Reconciliation politics: Conservative evangelicals and the new race discourse

Politics and Society

Volumn 25, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 341-376

  Wadsworth, Nancy D ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0031286832     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329297025003005     Document Type: Article

References (106)

1. More than a quarter of the delegates to the 1988 Republican convention, for example, identified as "born-again" Christians. See Sara Diamond, Spiritual Warriors: The Politics of the Christian Right (Boston: South End Press, 1989), 80.
2. In the areas of activism I consider here, most evangelical participants are white, although there are growing Latino, Asian, and black evangelical communities in the United States.
3. The limits of this project confine me to tracing to the moment of passage and not the appeal process that continues.
4. Fundamentalists are evangelicals as well, but they tend to be more militant in their rejection of secular humanism as a competing ideological tradition to the Protestant gospel. See Richard Quebedeaux, "Conservative and Charismatic Developments of the Later Twentieth Century," in Charles H. Lippy and Peter W. Williams, eds., Encyclopedia of the American Religious Experience, vol. 2 (New York: Scribner, 1990), 963-76.
5. James Davison Hunter, Evangelicalism: The Coming Generation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 5.
6. A small percentage of liberal evangelicals does exist, but for the purposes of this project and in the scope of evangelical politics, evangelicals are generally considered conservative.
7. See Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Hunter, Evangelicalism.
8. See Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Hunter, Evangelicalism.
9. Kenneth Bedell, ed., 1993 Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1993).
10. Sherry Sherrod and Herbert C. DuPree, "The Explosive Growth of the African American Pentecostal Church," in 1993 Yearbook, 7.
11. Andres Tapía, "¡CHARViva los Evangélicos!" Christianity Today (28 October 1991): 18. American evangelicals proselytize aggressively in Latin American countries and support political movements/regimes (e.g., the Contras in Nicaragua) with millions of dollars. See Diamond, Spiritual Warriors, chap. 6.
12. Andres Tapía, "¡CHARViva los Evangélicos!" Christianity Today (28 October 1991): 18. American evangelicals proselytize aggressively in Latin American countries and support political movements/regimes (e.g., the Contras in Nicaragua) with millions of dollars. See Diamond, Spiritual Warriors, chap. 6.
13. Some prominent sources here include Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in Twentieth Century America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Rebecca Klatch, Women and the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987); David Snowball, Continuity and Change in the Rhetoric of the Moral Majority (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Ted Jelen, The Political Mobilization of Religious Belief (New York: Praeger, 1991).
14. Some prominent sources here include Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in Twentieth Century America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Rebecca Klatch, Women and the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987); David Snowball, Continuity and Change in the Rhetoric of the Moral Majority (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Ted Jelen, The Political Mobilization of Religious Belief (New York: Praeger, 1991).
15. Some prominent sources here include Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in Twentieth Century America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Rebecca Klatch, Women and the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987); David Snowball, Continuity and Change in the Rhetoric of the Moral Majority (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Ted Jelen, The Political Mobilization of Religious Belief (New York: Praeger, 1991).
16. Some prominent sources here include Clyde Wilcox, God's Warriors: The Christian Right in Twentieth Century America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Rebecca Klatch, Women and the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987); David Snowball, Continuity and Change in the Rhetoric of the Moral Majority (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Ted Jelen, The Political Mobilization of Religious Belief (New York: Praeger, 1991).
17. Fundamentalists, by contrast, were quite active in this period, with the rise to prominence of Jerry Falwell's "Moral Majority" campaign. See Wilcox, God's Warriors, 11.
18. Ibid., 219.
19. Ibid., 65.
20. Ibid., 66, table on racial differences on religious attributes.
21. Ibid., 207.
22. Hunter, Evangelicalism, 92. See also Larry Christenson, The Christian Family (Minneapolis: Bethany Fellowship, 1970).
23. Hunter, Evangelicalism, 92. See also Larry Christenson, The Christian Family (Minneapolis: Bethany Fellowship, 1970).
24. Hunter, Evangelicalism, 82.
25. Sources here are too numerous to mention, although James Dobson's organization, "Focus on the Family" is a preeminent example that I take up later.
