Prophet for Profit in French North Africa: Charles Nicolle and the Pasteur Institute of Tunis, 1903-1936

Bulletin of the History of Medicine

Volumn 71, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 583-622

  Pelis, Kim ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; AWARDS AND PRIZES; BACTERIOLOGY; FRANCE; HISTORY; ORGANIZATION; POLITICAL SYSTEM; TUNISIA;

ACADEMIES AND INSTITUTES; BACTERIOLOGY; COLONIALISM; FRANCE; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; NOBEL PRIZE; TUNISIA;

EID: 0031308429     PISSN: 00075140     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/bhm.1997.0182     Document Type: Article

References (202)

1. Pasteur's mythic status has been extensively noted by his contemporaries and by contemporary historians alike. See Anne Marie Moulin, "Patriarchal Science: The Network of the Overseas Pasteur Institutes," in Science and Empires: Historical Studies about Scientific Development and European Expansion, ed. Patrick Petitjean, Catherine Jami, and Anne Marie Moulin (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), pp. 307-22; Gerald Geison, The Private Science of Louis Pasteur (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); Lorraine Ward, "The Cult of Relics: Pasteur Material at the Science Museum," Med. Hist., 1994, 38: 52-72.
2. Pasteur's mythic status has been extensively noted by his contemporaries and by contemporary historians alike. See Anne Marie Moulin, "Patriarchal Science: The Network of the Overseas Pasteur Institutes," in Science and Empires: Historical Studies about Scientific Development and European Expansion, ed. Patrick Petitjean, Catherine Jami, and Anne Marie Moulin (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), pp. 307-22; Gerald Geison, The Private Science of Louis Pasteur (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); Lorraine Ward, "The Cult of Relics: Pasteur Material at the Science Museum," Med. Hist., 1994, 38: 52-72.
3. Pasteur's mythic status has been extensively noted by his contemporaries and by contemporary historians alike. See Anne Marie Moulin, "Patriarchal Science: The Network of the Overseas Pasteur Institutes," in Science and Empires: Historical Studies about Scientific Development and European Expansion, ed. Patrick Petitjean, Catherine Jami, and Anne Marie Moulin (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), pp. 307-22; Gerald Geison, The Private Science of Louis Pasteur (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); Lorraine Ward, "The Cult of Relics: Pasteur Material at the Science Museum," Med. Hist., 1994, 38: 52-72.
4. Charles Nicolle to Edouard Delabarre, 28 March 1933, Archives Départementales de la Seine Maritime (ADSM), Rouen, France, fonds Nicolle 146 J 38. The archivists at the ADSM kindly permitted me to consult their Nicolle collection a year before it had been cataloged. Where possible, I have since added catalog numbers.
5. Bruno Latour, The Pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Geison, Private Science (n. 1).
6. Bruno Latour, The Pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); Geison, Private Science (n. 1).
7. Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). I would stress, with Moulin, that the pastorian enterprise was not simply imperial in nature: not all French colonies had a Pasteur Institute; not all Pasteur Institutes were located in French colonies.
8. I have framed this paper according to the sources available. Few of Roux's private papers have been located; the focus is therefore on Nicolle's changing perceptions. John Andrew Mendelsohn's outstanding dissertation, "Cultures of Bacteriology: Formation and Transformation of a Science in France and Germany, 1870-1914" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1996), provides an excellent sketch of Roux and his work with Pasteur. Geison (n. 1) illuminates Roux's work and character, particularly in his discussions of rabies. The classic, if biased, source is Emile Lagrange, Monsieur Roux (Brussels: Goemaere, 1954); provocatively, even this biography does not escape Nicolle's shadow over Roux's life: the majority of its concluding chapter, "Requiescat in pace," is devoted to condemning Nicolle's actions following Roux's death. This paper will conclude with a treatment of the same episode, from a slightly different perspective.
9. I have framed this paper according to the sources available. Few of Roux's private papers have been located; the focus is therefore on Nicolle's changing perceptions. John Andrew Mendelsohn's outstanding dissertation, "Cultures of Bacteriology: Formation and Transformation of a Science in France and Germany, 1870-1914" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1996), provides an excellent sketch of Roux and his work with Pasteur. Geison (n. 1) illuminates Roux's work and character, particularly in his discussions of rabies. The classic, if biased, source is Emile Lagrange, Monsieur Roux (Brussels: Goemaere, 1954); provocatively, even this biography does not escape Nicolle's shadow over Roux's life: the majority of its concluding chapter, "Requiescat in pace," is devoted to condemning Nicolle's actions following Roux's death. This paper will conclude with a treatment of the same episode, from a slightly different perspective.
10. Nicolle to Louis Pasteur Vallery-Radot, 28 August 1928, Archives de l'Institut Pasteur (AIP), Paris, C.NIC/Cop2, 5b. These papers, too, were uncataloged when I consulted them; again, I have attached catalog numbers after the fact.
11. By "direction of bacteriological administration," I refer to the structures and values that directed and sustained the Pasteur Institutes.
12. There is, of course, a vast literature on the rise of nationalism. For an introduction, see Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (New York: Vintage Books, 1989); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983).
13. There is, of course, a vast literature on the rise of nationalism. For an introduction, see Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (New York: Vintage Books, 1989); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983).
14. Harry Paul, From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of the Science Empire in France, 1860-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1).
15. Harry Paul, From Knowledge to Power: The Rise of the Science Empire in France, 1860-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1).
16. Koch was working in Germany, thereby establishing a political rivalry between the world's elite bacteriological researchers. See, for example, William Coleman, "Koch's Comma Bacillus: The First Year," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 315-42; Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5).
17. Koch was working in Germany, thereby establishing a political rivalry between the world's elite bacteriological researchers. See, for example, William Coleman, "Koch's Comma Bacillus: The First Year," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 315-42; Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5).
18. The rise of current interest in colonialism and medicine was evident in the large turnout for the Society for the Social History of Medicine's annual conference, devoted to "Medicine and the Colonies," held at Oxford in July 1996. For a review of the issues raised, see Michael Worboys, "Medicine and the Colonies, Annual Summer Conference," Society Social Hist. Med. Gazette, August 1996: 11-12. More generally, see David Arnold, ed., Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); D. R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988). On the colonial Pasteur Institutes, see M. Laberge, "Les Instituts Pasteur du Maghreb: La recherche scientifique médicale dans le cadre de la politique coloniale," Revue Française de l'Histoire de l'Outre- Mer, 1987, 274: 27-42.
