For an interesting account of her activities, see the special report and a rare interview in Forum, 23 June 1994, pp. 20-31. When she was asked whether she would be willing to be president in five or ten years time, her answer was evasive. "Let's wait," she said.
14. The leading Jakarta daily commented that the three men were considered as "civilian" in their orientation and activities. ("Selamat Berjuang Kepemimpinan Baru," Kompas, 26 October 1993, p. 16.)
15. During the 1988-93 period, 21 out of 27 Golkar District Boards were led by retired military officers. During the current period (1993-98), the military is equally dominant. (Tempo, 23 October 1993, pp. 30-31.)
16. General Benny Murdani, a Catholic, was commander of the armed forces and a confidant of President Suharto until dissension arose and Murdani was removed in 1988. He was made defense minister, a position with little power, and removed from that office in 1993. The Intelligence and Strategic Center (BIAS) was established by Murdani, and after his removal, was reorganized and renamed the Military Intelligence Unit or BIA. It was believed that many of Murdani's men no longer held high positions in the new unit. (Tempo, 22 January 1994, pp. 22-24.)
17. For a detailed discussion of these yayasan, see his autobiography: Soeharto: Pikiran, Ucapan dan Tindakan Saya, Otobiografi, G. Dwipayana and K. H. Ramadhan, eds. (Jakarta: PT Citra Lamtoro Gong Persada, 1989), pp. 282-93.
18. RMS is also an abbreviation of Republik Maluku Selatan or the South Maluccan Republic, a failed rebellion led by Christians in the early 1950s. Radius Prawiro was the co-ordinating minister for Economy, Finance and Industry, Adrianus Mooy was the Central Bank governor, and Johannes Sumarlin was minister for Finance.
19. See interview in Panji Masyarakat, 21:31 (May 1994), pp. 63-65.
20. Soeharto: Otobiografi, p. 555.
21. Straits Times, 29 April 1996.
22. Ummat 2:6 (16 September 1996), pp. 23-24). The military authority, however, has ruled out a new inquiry into the 1984 riot. (Straits Times, 17 September 1996.)
23. Ummat 2:6 (16 September 1996), pp. 23-24). The military authority, however, has ruled out a new inquiry into the 1984 riot. (Straits Times, 17 September 1996.)