Praise without enchantment: Griots, broadcast media, and the politics of tradition in Mali

Africa Today

Volumn 44, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 443-464

  Schulz, Dorothea ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0031316154     PISSN: 00019887     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (43)

1. The research on which this article is based was funded by a grant from the National Science Foundation (grant number 9413360), by a Harry Hochschild Memorial Fellowship granted by the Yale University Center for International and Area Studies, and by the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst in Germany. I wish to thank Angelique Haugerud, Donna L. Perry, Mahir Saul, Harold Scheffler, and anonymous reviewers for comments on previous versions of this article. The article is based on twenty-two months of field research conducted between June 1992 and February 1996. Fieldwork was carried out in three villages located in the circle of Kita in southwestern Mali. Comparative data were collected in Ouelessebougou (about 50 miles south of the capital, Bamako) and in the circle of BIa (southeastern Mali).
2. Achille Mbembe, interview in Challenge Hebdo 79 (1992): 9; translation is mine.
3. See, for example, Roger Charlton, "The Politics of Elections in Botswana," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 330-371; Yves Fauré, "Democracy and Realism: Reflections on the Case of Côte d'Ivoire," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 313-330; David Throup, "Elections and Political Legitimacy in Kenya," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 371-397; and Julius E. Nyang'oro, "Reform Politics and the Democratization Process in Africa," African Studies Review 37, no. 1 (April 1994): 133-151. Voting is a single-event practice and does not reflect the complexity and contradictions in people's attitudes toward a particular regime. To focus on voting behavior also risks blurring changes in attitudes over time.
4. See, for example, Roger Charlton, "The Politics of Elections in Botswana," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 330-371; Yves Fauré, "Democracy and Realism: Reflections on the Case of Côte d'Ivoire," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 313-330; David Throup, "Elections and Political Legitimacy in Kenya," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 371-397; and Julius E. Nyang'oro, "Reform Politics and the Democratization Process in Africa," African Studies Review 37, no. 1 (April 1994): 133-151. Voting is a single-event practice and does not reflect the complexity and contradictions in people's attitudes toward a particular regime. To focus on voting behavior also risks blurring changes in attitudes over time.
5. See, for example, Roger Charlton, "The Politics of Elections in Botswana," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 330-371; Yves Fauré, "Democracy and Realism: Reflections on the Case of Côte d'Ivoire," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 313-330; David Throup, "Elections and Political Legitimacy in Kenya," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 371-397; and Julius E. Nyang'oro, "Reform Politics and the Democratization Process in Africa," African Studies Review 37, no. 1 (April 1994): 133-151. Voting is a single-event practice and does not reflect the complexity and contradictions in people's attitudes toward a particular regime. To focus on voting behavior also risks blurring changes in attitudes over time.
6. See, for example, Roger Charlton, "The Politics of Elections in Botswana," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 330-371; Yves Fauré, "Democracy and Realism: Reflections on the Case of Côte d'Ivoire," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 313-330; David Throup, "Elections and Political Legitimacy in Kenya," Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 371-397; and Julius E. Nyang'oro, "Reform Politics and the Democratization Process in Africa," African Studies Review 37, no. 1 (April 1994): 133-151. Voting is a single-event practice and does not reflect the complexity and contradictions in people's attitudes toward a particular regime. To focus on voting behavior also risks blurring changes in attitudes over time.
7. See, for example, Michael G. Schatzberg, "Power, Legitimacy and 'Democratisation' in Africa," Africa 63, no. 4 (1993): 445-462.