19. The rise of current interest in colonialism and medicine was evident in the large turnout for the Society for the Social History of Medicine's annual conference, devoted to "Medicine and the Colonies," held at Oxford in July 1996. For a review of the issues raised, see Michael Worboys, "Medicine and the Colonies, Annual Summer Conference," Society Social Hist. Med. Gazette, August 1996: 11-12. More generally, see David Arnold, ed., Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); D. R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988). On the colonial Pasteur Institutes, see M. Laberge, "Les Instituts Pasteur du Maghreb: La recherche scientifique médicale dans le cadre de la politique coloniale," Revue Française de l'Histoire de l'Outre- Mer, 1987, 274: 27-42.
20. The rise of current interest in colonialism and medicine was evident in the large turnout for the Society for the Social History of Medicine's annual conference, devoted to "Medicine and the Colonies," held at Oxford in July 1996. For a review of the issues raised, see Michael Worboys, "Medicine and the Colonies, Annual Summer Conference," Society Social Hist. Med. Gazette, August 1996: 11-12. More generally, see David Arnold, ed., Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); D. R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988). On the colonial Pasteur Institutes, see M. Laberge, "Les Instituts Pasteur du Maghreb: La recherche scientifique médicale dans le cadre de la politique coloniale," Revue Française de l'Histoire de l'Outre- Mer, 1987, 274: 27-42.
21. The rise of current interest in colonialism and medicine was evident in the large turnout for the Society for the Social History of Medicine's annual conference, devoted to "Medicine and the Colonies," held at Oxford in July 1996. For a review of the issues raised, see Michael Worboys, "Medicine and the Colonies, Annual Summer Conference," Society Social Hist. Med. Gazette, August 1996: 11-12. More generally, see David Arnold, ed., Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); D. R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988). On the colonial Pasteur Institutes, see M. Laberge, "Les Instituts Pasteur du Maghreb: La recherche scientifique médicale dans le cadre de la politique coloniale," Revue Française de l'Histoire de l'Outre- Mer, 1987, 274: 27-42.
22. The rise of current interest in colonialism and medicine was evident in the large turnout for the Society for the Social History of Medicine's annual conference, devoted to "Medicine and the Colonies," held at Oxford in July 1996. For a review of the issues raised, see Michael Worboys, "Medicine and the Colonies, Annual Summer Conference," Society Social Hist. Med. Gazette, August 1996: 11-12. More generally, see David Arnold, ed., Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); D. R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988). On the colonial Pasteur Institutes, see M. Laberge, "Les Instituts Pasteur du Maghreb: La recherche scientifique médicale dans le cadre de la politique coloniale," Revue Française de l'Histoire de l'Outre- Mer, 1987, 274: 27-42.
23. Moulin, "The Pasteur Institute and the Logic of Non-profit," manuscript, pp. 3, 5. In particular, she discusses the meaning of "foundation" in France.
24. Benedict Anderson argues that our understanding of nationalism has been limited by our tendency to view it as a broad philosophical concept rather than a specific anthropological artifact that, once created, is capable of being transplanted - one that, in essence, is closer to "'kinship' and 'religion'" than to "'liberalism' or 'fascism'" (Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. [London: Verso, 1993], pp. 4-6).
25. Nicolle, Responsabilités de la médecine, vol. 1 (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1935), p. 7.
26. For example, Nicolle referred to a speech he had given for the centenary of Pasteur's birth as a "Midnight Mass" in a letter to Georges Blanc, 27 March 1923, ADSM 146 J 24. The brothers Sergent erected what was essentially a shrine to Pasteur at the Pasteur Institute of Algeria. More contemporary commentary has been provided by Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1); and Ilana Lowy, "From Guinea Pigs to Man: The Development of Haffkine's Anticholera Vaccine," J. Hist. Med., 1992, 47: 270-309.
27. For example, Nicolle referred to a speech he had given for the centenary of Pasteur's birth as a "Midnight Mass" in a letter to Georges Blanc, 27 March 1923, ADSM 146 J 24. The brothers Sergent erected what was essentially a shrine to Pasteur at the Pasteur Institute of Algeria. More contemporary commentary has been provided by Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1); and Ilana Lowy, "From Guinea Pigs to Man: The Development of Haffkine's Anticholera Vaccine," J. Hist. Med., 1992, 47: 270-309.
28. Michael Robson, "The French Pharmaceutical Industry, 1919-1939," in Pill Peddlers: Essays on the History of the Pharmaceutical Industry, ed. Jonathan Liebenau, Gregory Higby, and Elaine Stroud (Madison, Wis.: American Institute of the History of Pharmacy, 1990), p. 108.
29. Moulin, "Pasteur Institute" (n. 12), p. 6. Moulin develops her discussion of the Pasteur Institute's financial and business interests in Moulin and Annick Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur et la naissance de l'industrie de la santé," in La philosophie du remède, ed. Jean-Claude Beaune (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 1993), pp. 91-109.
30. Moulin, "Pasteur Institute" (n. 12), p. 6. Moulin develops her discussion of the Pasteur Institute's financial and business interests in Moulin and Annick Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur et la naissance de l'industrie de la santé," in La philosophie du remède, ed. Jean-Claude Beaune (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 1993), pp. 91-109.
31. Ibid., especially Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur et la naissance de l'industrie de la santé." The Institute's profit structure is also discussed by Liebenau and Robson, "L'Institut Pasteur et l'industrie pharmaceutique," in L'Institut Pasteur: Contributions à son histoire, ed. Michel Morange (Paris: Editions la Découverte, 1991), pp. 52-61.
32. Ibid., especially Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur et la naissance de l'industrie de la santé." The Institute's profit structure is also discussed by Liebenau and Robson, "L'Institut Pasteur et l'industrie pharmaceutique," in L'Institut Pasteur: Contributions à son histoire, ed. Michel Morange (Paris: Editions la Découverte, 1991), pp. 52-61.
33. Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1), p. 317.
