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Volumn 25, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 4-33

The politics of privatization in rural Mexico

(1)  Krippner, Greta a  

a NONE

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EID: 0031285951     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329297025001002     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (9)

References (112)
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    • 2. This may seem like an odd statement in light of the recent rebellion in Chiapas, especially given the importance of the state as a center of coffee production. While the Chiapas rebellion may be understood as a response to the Salinas administration's reforms in the agricultural sector in general, it was primarily a response to continued repression of the struggle for land rights, and to the historic economic and political exclusion of indigenous peoples in Mexico. To the extent that it addressed itself to specific policy changes, the Chiapas rebellion was much more concerned with changes in the Constitution that eroded the basis of peasant land tenure and with the passage of NAFTA rather than with the privatization of the INMECAFE and other state agencies. In fact, as will be examined in more detail below, one of the social movements that pioneered attempts to supplant the functions of the INMECAFE was based in Chiapas. For an analysis of the causes of the Chiapas rebellion, see Neil Harvey, Rebellion in Chiapas: Rural Reforms, Campesino Radicalism, and Limits to Salinismo (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994).
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    • 10. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), chap. 2; T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1950).
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    • 15. Adam Przeworski and Michael Wallerstein, "The Structure of Class Conflict in Democratic Capitalist Societies," American Political Science Review 76, no. 2 (June 1982): 217.
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    • 16. Personal communication, 20 September 1995.
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    • 17. Odile Hoffman, "Renovación de los Actores Sociales en el Campo: Un Ejemplo en el Sector Cafetalero en Veracruz," Estudios Sociológicos 10, no. 30 (September-December 1992): 526-28.
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    • Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego
    • 18. Luis Hernández Navarro and Fernando Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements: The Case of Coffee Production," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 221. See also the various case studies in Gabriela Ejea and Luis Hernández, eds., Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía (Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafeteleras, 1991) ; and Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
    • (1994) Transforming State-society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy , pp. 221
    • Navarro, L.H.1    Callejas, F.C.2
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    • Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafeteleras
    • 18. Luis Hernández Navarro and Fernando Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements: The Case of Coffee Production," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 221. See also the various case studies in Gabriela Ejea and Luis Hernández, eds., Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía (Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafeteleras, 1991) ; and Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
    • (1991) Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía
    • Ejea, G.1    Hernández, L.2
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    • Mexico City: Siglo XXI
    • 18. Luis Hernández Navarro and Fernando Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements: The Case of Coffee Production," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 221. See also the various case studies in Gabriela Ejea and Luis Hernández, eds., Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía (Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafeteleras, 1991) ; and Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
    • (1992) Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos en el Desarrollo Rural
    • Moguel, J.1    Botey, C.2    Hernández, L.3
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    • The politics of economic restructuring in Mexico: Actors, sequencing, and coalition change
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    • 19. Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas, "The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico: Actors, Sequencing, and Coalition Change," in Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas, eds., The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 13.
    • (1994) The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico , pp. 13
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    • 20. CNC stands for (in English) the National Peasant Federation. CTM stands for the Federation of Mexican Workers.
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    • Embellishment, empowerment, or euthanasia of the PRI? NeoLiberalism and Party Reform in Mexico
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    • 22. Denise Dresser, "Embellishment, Empowerment, or Euthanasia of the PRI? NeoLiberalism and Party Reform in Mexico," in Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas, eds., The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 128.
    • (1994) The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico , pp. 128
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    • Bringing the poor back in: National solidarity as a strategy of regime legitimation
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    • 23. Denise Dresser, "Bringing the Poor Back In: National Solidarity as a Strategy of Regime Legitimation," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 148.
    • (1994) Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: The National Solidarity Strategy , pp. 148
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    • 24. Miguel De la Madrid was president of Mexico between 1982 and 1988.
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    • note
    • 27. In 1989, Cardenas formed the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in order to institutionalize the opposition coalition that formed around his candidacy in the 1988 elections. Cardenas ran again as the PRD candidate in the 1994 presidential elections.