26. Stanton Jones, "The Loving Opposition in a Climate of Hate," Christianity Today (19 July 1993): 22-25.
27. See Bob Davies, Coming Out of Homosexuality (Westmont, IL: InterVarsity, 1994).
28. Evangelicals argue that homosexuality should not in any way be construed as constituting an identity: "If a sexual desire defines a person, then acting on that desire is essential to personhood. If we buy this logic, then to suggest that God does not want them to engage in homosexual acts is to insult their innermost beings.... The Christian response is to deny the legitimacy of defining a person by his or her sexual desires - or by any other fallen element of one's nature. In Christ, our identities are based on our status as God's adopted children" (Jones, "The Loving Opposition," 24).
29. On attitudes toward homosexuality in black communities, for example, see Cathy Cohen, "Contested Identities: Black Lesbian and Gay Identities and the Black Community's Response to AIDS" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association conference, Washington, DC, September 1993); bell hooks, "Homophobia in Black Communities," in bell hooks, ed., Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black (Boston: South End Press, 1991); and Darryl K. Loiacano, "Gay Identity Issues among Black Americans: Racism, Homophobia, and the Need for Validation," Journal of Counseling & Development 68 (September/October 1989): 21-5.
30. On attitudes toward homosexuality in black communities, for example, see Cathy Cohen, "Contested Identities: Black Lesbian and Gay Identities and the Black Community's Response to AIDS" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association conference, Washington, DC, September 1993); bell hooks, "Homophobia in Black Communities," in bell hooks, ed., Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black (Boston: South End Press, 1991); and Darryl K. Loiacano, "Gay Identity Issues among Black Americans: Racism, Homophobia, and the Need for Validation," Journal of Counseling & Development 68 (September/October 1989): 21-5.
31. On attitudes toward homosexuality in black communities, for example, see Cathy Cohen, "Contested Identities: Black Lesbian and Gay Identities and the Black Community's Response to AIDS" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association conference, Washington, DC, September 1993); bell hooks, "Homophobia in Black Communities," in bell hooks, ed., Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black (Boston: South End Press, 1991); and Darryl K. Loiacano, "Gay Identity Issues among Black Americans: Racism, Homophobia, and the Need for Validation," Journal of Counseling & Development 68 (September/October 1989): 21-5.
32. To limit cumbersome terminology, I tend to include references to lesbians or bisexuals under the category of "homosexual" and/or "gay."
33. To further situate myself, I also was raised by a father deeply committed to the "born-again" evangelical community in Southern California in the 1970s and 1980s.
34. See Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Wilcox, God's Warriors.
35. See Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Wilcox, God's Warriors.
36. See Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Wilcox, God's Warriors.
37. See Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; and Wilcox, God's Warriors.
38. Donna Minkowitz, "Ground Zero: Fear and Renewal in Colorado," The Village Voice (19 January 1993): 30.
39. "Focus under Fire," Christianity Today (8 March 1993): 48.
40. In the 1992 presidential election, 40.1 percent of voters in Colorado voted for Clinton, 35.9 percent for Bush, and 23.3 percent for Perot. A Democrat was elected to the U.S. Senate, and two Democrats and four Republicans were elected to the House of Representatives. Interestingly, Jerry Brown won the Democratic state primaries in March. Source: The Election Data Book, 1992 (Lanham, MD: Bernan Press, 1993).
41. Gary Massaro, "Polls Show Amendment 2 Going Down to Defeat," Rocky Mountain News (4 November 1992).
42. In Denver, Boulder, and Pueblo counties, Clinton received more than 50 percent of the total vote in 1992. See The Election Data Book, 138.
43. Colorado for Family Values, Amendment 2 and Beyond (pamphlet) (Colorado Springs, CO: CFV, 1992). (P.O. Box 190, Colorado Springs, CO 80901)
44. Stephen Bransford, Gay Politics vs. Colorado and America: The Inside Story of Amendment 2 (Colorado Springs, CO: Sardis Press, 1993), 39.
45. USA Today (4 November 1993): A4-A5.
46. CFV's monthly newsletter began being printed several months after the passage of Amendment 2. The reports function as an update to the funders and supporters of the amendment about the status of the continuing appeal process.