34. France had established Tunisia's status as a protectorate with the Treaty of Bardo in 1881; two years later, with the Convention of La Marsa, France made this protectorate status nominal, thereafter approaching the country as a colony: Henri Brunschwig, French Colonialism, 1871-1914: Myths and Realities (New York: Praeger, 1966). On French medicine in Tunisia, see Nancy Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
35. France had established Tunisia's status as a protectorate with the Treaty of Bardo in 1881; two years later, with the Convention of La Marsa, France made this protectorate status nominal, thereafter approaching the country as a colony: Henri Brunschwig, French Colonialism, 1871-1914: Myths and Realities (New York: Praeger, 1966). On French medicine in Tunisia, see Nancy Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
36. The expansion of the Pasteur Institute of Tunis coincided with a broader transition in French colonial medicine toward pacification. See Comité d'Histoire du Service de Santé, Histoire de la médecine aux armeés, vol. 2, De la Révolution française au conflit mondial de 1914 (Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1984). On the establishment of the Institute and Nicolle's first years as director, see (his son) Pierre Nicolle, "Les premières années de Charles Nicolle à la direction de l'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (reprint of a speech given in April 1975), p. 6. Nicolle recounted his Institute's creation in Charles Nicolle, "L'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (offset; Tunis, 1905), pp. 5-7.
37. The expansion of the Pasteur Institute of Tunis coincided with a broader transition in French colonial medicine toward pacification. See Comité d'Histoire du Service de Santé, Histoire de la médecine aux armeés, vol. 2, De la Révolution française au conflit mondial de 1914 (Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1984). On the establishment of the Institute and Nicolle's first years as director, see (his son) Pierre Nicolle, "Les premières années de Charles Nicolle à la direction de l'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (reprint of a speech given in April 1975), p. 6. Nicolle recounted his Institute's creation in Charles Nicolle, "L'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (offset; Tunis, 1905), pp. 5-7.
38. The expansion of the Pasteur Institute of Tunis coincided with a broader transition in French colonial medicine toward pacification. See Comité d'Histoire du Service de Santé, Histoire de la médecine aux armeés, vol. 2, De la Révolution française au conflit mondial de 1914 (Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1984). On the establishment of the Institute and Nicolle's first years as director, see (his son) Pierre Nicolle, "Les premières années de Charles Nicolle à la direction de l'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (reprint of a speech given in April 1975), p. 6. Nicolle recounted his Institute's creation in Charles Nicolle, "L'Institut Pasteur de Tunis" (offset; Tunis, 1905), pp. 5-7.
39. Albert Calmette to Stephen Pichon, 8 October 1902, ADSM 146 J, unclassified file "Travaux Scientifique." Calmette, already involved in the Pasteur Institute's administrative affairs, had been the director of the first overseas Pasteur Institute, in Saigon; later, he would be appointed Emile Roux's assistant director. Pichon was then Résident Général of Tunisia.
40. P. Nicolle, "Les premières années" (n. 21), p. 6.
41. Nicolle frequently used this self-descriptive phrase in correspondence. See, for example, Nicolle to Félix Mesnil, 21 October 1931, ADSM 146 J 39.
42. Charles Nicolle to Aline Nicolle, 28 December 1902, in P. Nicolle, "Les premières anneés" (n. 21), p. 9.
43. Charles Nicolle to G. Bugnot, 23 February 1903, in ibid., p. 25.
44. Unfortunately for Nicolle, the person occupying this position frequently changed. Every few years, Nicolle had to win over a new Résident Général to his institutional ideas. Only sometimes successful, he frequently lamented the inadequacies of narrow-minded bureaucracy.
45. On the nearly universal pastorian aspiration to be the Second Coming of Pasteur, see Kim Pelis, "Pasteur's Imperial Missionary: Charles Nicolle (1866-1936) and the Pasteur Institute of Tunis" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1995), esp. chap. 3.
46. Many of the diseases they studied were, like those investigated at other colonial outposts, representative of the disease economy of the country as that disease economy meshed with governmental interests: kala-azar, relapsing fever, leishmaniasis, bilharziasis, Mediterranean fever. Nicolle and his collaborators made significant original contributions to bacteriological knowledge with papers such as Nicolle, "Culture du parasite du bouton d'orient," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1908, 146: 842-43; Nicolle and L. Manceaux, "Sur un protozoaire nouveau du gondi," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1909, 148: 369; and Nicolle, "Nouvelles acquisitions sur la kala-azar: Cultures, inoculation au chien, étiologie," ibid., pp. 498-99.
47. Many of the diseases they studied were, like those investigated at other colonial outposts, representative of the disease economy of the country as that disease economy meshed with governmental interests: kala-azar, relapsing fever, leishmaniasis, bilharziasis, Mediterranean fever. Nicolle and his collaborators made significant original contributions to bacteriological knowledge with papers such as Nicolle, "Culture du parasite du bouton d'orient," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1908, 146: 842-43; Nicolle and L. Manceaux, "Sur un protozoaire nouveau du gondi," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1909, 148: 369; and Nicolle, "Nouvelles acquisitions sur la kala-azar: Cultures, inoculation au chien, étiologie," ibid., pp. 498-99.
48. Many of the diseases they studied were, like those investigated at other colonial outposts, representative of the disease economy of the country as that disease economy meshed with governmental interests: kala-azar, relapsing fever, leishmaniasis, bilharziasis, Mediterranean fever. Nicolle and his collaborators made significant original contributions to bacteriological knowledge with papers such as Nicolle, "Culture du parasite du bouton d'orient," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1908, 146: 842-43; Nicolle and L. Manceaux, "Sur un protozoaire nouveau du gondi," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1909, 148: 369; and Nicolle, "Nouvelles acquisitions sur la kala-azar: Cultures, inoculation au chien, étiologie," ibid., pp. 498-99.
49. Charles Nicolle, "Fonctionnement des services de l'Institut Pasteur pendant l'année 1910," Archives de l'Institut Pasteur de Tunis (AIPdT), 1911, 6: 159.
50. Ernest Conseil compiled detailed annual reports on health and disease in Tunis, which appeared in the Bulletin Officiel Municipal de la Ville de Tunis. He also inspected the city and punished those who broke sanitary rules, backed by municipal force (Ernest Conseil, "Rapport du Bureau d'Hygiène, 1910." Bulletin Officiel Municipal de la Ville de Tunis, 1911: 166).
51. Ernest Conseil compiled detailed annual reports on health and disease in Tunis, which appeared in the Bulletin Officiel Municipal de la Ville de Tunis. He also inspected the city and punished those who broke sanitary rules, backed by municipal force (Ernest Conseil, "Rapport du Bureau d'Hygiène, 1910." Bulletin Officiel Municipal de la Ville de Tunis, 1911: 166).