8. See Claude Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali, ou le Pouvoir en Pâture," Cahiers d'Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (1995): 19-53; Tom Young, "Introduction: Elections and Electoral Politics in Africa" Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 299-313. Karin Barber, "Popular Arts in Africa," African Studies Review 30, no. 3 (1987): 1-78; Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
9. See Claude Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali, ou le Pouvoir en Pâture," Cahiers d'Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (1995): 19-53; Tom Young, "Introduction: Elections and Electoral Politics in Africa" Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 299-313. Karin Barber, "Popular Arts in Africa," African Studies Review 30, no. 3 (1987): 1-78; Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
10. See Claude Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali, ou le Pouvoir en Pâture," Cahiers d'Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (1995): 19-53; Tom Young, "Introduction: Elections and Electoral Politics in Africa" Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 299-313. Karin Barber, "Popular Arts in Africa," African Studies Review 30, no. 3 (1987): 1-78; Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
11. See Claude Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali, ou le Pouvoir en Pâture," Cahiers d'Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (1995): 19-53; Tom Young, "Introduction: Elections and Electoral Politics in Africa" Africa 63, no. 3 (1993): 299-313. Karin Barber, "Popular Arts in Africa," African Studies Review 30, no. 3 (1987): 1-78; Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
12. Peter Geschière, Sorcellerie et Politique en Afrique: La Viande des Autres (Paris: Karthala, 1995).
13. Debra Spitulnik, "Anthropology and Mass Media," in William H. Durham, E, Valentine Daniel, and Bambi Schieffelin, eds., Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 22 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews, 1993), pp. 293-315; Louise Manon Bourgault, Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995); for Europe, see Jürgen Habermas, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der Bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1962).
14. Debra Spitulnik, "Anthropology and Mass Media," in William H. Durham, E, Valentine Daniel, and Bambi Schieffelin, eds., Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 22 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews, 1993), pp. 293-315; Louise Manon Bourgault, Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995); for Europe, see Jürgen Habermas, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der Bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1962).
15. Debra Spitulnik, "Anthropology and Mass Media," in William H. Durham, E, Valentine Daniel, and Bambi Schieffelin, eds., Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 22 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Annual Reviews, 1993), pp. 293-315; Louise Manon Bourgault, Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995); for Europe, see Jürgen Habermas, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit: Untersuchungen zu einer Kategorie der Bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1962).
16. Pearl T. Robinson, "Democratization: Understanding the Relationship Between Regime Change and the Culture of Politics," African Studies Review 37, no. 1 (1994): 39-69.
17. See, for example, Michael Gurevitch, Tony Bennett, James Curran, and Janet Woollacott, eds., Culture, Society, and the Media (New York: Methuen, 1982).
18. See, for example, Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment (New York: Seabury Press, 1972).
19. See, for example, Thomas Lindlof, "Media Audiences as Interpretive Communities," in James Anderson, ed., Communication Yearbook, vol. 11 (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1988), pp. 81-107.
20. Chandra Mukerji and Michael Schudson, "Introduction: Rethinking Popular Culture," in Mukerji and Schudson, eds., Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 1-62; see also Achille Mbembe, "The Banality of Power and the Aesthetics of Vulgarity in the Postcolony," Public Culture 4, no. 2 (1992): 1-30.
21. Chandra Mukerji and Michael Schudson, "Introduction: Rethinking Popular Culture," in Mukerji and Schudson, eds., Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 1-62; see also Achille Mbembe, "The Banality of Power and the Aesthetics of Vulgarity in the Postcolony," Public Culture 4, no. 2 (1992): 1-30.
22. See also Jean-Loup Amselle, "Un État Contre l'État: Le Keleyadugu," Cahiers d'Études Africaines 28, no. 3-4 (1988): 463-483, for another area of southern Mali.
23. The major sources of revenue of the warrior aristocracy were warfare, the slave trade, and sometimes agricultural production. The political and economic standing of the warrior aristocracy also depended on its support by the external kingdom and on its specific relationship with other noble families of the chiefdom that lived off of agricultural production. See Shaka Bagayogo, "L'État au Mali: Représentation, Autonomie et Mode de Fonctionnement," in Emmanuel Terray, ed., L'État Contemporain en Afrique (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1987), pp. 91-122, esp. p. 97; Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali," p. 35.
24. The major sources of revenue of the warrior aristocracy were warfare, the slave trade, and sometimes agricultural production. The political and economic standing of the warrior aristocracy also depended on its support by the external kingdom and on its specific relationship with other noble families of the chiefdom that lived off of agricultural production. See Shaka Bagayogo, "L'État au Mali: Représentation, Autonomie et Mode de Fonctionnement," in Emmanuel Terray, ed., L'État Contemporain en Afrique (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1987), pp. 91-122, esp. p. 97; Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali," p. 35.