  • 31
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    • 28. The PRI was formed in 1946. Its two predecessors, the Revolutionary National Party (PNR) and the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM), date to 1929 and 1938, respectively.
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    • 29. Cook, Middlebrook, Horcasitas, "The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico"; Dresser, "Embellishment, Empowerment, or Euthanasia of the PRI?" ; idem, "Bringing the Poor Back In."
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    • The difficult transition from clientelism to citizenship: Lessons from Mexico
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    • 30. Concertación is sometimes translated as "social dialogue" or "corporative agreements." See Jonathan Fox, "The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico," World Politics 46, no. 2 (January 1992): 165.
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    • 32. These are, respectively, the CTM, the CNC, the CNPP, and the CNOP. The former two are identified in note 20 above. The CNPP, representing private farmers, stands for the National Federation of Small Property Holders. The CNOP, representing small business interests, stands for the National Federation of Popular Organizations. In keeping with the ideology of the Mexican Revolution, big business is explicitly excluded from direct representation in the sectoral organizations of the state.
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    • 33. Dresser, "Bringing the Poor Back In," 153. See also Julio Moguel, "The Mexican Left and the Social Program of Salinismo," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994).
    • Bringing the Poor Back In , vol.153
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    • 33. Dresser, "Bringing the Poor Back In," 153. See also Julio Moguel, "The Mexican Left and the Social Program of Salinismo," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations: The National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994).
    • (1994) Transforming State-Society Relations: The National Solidarity Strategy
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    • 36. Neil Harvey, The New Agrarian Movement in Mexico, 1979-1990 (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, 1990), 12; see also Moguel, "The Mexican Left and the Social Program of Salinismo," 171.
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    • 36. Neil Harvey, The New Agrarian Movement in Mexico, 1979-1990 (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, 1990), 12; see also Moguel, "The Mexican Left and the Social Program of Salinismo," 171.
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    • 37. Jonathan Fox, "Political Change in Mexico's New Peasant Economy," in Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas, eds., The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), 258.
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    • 39. The ejido is a community-based form of land tenure that involves a usufruct right. Administered by peasant communities, ejido land is usually distributed and farmed individually. Prior to the reforms to Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution, ejido land was inalienable, but now may be legally sold or rented.
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    • 40. Luis Echeverría occupied the presidency between 1970 and 1976. Jose López Portillo was president between 1976 and 1982.
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    • 41. Fox, "Political Change in Mexico's New Peasant Economy," 259. For an example of a typical policy statement, see Gustavo Gordillo de Anda, "La Inserción de la Comunidad Rural en la Sociedad Global: Hacia un Nuevo Modelo de Desarrollo para el Campo," Comercio Exterior 40, no. 9 (September 1990): 803-15.
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    • 41. Fox, "Political Change in Mexico's New Peasant Economy," 259. For an example of a typical policy statement, see Gustavo Gordillo de Anda, "La Inserción de la Comunidad Rural en la Sociedad Global: Hacia un Nuevo Modelo de Desarrollo para el Campo," Comercio Exterior 40, no. 9 (September 1990): 803-15.
    • (1990) Comercio Exterior , vol.40 , Issue.9 , pp. 803-815
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    • 42. See note 39 above.
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    • 44. Ibid.; Michael Foley, "Privatizing the Countryside: The Mexican Peasant Movement and Neo-Liberal Reform," Latin American Perspectives 22, no. 1 (Winter 1995): 59-76.
    • (1995) Latin American Perspectives , vol.22 , Issue.1 , pp. 59-76
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    • 45. Margarita Nolasco, "Relaciones Sociales de la Producción en la Cafeticultura Mexicana," in Ana María Salazar Peralta, Margarita Nolasco, and Mercedes Olivera Bustamante, eds., La Producción Cafetelera en México 1977-1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1992), 83.
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    • 46. Varying yield estimates can be found in Luisa Paré, "¿Adelgazamiento del INMECAFE o de los Pequeños Productores del Café?" in Gabriela Ejea and Luis Hernández, eds., Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía (Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafetaleras, 1991), 51; and Ana María Salazar Peralta, La Participación Estatal en la Producción y Comercialización del Cafe en la Región Norte del Estado de Chiapas (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Nacional de México, 1988), 121.
    • (1991) Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía , pp. 51
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    • 46. Varying yield estimates can be found in Luisa Paré, "¿Adelgazamiento del INMECAFE o de los Pequeños Productores del Café?" in Gabriela Ejea and Luis Hernández, eds., Cafetaleros: La Construcción de la Autonomía (Mexico City: Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Cafetaleras, 1991), 51; and Ana María Salazar Peralta, La Participación Estatal en la Producción y Comercialización del Cafe en la Región Norte del Estado de Chiapas (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Nacional de México, 1988), 121.
    • (1988) La Participación Estatal en la Producción y Comercialización del Cafe en la Región Norte del Estado de Chiapas , pp. 121