52. Charles Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1906," AIPdT, 1907, 2: 40.
53. Charles Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1907," AIPdT, 1908, 3: 48.
54. F.-J. Guegan, "La Station Sanitaire de La Goulette: Son fonctionnement pendant la dernière campagne anticholérique," AIPdT, 1912, 7: 53-60; the "thank you" comes on p. 59.
55. See chap. 1 of Pelis, "Pasteur's Imperial Missionary" (n. 28), on the increasing number of medical analyses the Pasteur Institute conducted for Tunisian hospitals and physicians.
56. Several papers and books addressing Nicolle's scientific work have appeared, including two biographies: Maurice Huet, Le pommier et l'olivier: Charles Nicolle, une biographie (1866-1936) (Paris: Sauramps, 1995); and Germaine Lot, Charles Nicolle et la biologie conquérante (Paris: Seghers, 1961).
57. Several papers and books addressing Nicolle's scientific work have appeared, including two biographies: Maurice Huet, Le pommier et l'olivier: Charles Nicolle, une biographie (1866-1936) (Paris: Sauramps, 1995); and Germaine Lot, Charles Nicolle et la biologie conquérante (Paris: Seghers, 1961).
58. Hans Zinsser, Rats, Lice, and History: Bring a Study in Biography, which, after Twelve Preliminary Chapters Indispensable for the Preparation of the Lay Reader, Deals with the Life History of Typhus Fever (1934; Boston: Little, Brown, 1963), pp. 216-17, quotation on p. 216.
59. The minute size of rickettsiae also caused problems for scientists working on diseases related to typhus. See Victoria A. Harden, Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever: History of a Twentieth-Century Disease (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); idem, "Koch's Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases," J. Hist. Med., 1987, 42: 277-95. On rickettsial diseases in general, see Willy Burgdorfer and Robert L. Anacker, eds., Rickettsiae and Rickettsial Diseases (New York: Academic Press, 1981); for background on their historical relationship to virology, see Ton van Helvoort, "History of Virus Research in the Twentieth Century: The Problem of Conceptual Continuity," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32: 185-235, esp. pp. 185-90. A perspective a bit closer to Nicolle's own is provided in Thomas M. Rivers, ed., Viral and Rickettsial Infections of Man (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1948).
60. The minute size of rickettsiae also caused problems for scientists working on diseases related to typhus. See Victoria A. Harden, Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever: History of a Twentieth-Century Disease (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); idem, "Koch's Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases," J. Hist. Med., 1987, 42: 277-95. On rickettsial diseases in general, see Willy Burgdorfer and Robert L. Anacker, eds., Rickettsiae and Rickettsial Diseases (New York: Academic Press, 1981); for background on their historical relationship to virology, see Ton van Helvoort, "History of Virus Research in the Twentieth Century: The Problem of Conceptual Continuity," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32: 185-235, esp. pp. 185-90. A perspective a bit closer to Nicolle's own is provided in Thomas M. Rivers, ed., Viral and Rickettsial Infections of Man (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1948).
61. The minute size of rickettsiae also caused problems for scientists working on diseases related to typhus. See Victoria A. Harden, Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever: History of a Twentieth-Century Disease (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); idem, "Koch's Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases," J. Hist. Med., 1987, 42: 277-95. On rickettsial diseases in general, see Willy Burgdorfer and Robert L. Anacker, eds., Rickettsiae and Rickettsial Diseases (New York: Academic Press, 1981); for background on their historical relationship to virology, see Ton van Helvoort, "History of Virus Research in the Twentieth Century: The Problem of Conceptual Continuity," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32: 185-235, esp. pp. 185-90. A perspective a bit closer to Nicolle's own is provided in Thomas M. Rivers, ed., Viral and Rickettsial Infections of Man (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1948).
62. The minute size of rickettsiae also caused problems for scientists working on diseases related to typhus. See Victoria A. Harden, Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever: History of a Twentieth-Century Disease (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); idem, "Koch's Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases," J. Hist. Med., 1987, 42: 277-95. On rickettsial diseases in general, see Willy Burgdorfer and Robert L. Anacker, eds., Rickettsiae and Rickettsial Diseases (New York: Academic Press, 1981); for background on their historical relationship to virology, see Ton van Helvoort, "History of Virus Research in the Twentieth Century: The Problem of Conceptual Continuity," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32: 185-235, esp. pp. 185-90. A perspective a bit closer to Nicolle's own is provided in Thomas M. Rivers, ed., Viral and Rickettsial Infections of Man (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1948).
63. The minute size of rickettsiae also caused problems for scientists working on diseases related to typhus. See Victoria A. Harden, Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever: History of a Twentieth-Century Disease (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); idem, "Koch's Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases," J. Hist. Med., 1987, 42: 277-95. On rickettsial diseases in general, see Willy Burgdorfer and Robert L. Anacker, eds., Rickettsiae and Rickettsial Diseases (New York: Academic Press, 1981); for background on their historical relationship to virology, see Ton van Helvoort, "History of Virus Research in the Twentieth Century: The Problem of Conceptual Continuity," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32: 185-235, esp. pp. 185-90. A perspective a bit closer to Nicolle's own is provided in Thomas M. Rivers, ed., Viral and Rickettsial Infections of Man (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1948).
64. Nicolle, Introduction à la carrière de la médecine expérimentale (Tunis: Maison Tunisienne de l'Edition, 1981 [reprint]), p. 114.
65. Pierre Nicolle, "Alphonse Laveran et Charles Nicolle," AIPdT, 1981, 47: 269. The discovery's "official" date came with its publication: Charles Nicolle, Charles Comte, and Conseil, "Transmission expérimental du typhus exanthématique par le pou de corps," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1909, 149: 486.
66. Pierre Nicolle, "Alphonse Laveran et Charles Nicolle," AIPdT, 1981, 47: 269. The discovery's "official" date came with its publication: Charles Nicolle, Charles Comte, and Conseil, "Transmission expérimental du typhus exanthématique par le pou de corps," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, 1909, 149: 486.
67. Nicolle, Introduction (n. 39), pp. 115-16.
68. Nicolle's story is dubious beyond even its "intuitive flash" construction: one of his collaborators later claimed the idea was his own, not Nicolle's; see Huet, Le pommier (n. 36), pp. 86-95.