47. Bransford normally writes evangelical thriller novels and is the son of an evangelical preacher.
48. From excerpts from H.B. 1059 debates in Bransford, Gay Politics, 10.
49. Ibid., 43.
50. Ibid., 53.
51. Ibid., 241, Appendix C.
52. Ibid., 242, Appendix C.
53. He is also a "living legend" among feminists and others who mock his "family values" stand in light of the fact that his unmarried teenage daughter became pregnant by one of the star players on his football team.
54. Bransford, Gay Politics, 54.
55. Ibid., 54-5.
56. Focus on the Family is an international evangelical "resource" organization with 50 different ministries representing more than 1,000 employees. The organization produces daily radio broadcasts heard on 4,000 stations worldwide. It also circulates eight magazines sent to more than 2.6 million people a month and provides counseling and referral services for families in need of Christian-focused therapy.
57. Bransford, Gay Politics, 35.
58. The evangelical, fundamentalist, and other conservative communities over the last two decades have amassed reams of this "literature," which capitalizes on the most offensive and destructive stereotypes about homosexuals and their behavior. See William Dannemeyer, Shadows in the Land: Homosexuality in America (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1989); and Roger Magnuson, Are Gay Rights Right? Making Sense of the Controversy (Portland, OR: Multnomah Books, 1995).
59. The evangelical, fundamentalist, and other conservative communities over the last two decades have amassed reams of this "literature," which capitalizes on the most offensive and destructive stereotypes about homosexuals and their behavior. See William Dannemeyer, Shadows in the Land: Homosexuality in America (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1989); and Roger Magnuson, Are Gay Rights Right? Making Sense of the Controversy (Portland, OR: Multnomah Books, 1995).
60. Bransford, Gay Politics, 62.
61. Ibid., 106.
62. Ibid., 62-3.
63. Ibid., 15.
64. Incidentally, gay rights activists in Colorado never sought to secure quota preferences.
65. Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; Wilcox, God's Warriors.
66. Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; Wilcox, God's Warriors.
67. Hunter, Evangelicalism; Diamond, Spiritual Warriors; Wilcox, God's Warriors.
68. The anxiety about hiring quotas for homosexuals seems to me to rather ineptly disguise an underlying anxiety about affirmative action that is infused with discomfort about race. But attention to this attitude is diverted by the focus on homosexual rights and behavior.
69. Although I generally dislike using the word "minorities" as an umbrella term for a variety of communities of color who are often not the minority, it should be noted that in Colorado people of color constitute a minority of 19.2 percent. See The Election Data Book, 142.
70. Bransford, Gay Politics, 104.
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid., 10.
73. Ibid., 69.
74. Colorado for Family Values, How Voting "Yes" on Amendment 2 Protects Colorado's True Minorities (pamphlet) (Colorado Springs, CO: CFV, 1992). (P.O. Box 190, Colorado Springs, CO 80901)
75. Ibid. Aside from its absurd conclusions, this argument is particularly suspicious in light of the fact that evangelical activists concentrate their own efforts primarily on the same government bodies they declare undemocratic. In the summer of 1995, they launched something called a "Community Resolutions Standard" project in Colorado, which seeks to promote their definition of acceptable family values through local community standards patrolling and regulating homosexuality, pornography, and the like.
76. For example, Tapía, "¡CHARViva los Evangélicos!"
77. Harold Myra, "Racial Reconciliation Begins with You," Christianity Today (6 March 1995): 18-9.
78. Under the "Racial Reconciliation" folder, I started a folder titled "Why Now?" that includes the following questions to which AOL subscribers can respond: "I am curious as to why Christianity Today, and the evangelical community in general, is emphasizing 'racial reconciliation' at this particular moment in time and not earlier, for instance, during the civil rights movement or prior? Why has the need for racial reconciliation been recognized by white Christians as a pressing need to address now when black and other 'minority' churches have been calling for Christians to deal with racism for decades?"