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    • 49. Margarita Nolasco, Café y Sociedad en México (Mexico City: Centre de Ecodesarrollo, 1985), 257, 264-65.
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    • 51. Nolasco, Café y Sociedad en México, 222; Paré, "¿Adelgazamiento del INMECAFE o de los Pequeños Productores de Café?" 51.
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    • 53. Daniel K. Early, Café: Dependenda y Efectos (Mexico City: Institute Nacional Indigenista, 1982), 105.
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    • 57. Julio Moguel and Josefina Aranda, "Los Nuevos Caminos en la Construcción de la Autonomía: La Experiencia de la Coordinadora Estatal de Productores de Café de Oaxaca," in Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos Sociales en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992), 174-75.
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    • 59. For examples, see, Paré, "¿Adelgazamiento del INMECAFE o de los Pequeños Productores del Café?"; Hernández Navarro and Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements"; and Lorena Paz Paredes and Rosario Cobo, "El Proyecto Cafetalero de la Coalición de Ejidos de la Costa Grande de Guerrero," in Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos Sociales en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
    • Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements
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    • For examples, see, Paré, "¿Adelgazamiento del INMECAFE o de los Pequeños Productores del Café?"; Hernández Navarro and Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements"; and Lorena Paz Paredes and Rosario Cobo, "El Proyecto Cafetalero de la Coalición de Ejidos de la Costa Grande de Guerrero," in Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos Sociales en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
    • (1992) Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos Sociales en el Desarrollo Rural
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    • 61. Neil Harvey, "La Unión de Uniones de Chiapas y los Retos Politicos de Base," in Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992).
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    • 62. Uniones de ejidos are organizations grouping together two or more ejidos, especially for the purpose of some common economic project, such as the procurement of credit. See Jonathan Fox and Gustavo Gordillo, "Between State and Market: The Campesinos Quest for Autonomy," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Judith Gentlemen, and Peter H. Smith, eds., Mexico's Alternative Political Futures (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1989), 142.
    • (1989) Mexico's Alternative Political Futures , pp. 142
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    • 67. Julio Moguel, "La Lucha por la Apropriacio"n de la Vida Social en la Economía Cafetalera: La Experiencia de la CNOC, 1990-1991," in Julio Moguel, Carlota Botey, and Luis Hernández, eds., Autonomía y Nuevos Sujetos Sociales en el Desarrollo Rural (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1992), 116-17.
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    • 70. The first of these problems involved the existence of a "parallel market" consisting of consumer nations outside the agreement. The existence of markets outside the quota system allowed producer countries to dispose of excess supply, although at prices considerably below those paid by member countries. The problem was that a large reexport sector had emerged in countries that were not affiliated with the International Coffee Agreement, siphoning off the earnings of the producer nations. Although all members of the International Coffee Agreement agreed that the parallel market constituted a problem, there was disagreement as to how to create a single unified market. A second problem resulted from differential demand for arabica and robusta varieties of coffee on world markets. Quotas were assigned to countries on the basis of total volume produced, regardless of variety. Demand for the higher quality arabica had steadily increased, however, while demand for robusta was stagnant. Thus, countries that produced arabica, including Mexico, faced strict quotas even though their product was undersupplied on the world market. Countries that produced arabica favored a redistribution of quotas to reflect differential demand for the two varieties. For details, see Luis Portillo, "El Convenio Internacional del Café y la Crisis del Mercado," Comercio Exterior 43, no. 4 (April 1993): 378-91.
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    • 80. FIDECAFE is a trust fund established by the government in order to provide resources for projects to improve coffee production. The resources of the FIDECAFE come from (involuntary) contributions from coffee producers collected between 1982 and 1987. See Hernández Navarro and Célis Callejas, "Solidarity and the New Campesino Movements," 226.
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    • 90. COPLAMAR itself was too closely associated with the discredited López Portillo to survive into De la Madrid's presidency. But while COPLAMAR was discontinued, the village store program continued to exist under the auspices of CONASUPO. In 1989, the village store program was incorporated into Solidarity. See John Bailey and Jennifer Boone, "National Solidarity: A Summary of Program Elements," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Ann L. Craig, and Jonathan Fox, eds., Transforming State-Society Relations in Mexico: the National Solidarity Strategy (La Jolla: Center for U.S. Mexican Studies, 1994), 331.
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    • 92. As noted above, there is also an important segment of large producers. The presence of this strata of producers, together with an array of private firms not directly involved in production, has shaped the sector in important ways. In particular, most of the services provided by INMECAFE are also provided by private agents, although usually on terms that are less favorable for small holders.
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    • 97. Linda Gordon, "Family Violence, Feminism, and Social Control," in Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 178-98.
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    • 98. Margit Mayer, "Politics in the Post-Fordist City," Socialist Review 21, no. 1 (January-March 1991): 114.
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