69. On typhus control in South Africa, see Shula Marks and Neil Andersson, 'Typhus and Social Control: South Africa, 1917-50," in MacLeod and Lewis, eds., Disease, Medicine, and Empire (n. 11), pp. 257-83.
70. Charles Nicolle, "Reproduction du typhus exanthématique chez le singe," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, [12 July] 1909, 149: 157.
71. To determine the guinea pig's reaction to typhus, Nicolle had to develop a special thermometer for small animals and rely on the febrile curves he derived from them: Charles Nicolle, "Recherches expérimentales sur le typhus exanthématique," AIPdT, 1911, 6: 1-109.
72. Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). For a historical perspective on the use of killed vaccines, see Peter Keating, "Vaccine Therapy and the Problem of Opsonins," J. Hist. Med., 1988, 43: 275-96. On typhus vaccine work specifically, see Paul Weindling, "'Victory with Vaccines': The Problem of Typhus Vaccines during World War II," in Vaccinia, Vaccination, Vaccinology: Jenner, Pasteur, and Their Successors, ed. S. Plotkin and B. Fantini (Paris: Elsevier, 1996); and Pelis, "'Mosaics of Power': The Virus-Vaccine and Imperialism in French North Africa" (paper delivered at "Medicine and the Colonies" conference, Oxford, 1996).
73. Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). For a historical perspective on the use of killed vaccines, see Peter Keating, "Vaccine Therapy and the Problem of Opsonins," J. Hist. Med., 1988, 43: 275-96. On typhus vaccine work specifically, see Paul Weindling, "'Victory with Vaccines': The Problem of Typhus Vaccines during World War II," in Vaccinia, Vaccination, Vaccinology: Jenner, Pasteur, and Their Successors, ed. S. Plotkin and B. Fantini (Paris: Elsevier, 1996); and Pelis, "'Mosaics of Power': The Virus-Vaccine and Imperialism in French North Africa" (paper delivered at "Medicine and the Colonies" conference, Oxford, 1996).
74. Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). For a historical perspective on the use of killed vaccines, see Peter Keating, "Vaccine Therapy and the Problem of Opsonins," J. Hist. Med., 1988, 43: 275-96. On typhus vaccine work specifically, see Paul Weindling, "'Victory with Vaccines': The Problem of Typhus Vaccines during World War II," in Vaccinia, Vaccination, Vaccinology: Jenner, Pasteur, and Their Successors, ed. S. Plotkin and B. Fantini (Paris: Elsevier, 1996); and Pelis, "'Mosaics of Power': The Virus-Vaccine and Imperialism in French North Africa" (paper delivered at "Medicine and the Colonies" conference, Oxford, 1996).
75. Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). For a historical perspective on the use of killed vaccines, see Peter Keating, "Vaccine Therapy and the Problem of Opsonins," J. Hist. Med., 1988, 43: 275-96. On typhus vaccine work specifically, see Paul Weindling, "'Victory with Vaccines': The Problem of Typhus Vaccines during World War II," in Vaccinia, Vaccination, Vaccinology: Jenner, Pasteur, and Their Successors, ed. S. Plotkin and B. Fantini (Paris: Elsevier, 1996); and Pelis, "'Mosaics of Power': The Virus-Vaccine and Imperialism in French North Africa" (paper delivered at "Medicine and the Colonies" conference, Oxford, 1996).
76. Mendelsohn, "Cultures of Bacteriology" (n. 5); Moulin, "Patriarchal Science" (n. 1). For a historical perspective on the use of killed vaccines, see Peter Keating, "Vaccine Therapy and the Problem of Opsonins," J. Hist. Med., 1988, 43: 275-96. On typhus vaccine work specifically, see Paul Weindling, "'Victory with Vaccines': The Problem of Typhus Vaccines during World War II," in Vaccinia, Vaccination, Vaccinology: Jenner, Pasteur, and Their Successors, ed. S. Plotkin and B. Fantini (Paris: Elsevier, 1996); and Pelis, "'Mosaics of Power': The Virus-Vaccine and Imperialism in French North Africa" (paper delivered at "Medicine and the Colonies" conference, Oxford, 1996).
77. See Nicolle and Ludovic Blaizot, "Les vaccins fluororés dans les vaccinations préventives et la vaccinothérapie," AIPdT, 1914, 9: 1-29. Alfred Conor was ill at the time they wrote this article and died soon after it was completed.
78. Pasteur's often theatrical attempts to link science and industry have been retold and commented upon - sometimes critically - to the point of becoming almost as mythic as his rabies trial on Joseph Meister. See, for example, Paul de Kruif, Microbe Hunters (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1926, 1954); Gerald Geison, "Pasteur, Roux, and Rabies: Scientific versus Clinical Mentalities." J. Hist. Med., 1990, 45: 341-65.
79. Pasteur's often theatrical attempts to link science and industry have been retold and commented upon - sometimes critically - to the point of becoming almost as mythic as his rabies trial on Joseph Meister. See, for example, Paul de Kruif, Microbe Hunters (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1926, 1954); Gerald Geison, "Pasteur, Roux, and Rabies: Scientific versus Clinical Mentalities." J. Hist. Med., 1990, 45: 341-65.
80. Nicolle to Ludovic Blaizot, 25 October 1918, ADSM 146 J 36.
81. Blaizot to Nicolle, 18 February 1919, ADSM 146 J 23.
82. Blaizot to Nicolle, 13 June 1915, ibid.
83. Blaizot to Nicolle, 27 February 1914, ibid. Founded in 1895, the Serum Commission granted permission for the distribution of bacteriologically derived therapeutic and preventive drugs in France. On the Commission with Roux in 1914, when Nicolle's vaccines were undergoing their scrutiny, was Dr. Arnold Netter, who would later play an important role in persuading Nicolle to challenge Roux and his policies.
84. Liebenau and Robson, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 18), p. 57.
85. Terry Shinn, "The Genesis of French Industrial Research, 1880-1940," Soc. Sci. Info., 1980, 19: 607-40.
86. Liebenau and Robson, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 18), p. 54.
87. Ibid., pp. 57-59; Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 17). Directed by Ernest Fourneau, Poulenc's laboratory developed a nonaddictive cocaine substitute, Stovaine. Fourneau's success drew Roux's attention, and he hired him in 1911 to create a chemotherapy department at the Pasteur Institute. Fourneau's move to the Pasteur Institute did not, however, symbolize a new pastorian commitment to industrial alliance: it was predicated upon his resignation from Poulenc. Although Roux encouraged Fourneau to maintain his contacts with the Poulenc staff, Roux did not, apparently, ever sign a formal contract with Poulenc for vaccine manufacture.