79. Andrés Tapía, "Churches Struggle to Overcome Racial Tensions," Christianity Today (26 April 1993): 42.
80. Ibid., 43.
81. Andrés Tapía, "The Myth of Racial Reconciliation," Christianity Today (4 October 1993): 16-27.
82. Ibid., 18.
83. J. Lee Grady, "Pentecostals Renounce Racism," Christianity Today (12 December 1994): 58.
84. Myra, "Racial Reconciliation," 19.
85. Timothy C. Morgan, "First Stride in a Long Walk," Christianity Today (6 February 1995): 48.
86. Ibid., 48.
87. For example, see Mark Ellingsen, The Evangelical Movement (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1988).
88. Apparently, the African American Pentecostals did not dissolve their former organization, the Church of God in Christ, but ten of their leaders helped start the new organization.
89. Asof April 1995, this step had not yet been taken. However, in the fifty-third annual NAE convention in March 1995, NAE leaders announced that racial reconciliation was at the top of their agenda, appointing an African American treasurer and 1996 program director. At the conference, a plenary speaker encouraged delegates to ask God for moments of self-discovery and confrontation within their own hearts, explaining that "we don't perceive [racism] until the Holy Spirit shows it to us." See Helen Lee, "Racial Reconciliation Tops NAE's Agenda," Christianity Today (3 April 1995): 97.
90. For example, "Passing on the Power," Christianity Today (4 October 1993): 21; and "Fudge Ripple Sundays," Christianity Today (4 October 1993): 24. Both articles treat interracial churches that have put blacks in the top leadership position.
91. For example, "Passing on the Power," Christianity Today (4 October 1993): 21; and "Fudge Ripple Sundays," Christianity Today (4 October 1993): 24. Both articles treat interracial churches that have put blacks in the top leadership position.
92. Myra, "Racial Reconciliation."
93. Mitali Perkins, "Guess Who's Coming to Church?" Christianity Today (7 March 1994): 30-3.
94. Glenn T. Stanton, "Will the Promise Keepers Keep Their Promise?" Christianity Today (14 November 1994): 35.
95. Ibid.
96. In 1995, Promise Keepers held its annual conference at Mile High Stadium in Denver to accommodate its increased numbers, and plans were in the works for 1 million men to assemble in Washington, D.C., in 1998 to pray for the nation. Such numbers have made for a lucrative business enterprise. The group went from 29 staff members in 1993 to 150 full-time employees in 1994, and in that same period Promise Keepers' annual budget rose from $4 million to $22 million. See Edward Gilbreath, "Manhood's Great Awakening," Christianity Today (5 February 1995): 28.
97. The other six promises are also interesting: (1) honor Jesus Christ through worship, prayer and obedience to his word; (2) pursue vital relationships with a few other men, understanding that a man needs brothers to help him keep his promises; (3) practice spiritual, moral, ethical, and sexual purity; (4) build strong marriages and families; (5) support the mission of the church by honoring and praying for one's pastor and by actively giving of one's time and resources; and (7) influence the world by being obedient to the Great Commandment (Mark 12:30-31) [love God and neighbor] and the Great Commission (Matthew 28:19-20) [evangelism]. See Ibid., 22.
98. Ibid., 23, "Winning the Races" inset.
99. Ibid. Eleven people of color are counted among the ministerial leadership of Promise Keepers.
100. Ibid.
101. I came across the following remarkable anecdote reflecting the earnestness expressed in this literature over racial reconciliation. During the Dallas-Fort Worth, Texas, meeting of the Promise Keepers, a strong rainstorm sent 33,000 participants fleeing an outdoor conference that had to shut down for more than five hours. Afterward, leaders and attendees took the storm as a sign from God that organizers had not gone far enough to make the event a racially mixed affair. Said Randy Phillips, Promise Keepers president, "After that, all the speakers laid aside their prepared messages and united together to address how racism has divided the church." See Ibid., 23.
102. Howard E. Snyder, "Will Promise Keepers Keep Their Promises?" Christianity Today (14 November 1994): 20-1.
103. Ibid., 21.
104. Quoted in Kevin Sack, "A Penitent Christian Coalition Offers Aid to Burned Churches," The New York Times (19 June 1996): A19.
105. Jeffrey Birnbaum, "The Gospel According to Ralph," Time (15 May 1995): 30-31.
106. C. Carr, "The Politics of Sin," The Village Voice (16 May 1995): 27.