25. Malian society is composed of three social categories: people of "noble" or "free" origin (hòròn); socioprofessional groups that perform specific and regionally varying tasks on behalf of their noble patrons (nyamakala). such as blacksmiths (numun), griots (jeli), leatherworkers (garanke), and public speakers (fune); and descendants of former slave families (jon). The French term griot is an amalgam of different categories of speech masters that are distinguished in local contexts.
26. At least this is how many people of griot origin portray their previous political role today. Of course, this portrayal also reflects their current nostalgic-tendency to emphasize the centrality of their previous political importance in a situation where many people assert that griots are "useless" to them.
27. Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Grundrisse der Verstehenden Soziologie (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1956), pp. 122-174.
28. Jeli b'i tògò bonya, nga a b'i tògò tinya fana.
29. Bagayogo, "L'État au Mali," p. 93.
30. Fadènkèlè, literally the "struggle between the sons of a father" (meaning half-brothers who have a father in common but different mothers), would occur as the result of fandenya. This designates the spirit of competition and envy that often rules the relationship between half-siblings and, by extension, the conflictual relationship between competing political factions, be it different family branches or clans.
31. Fay, "La Démocratie au Mali," p. 41.
32. The actual emancipation of slaves occurred after 1905, and its effects on land use and the availability of labor varied from region to region in the southern French Sudan. See Richard L. Roberts, "The End of Slavery in the French Sudan, 1905-1914," in Suzanne Miers and Richard L. Roberts, eds., The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 282-307, esp. p. 297. In most regions, it did not fundamentally alter the previous relations between masters and slaves, since many slaves decided not to return to their villages of origin but to cultivate the land that was given to them by the former masters.
33. Ruth Schachter-Morgenthau, Political Parties in French Speaking West Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 298.
34. As Patrick Chabal points out, in the absence of other sources of legitimacy, the acceptance of the new political leaders as rightful successors to the colonial state depended strongly on their success in constructing the nation. See Patrick Chabal, Power in Africa: An Essay in Political Interpretation (London: Macmillan, 1992), p. 137. For this reason, the attempts of the US-RDA to present Mali as the outcome of a long-standing political tradition were typical of most postindependent regimes in Africa.
35. Even today it is difficult to receive the national radio in some areas of the regions of Gao and Tombouctou.
36. For example, they often recited the epic of Sunjata Keita, the legendary founder of the medieval Mali empire that controlled the southern areas of today's Mali between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. Another empire whose leaders and key events were often celebrated in songs and theater performances was the Kingdom of Segu, also located in the southern triangle of Mali.
37. It is likely though that many northern listeners would disagree with this representation, as they did not share the traditions that griots celebrated as "Malian" traditions.
38. Donkili karabalen de do.
39. Chabal, Power in Africa, p. 137.
40. See also Trutz vonTrotha, "'Streng aber Gerecht' - 'Hart aber Tüchtig': Über Formen von Basislegitimität und ihre Ausprägungen am Beginn staatlicher Herrschaft," in Wilhelm J. G. Möhlig and Trutz von Trotha, eds., La Légitimation du Pouvoir et du Droit: Le Colloque Franco-Allemand des Anthropologues du Droit (Köln: R. Koppe, 1994), pp. 69-90, esp. p. 84.
41. In contrast, many people in the northern triangle of Mali most likely challenged the rule of the US-RDA precisely because they were of a different cul tural and "ethnic" origin and therefore looked down on other political traditions.
42. Starting in 1965, each village was required to have a collective field for cash crop production, and farmers were organized in cooperatives for the marketing of their products. The way farmers sometimes referred to the collective fields, forse baara fòrò (forced labor field), shows that they saw these fields as a continuation of colonial corvée labor.
43. Of course, current reconstructions by farmers of the US-RDA period should be interpreted within the context of the present political situation. Between 1992 and 1996, when I conducted my field research, farmers often felt