88. Ibid., pp. 57-59; Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 17). Directed by Ernest Fourneau, Poulenc's laboratory developed a nonaddictive cocaine substitute, Stovaine. Fourneau's success drew Roux's attention, and he hired him in 1911 to create a chemotherapy department at the Pasteur Institute. Fourneau's move to the Pasteur Institute did not, however, symbolize a new pastorian commitment to industrial alliance: it was predicated upon his resignation from Poulenc. Although Roux encouraged Fourneau to maintain his contacts with the Poulenc staff, Roux did not, apparently, ever sign a formal contract with Poulenc for vaccine manufacture.
89. Nicolle's 1910s correspondence with his longtime friend E. Leredde, who was based in Paris and provided him with a running commentary on Roux's policies, is particularly illuminating. It is contained in the AIP, C.NIC/Cor2, 3.
90. Conseil was assigned to the Tunis military hospital; Gobert, to the 8th Regiment in Sousse. Conseil's assignment to Serbia is reported in Charles Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1915," AIPdT, 1916, 9: 201.
91. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1916," AIPdT, 1917, 10: 182.
92. The War Relief Commission was established to provide international relief and remained in service until the United States entered the War. See "War Relief Commission," I00N, RG 1, ser. 100, boxes 56-63, Rockefeller Foundation Archives, New York, N.Y., for information on the Commission's work.
93. R. P. Strong to Nicolle, 12 April 1915, Strong Papers 36b, file "Letters Sent," Francis A. Countway Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. Used with the permission of the Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine.
94. Strong to Mabel T. Boardman, 2 June 1915, ibid. Nicolle knew in late April that he would not be able to go to Serbia: Nicolle to Blanc, 22 April 1915, ADSM 146 J 36.
95. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1915," AIPdT, 1916, 9: 200. See also Nicolle's wartime correspondence with both Blanc and Conseil: ADSM 146 J 24 and 25. In one letter, Conseil describes how he had to overcome the miasmatic assumptions of his commanding officer, who insisted that typhus was caused by the putrefaction of corpses, in order to implement a thorough delousing program backed by a functioning laboratory: Conseil to Nicolle, 22 April and 15 May 1915, ADSM 146 J 25.
96. A translation of a paper by Nicolle and Conseil, "Necessary Steps to be Taken in Order to Protect Our Field Armies against Exanthematic and Recurrent Typhus," extracted from the Bulletin de l'Académie de la Médecine, 7 January 1913, is included in the Strong Papers, box 36b (n. 61).
97. Robson, "French Pharmaceutical Industry" (n. 16), pp. 109-10.
98. Blaizot to Nicolle, 4 January 1915, ADSM 146 J 23.
99. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1918," AIPdT, 1919, 11: 58. See also idem, "Fonctionnement . . . 1917," AIPdT, 1918, 10: 182.
100. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1918," AIPdT, 1919, 11: 58. See also idem, "Fonctionnement . . . 1917," AIPdT, 1918, 10: 182.
101. Timothy Lenoir, "A Magic Bullet: Research for Profit and the Growth of Knowledge in Germany around 1900," Minerva, 1988, 26: 66-88.
102. Blaizot to Nicolle, 20 November 1918, ADSM 146 J 23.
103. Olga Metchnikoff, Life of Elie Metchnikoff, 1845-1916 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1921), p. 245.
104. Moulin, "Pasteur Institute" (n. 12), p. 10.
105. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 3 January 1920, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b (in this letter, Nicolle claimed directly that the Résident Général's confidence in him gave him "a certain authority over what is being done here"); Nicolle to Mesnil, 9 January 1921, AIP C.NIC/ Cop1, 3b, in which Nicolle assured Mesnil that the director's position would be subordinate to his wishes and those of Etienne Burnet. See also Nicolle's correspondence with Calmette (AIP, C.NIC/Cor1,1) for a description of how Nicolle's public health restructuring also fit into a larger pastorian plan coordinated by Calmette.
106. Nicolle, "Notice sur l'Institut Pasteur de Tunis," AIPdT, 1924, 13: 3.
107. Nicolle to Georges Blanc, 6 January 1921, ADSM 146 J 36.
108. Nicolle to Mesnil, 9 January 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop1, 3b.
109. This laboratory was subsidized by the Direction Générale de l'Interieur and the Communes of Central Tunisia: "Fonctionnement du Laboratoire Régional de Sousse (année 1922)," AIPdT, 1923, 12: 254-59.
110. A. Espie, "Fonctionnement du Laboratoire Régional de Sfax (année 1925)," AIPdT, 1926, 15: 194-96.
111. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1927," AIPdT, 1928, 17: 168.
112. Lucien Saint, "Document officiel: Decret du 2 juillet (13 moharrem 1347) réglementant l'autorisation et le controle des Laboratoires d'Analyses Médicales de la Régence de Tunis," AIPdT, 1928, 17: 275-78. The two highest members of the five-member commission were pastorians: its president was the Pasteur Institute's director; its secretary, one of its "chefs du laboratoire," or the assistant director. The other three members could also have been pastorians.
113. Nicolle carefully listed these visitors and missions in the annual "Fonctionnement," AIPdT.
114. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 14 February 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b. Pierre Nicolle both outlined this friendship and summarized the concerns of his father and Vallery-Radot on the occasion of Nicolle's manuscripts being given to the Rouen Library, 14 June 1970 (Nicolle's personal papers were presented to the Rouen archives some years later); the text of his speech, "Charles Nicolle et Louis Pasteur Vallery-Radot, d'après leur correspondance," was printed in the organ of the Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et Arts de Rouen, 1971, 47: 9-14, and was reprinted as an independent text by the Bulletin de Liaison. 82. "The Pasteur institute can be truly saved only through industrial reform. . . . we must bring together a group of industrialists and businessmen who will approach the Institute's director and brutally propose that they manage his commercial affairs, leaving him with power of direction and inspection, and promising him in return increased profits. This conception captivates me" (Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 6 September 1920, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b).
115. Mesnil to Nicolle, 20 December 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop1, 3a; subsequent quotes in this paragraph are from this source.
116. Calmette to Nicolle, 24 March 1919, AIP C.NIC/Cor1, 1.
117. Calmette to Nicolle, 31 May 1919, ibid.; subsequent quotes in this paragraph are from this source.
118. Moulin, "Bacteriological Research and Medical Practice in and out of the Pastorian School," in French Medical Culture in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Mordechai Feingold and Ann La Berge (Atlanta: Rodopi, 1994), pp. 327-49.
119. Nicolle, text of "Le péril des études microbiologiques en France," sent to Vallery-Radot 18 September 1920, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b; also in Le Temps, 8 October 1920, p. 1.
120. Nicolle, text of "Le péril des études microbiologiques en France," sent to Vallery- Radot 18 September 1920, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b; also in Le Temps, 8 October 1920, p. 1.
121. Roux to Nicolle, 18 October 1920, ADSM 146 J 33.
122. Ibid. Nicolle was himself to adopt a position similar to Roux's in the 1930s; however, for the corrupting influence of money he substituted the distracting influence of women (Nicolle, Biologie de l'invention [Paris: Félix Alcan, 1932]).
123. Calmette even warned Nicolle that his campaign in the press "highly displeased the Patron" (Calmette to Nicolle, 14 March 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop1, 1 [MIP 28.681]).
124. Nicolle often cited research as the Institute's hallmark; to Vallery-Radot, he called it "the beacon that shines from the great man" (Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 2 February 1925, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b). More broadly, the metaphor he used to describe his ideal of interrelated, if guided, cooperation, was the mosaic. I developed this image in my dissertation (n. 28) and am continuing to work on it in my book on Nicolle.
125. On French resistance to the coupling of business and science, see Shinn, "Genesis" (n. 54). On the Pasteur Institute specifically, see Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 17).
126. On French resistance to the coupling of business and science, see Shinn, "Genesis" (n. 54). On the Pasteur Institute specifically, see Moulin and Guenel, "L'Institut Pasteur" (n. 17).
127. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 14 February 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b. Nicolle did not waver from this position.
128. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 6 September 1920, ibid.
129. Calmette's involvement with the Association was substantive enough that Mesnil later attributed its existence to him; see Mesnil to Nicolle, 29 September 1923, AIP, C.NIC/ Cop1, 3a.
130. Séances du Conseil d'Administration (Pasteur Institute), vol. 3. Meeting of 6 July 1921, p. 81. AIP.
131. Association pour l'extension des études Pastoriennes (Paris: R. Tancrède, 1921), quotation (from Pasteur, Le Budget de la Science, 1865) on p. 3.
132. Association pour l'extension des études Pastoriennes (Paris: R. Tancrède, 1921), quotation (from Pasteur, Le Budget de la Science, 1865) on p. 3.
133. Ibid., p. 22.
134. Ibid., "Extraits des Statuts," p. 25.
135. Ibid. The rhetoric suggests that Nicolle had a hand in writing this.
136. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 7 February 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
137. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 14 February 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b. Nicolle referred to the organization sometimes as "the Society," sometimes as "the Association."
138. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 17 March 1921, AIP C.NIC./Cop2, 5a.
139. "Executive Comittee Meeting of March 22, 1921," Minutes of the Rockefeller Foundation, pp. 21046-47, RG i.i, box 2, folder 16. Rockefeller Foundation Archives. Moulin discusses the Rockefeller/Pasteur Institute connection, and the AEEP, in "Pasteur Institute" (n. 12), pp. 8-11.
140. "Executive Comittee Meeting of March 22, 1921," Minutes of the Rockefeller Foundation, pp. 21046-47, RG i.i, box 2, folder 16. Rockefeller Foundation Archives. Moulin discusses the Rockefeller/Pasteur Institute connection, and the AEEP, in "Pasteur Institute" (n. 12), pp. 8-11.
141. Nicolle to Mesnil, 21 May 1921, AIP C.NIC/Cop1, 3b. Of course, Nicolle would have opposed AEEP acceptance of Rockefeller funds as well.
142. Letter of 23 January 1936 to "Monsieur le Directeur," Musée de L'Institut Pasteur [MIP], folder "Banque de Paris des Pays-Bas," unnumbered.
143. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 23 October 1923, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
144. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 3 January 1927, ibid.
145. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 22 January 1928, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
146. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 27 January 1928, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
147. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 31 October 1928, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
148. Nicolle, "Fonctionnement . . . 1928," AIPdT, 1929, 18: 237 (emphasis added).
149. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 3 January 1929, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b. Roux had written to Nicolle: "I would have been happy to talk with you about the present and the future. This present and this future depend on your health" (Roux to Nicolle, 7 December 1928, ADSM 146 J 33).
150. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 3 January 1929, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
151. Nicolle to Alice Nicolle, 12 March 1929, ADSM 146 J 35.
152. Nicolle to Vallery Radot, 6 November 1931, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
153. Nicolle to Georges Blanc, 12 November 1931, ADSM, 146 J 36.
154. See the correspondence between Nicolle and Joseph Bédier, ADSM 146 J, file "Collège de France."
155. Initially, Nicolle appeared the obvious candidate. Upon closer scrutiny, however, his qualifications raised questions at the Collège. First was his age: at sixty-five, would he treat the position as a sort of prestigious retirement? Second was the disciplinary question: was it appropriate for a pastorian to fill the chair of Bernard (a small battle was waged between bacteriologically and physiologically inclined members of the Collège)? Finally, and ultimately most appropriately, was the issue of whether Nicolle, a lifelong pastorian, indeed intended to give up the Tunis institute and devote himself to the Collège. In fact, he did not. (See, for example, Nicolle to Delabarre, 12 November 1931, ADSM 146 J 38.)
156. Nicolle, "Première Leçon," in Introduction (n. 39), p. 23.
157. The stories of Christianity and of Nicolle's life's mission resonate richly in Nicolle's triumphant return to Paris. Moreover, his return occurred after thirty years' banishment to the peripheral "wilderness" and was guided by his need to change the values of those in power, even if the process entailed self-sacrifice.
158. Nicolle discussed the laboratory with Vallery-Radot (31 December 1931; 29 March 1932; 30 October 1932; 1 December 1932, all AIP C.NIC/Cor2, 5), Duhamel (20 May 1932, AIP C.NIC/Duh1), and Delabarre (17 March 1933, ADSM 146 J 38).
159. Although this letter itself appears not to have survived, Nicolle discussed it in a letter to Vallery-Radot of 19 April 1933 (AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b). Apparently he did not go so far as to nail the letter to the maison mère's, door.
160. Lagrange, Monsieur Roux (n. 5), p. 231.
161. Netter to Nicolle, 30 October 1933, ADSM 146 J 32. Vallery-Radot was now
162. Paul Giroud to Nicolle, 26 November 1933, ADSM 146 J 29.
163. Nicolle to Duhamel, 10 November 1933, AIP C.NIC/Duh1b (Nicolle told Duhamel, "if I am to play a role in the maison, I would rather be called to it than ask for it").
164. "Minutes, Conseil d'Administration," vol. 3, 30 October and 23 November 1933; 28 January and 16 May 1934, AIP, show how Vallery-Radot attempted to negotiate a diplomatic path between Nicolle's reform efforts and his colleagues' more conservative tendencies.
165. In a letter of 23 November 1933, Netter informed Nicolle of Vaillard's assertion. The "Pasteur Institute" in general, he explained, thought Nicolle to be the best candidate; Vaillard, however, claimed that Roux had wholly opposed him (ADSM 146 J 32).
166. "Minutes, Conseil d'Administration," 22 November 1933, 3: 442, AIP.
167. Vallery-Radot added that, were his grandfather present at the meeting, "he himself would certainly have proposed to modify the Institute's statutes, as these were no longer appropriate for an establishment that had grown extensively" (ibid., p. 445).
168. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 25 November 1933, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
169. Nicolle to Delabarre, 13 December 1933, ADSM 146 J 38.
170. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 27 January 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
171. Nicolle to Charles Géniaux, 9 February 1934, ADSM 146 J 38.
172. Nicolle was unaware that the NL would thus present his article. He was annoyed, thinking it needlessly provocative. See Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 9 February 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
173. Nicolle, "La grande misère de l'Institut Pasteur: un cri d'alarme. Une heure avec le Docteur Charles Nicolle (Professeur au Collège de France - Prix Nobel 1928)," Nouvelles Littéraires, 3 February 1934; subsequent quotes in this paragraph are from this source.
174. Ibid. I would like to thank Professor Vivian Nutton for his assistance with the Themistocles reference.
175. Ibid.
176. Ibid.
177. Lagrange, Monsieur Roux (n. 5), p. 241. For a spectrum of reactions, see Paul Remlinger to Nicolle, 6 February 1934; Robert Sorel to Nicolle, 14 February 1934; Delabarre to Nicolle, 13 February 1934, all in ADSM 146 J.
178. Nicolle to Delabarre, 19 February 1934, ADSM 146 J 38.
179. Nicolle to Duhamel, 25 February 1934, AIP C.NIC/Duh1b.
180. Remlinger to Nicolle, 6 February 1934, ADSM 146 J 33. See also Remlinger's satirical reconstruction of Vaillard's ultimate intentions in Remlinger to Nicolle, 28 January 1934, ibid.
181. Duhamel to Nicolle, 3 March 1934, AIP C.NIC/Duh1a. In a subsequent letter (17 March 1934, ibid.), Duhamel described a medical conference he had attended, at which Nicolle's article was a central topic of conversation. Of the one hundred or so physicians Duhamel spoke with, he told Nicolle, only one disagreed with the article - and within two minutes, Duhamel had persuaded him that Nicolle was right. Earlier, Alfred Lasneret had suggested that support for Nicolle existed among the physicians: Lasneret to Nicolle, 17 November 1934, ADSM 146 J 30.
182. In my biography, I will further explore the ways in which relations between bacteriology and clinical medicine informed Nicolle's politics.
183. Lagrange, Monsieur Roux (n. 5), p. 242.
184. Nicolle was understandably confused by Vallery-Radot's criticism, particularly as Nicolle had asked him to revise the article before it was printed. Unfortunately, surviving letters do not contain Vallery-Radot's explanations. For Nicolle's side, see his letter to Vallery-Radot, 9 February 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
185. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 17 April 1934, ibid.
186. Victor Morax to Nicolle, 20 February 1934, ADSM 146 J 32, is the most explicit of these statements. Other correspondence on this subject includes Nicolle to Duhamel, 13 March 1934, AIP C.NIC/Duh1b; Nicolle to Delabarre, 11 April 1934, ADSM 146 J 38; Nicolle to Marcelle Nicolle, 19 April 1934, ADSM 146 J 35.
187. "Minutes, Conseil d'Administration," 21 March 1934, 3: 466-83, AIP. See also the text of the Lacroix Report itself, summarized in the "Minutes," and also contained at the AIP.
188. Nicolle to Duhamel, 25 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Duh1b.
189. See Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 11 May 1934; Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 16 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5. Vallery-Radot even mentions that he might resign his post on the Council in protest; Nicolle strongly encourages him to stay.
190. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 16 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b; subsequent quotes in this paragraph are from this source.
191. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 17 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
192. In the Lacroix Report, Vallery-Radot addressed the feelings against Nicolle directly. Acknowledging that "a recent incident" with Nicolle "might have encouraged several Council members to wish M. Nicolle would conduct his research on premises other than the P.I.," Vallery-Radot appealed to their greater desire to protect their public image: "if we were to do such a thing, the public outside the P.I. would surely judge us severely: M. Nicolle is one of the most senior pastorians; his research has brought renown to the house of Pasteur; he is universally known; he is a Nobel Prize-winner; finally, he is the director of the Pasteur Institute of Tunis" ("Lacroix Report" [n. 151], p. 8).
193. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 17 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
194. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 20 May 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
195. His assistant director and subsequent successor, Etienne Burnet, made this prophecy to Nicolle, 20 July 1920, AIP C.NIC/Cor1, 2.
196. "Procès Verbaux des Séances du Conseil Scientifique," Sessions of February 1935, box 1 (1934-39), AIP.
197. Vallery-Radot to Nicolle, 3 September 1934, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5a.
198. Nicolle to Vallery-Radot, 3 October 1935, AIP C.NIC/Cop2, 5b.
199. Nicolle, 'Testament," 20 February 1936, ADSM 146 J. His successor, Burnet, is buried with his wife, Lydia, in the courtyard behind the Institute.
200. See, for example, Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Decision in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Paul Rabinow, French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989).
201. See, for example, Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Decision in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Paul Rabinow, French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989).
202. Nicolle, La destinée humaine (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1936), p. 22.