The unique decline of mortality in revolutionary France

Journal of Family History

Volumn 22, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 425-461

  Spagnoli, Paul G ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0031256296     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909702200403     Document Type: Article

References (282)

1. Michel Fleury and Louis Henry, "Pour connaître la population de la France depuis Louis XIV," Population 12 (1958): 663-86.
2. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
3. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
4. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
5. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
6. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
7. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
8. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
9. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
10. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
11. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
12. The national reconstructions, which are the main focus of this article, appeared in four articles by Yves Blayo and Louis Henry in "Démographie historique," a special issue of Population 30 (November 1975). Initial results were published in Yves Blayo and Louis Henry, "Données démographiques sur la Bretagne et l'Anjou de 1740 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1967): 91-171. Family reconstitution results were presented in Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Ouest de la France de 1720 à 1829," Annales E.S.C. 27 (1972): 612-40 and 977-1023; Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Ouest de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 28 (1973): 873-922; Jacques Houdaille, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Nord-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Annales de démographie historique (1976): 341-92; and Louis Henry, "Fécondité des mariages dans le quart Sud-Est de la France de 1670 à 1829," Population 33 (1978): 855-82. The special problems involved in reconstructing marriage patterns from this database were examined in Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: I. Célibat définitif," Population 33 (1978): 43-84, and "Célibat et âge au mariage aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles en France: II. Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (1979): 403-42. Jacques Houdaille analyzed literacy data that were a by-product of the project in "Les signatures au mariage de 1740 à 1829," Population 32 (1977): 65-90. Later publications included Danièle Rebaudo, "Le mouvement annuel de la population française de 1670 à 1740," Population 34 (1979): 589-606; and Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 77-104.
13. Louis Henry, "Some Data on Natural Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; Paul A. David and Thomas A. Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation among Rural French Villagers, 1749-1789: A Sequential Econometric Model of Birth-Spacing Behaviour," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26 and 173-206; David R. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction: Two Approaches to the Fertility Transition in France," Old and New Methods in Historical Demography, ed. David S. Reher and Roger Schofield (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1993), 145-58.
14. Louis Henry, "Some Data on Natural Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; Paul A. David and Thomas A. Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation among Rural French Villagers, 1749-1789: A Sequential Econometric Model of Birth-Spacing Behaviour," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26 and 173-206; David R. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction: Two Approaches to the Fertility Transition in France," Old and New Methods in Historical Demography, ed. David S. Reher and Roger Schofield (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1993), 145-58.
15. Louis Henry, "Some Data on Natural Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; Paul A. David and Thomas A. Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation among Rural French Villagers, 1749-1789: A Sequential Econometric Model of Birth-Spacing Behaviour," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26 and 173-206; David R. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction: Two Approaches to the Fertility Transition in France," Old and New Methods in Historical Demography, ed. David S. Reher and Roger Schofield (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1993), 145-58.
16. Louis Henry, "Some Data on Natural Fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; Paul A. David and Thomas A. Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation among Rural French Villagers, 1749-1789: A Sequential Econometric Model of Birth-Spacing Behaviour," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26 and 173-206; David R. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction: Two Approaches to the Fertility Transition in France," Old and New Methods in Historical Demography, ed. David S. Reher and Roger Schofield (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1993), 145-58.
17. A typical result is visible in Michael Anderson's brief but authoritative survey, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988), which cites INED's four fertility articles and two articles on marriage patterns but omits the 1975 publications that covered mortality. On the circumstances of their publication, see Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1984), 137. Of course, the disappearance has not been entirely complete. As we will see later, Dupâquier discusses INED's results in a series of works, as have a number of other specialists in demographic history. Among historians who do not specialize in demography, Daviet is almost unique in recognizing that France had "a sort of demographic revolution," including both lower fertility and much lower mortality between 1789 and 1815. See Jean-Pierre Daviet, L'économie préindustrielle 1750-1840 (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 60. Colin Jones's normally reliable Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1989), 287-88, reproduces INED's results but in garbled form (see below, note 30).
18. A typical result is visible in Michael Anderson's brief but authoritative survey, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988), which cites INED's four fertility articles and two articles on marriage patterns but omits the 1975 publications that covered mortality. On the circumstances of their publication, see Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1984), 137. Of course, the disappearance has not been entirely complete. As we will see later, Dupâquier discusses INED's results in a series of works, as have a number of other specialists in demographic history. Among historians who do not specialize in demography, Daviet is almost unique in recognizing that France had "a sort of demographic revolution," including both lower fertility and much lower mortality between 1789 and 1815. See Jean-Pierre Daviet, L'économie préindustrielle 1750-1840 (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 60. Colin Jones's normally reliable Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1989), 287-88, reproduces INED's results but in garbled form (see below, note 30).
19. A typical result is visible in Michael Anderson's brief but authoritative survey, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988), which cites INED's four fertility articles and two articles on marriage patterns but omits the 1975 publications that covered mortality. On the circumstances of their publication, see Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1984), 137. Of course, the disappearance has not been entirely complete. As we will see later, Dupâquier discusses INED's results in a series of works, as have a number of other specialists in demographic history. Among historians who do not specialize in demography, Daviet is almost unique in recognizing that France had "a sort of demographic revolution," including both lower fertility and much lower mortality between 1789 and 1815. See Jean-Pierre Daviet, L'économie préindustrielle 1750-1840 (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 60. Colin Jones's normally reliable Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1989), 287-88, reproduces INED's results but in garbled form (see below, note 30).
20. A typical result is visible in Michael Anderson's brief but authoritative survey, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988), which cites INED's four fertility articles and two articles on marriage patterns but omits the 1975 publications that covered mortality. On the circumstances of their publication, see Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1984), 137. Of course, the disappearance has not been entirely complete. As we will see later, Dupâquier discusses INED's results in a series of works, as have a number of other specialists in demographic history. Among historians who do not specialize in demography, Daviet is almost unique in recognizing that France had "a sort of demographic revolution," including both lower fertility and much lower mortality between 1789 and 1815. See Jean-Pierre Daviet, L'économie préindustrielle 1750-1840 (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 60. Colin Jones's normally reliable Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1989), 287-88, reproduces INED's results but in garbled form (see below, note 30).
21. A typical result is visible in Michael Anderson's brief but authoritative survey, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988), which cites INED's four fertility articles and two articles on marriage patterns but omits the 1975 publications that covered mortality. On the circumstances of their publication, see Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1984), 137. Of course, the disappearance has not been entirely complete. As we will see later, Dupâquier discusses INED's results in a series of works, as have a number of other specialists in demographic history. Among historians who do not specialize in demography, Daviet is almost unique in recognizing that France had "a sort of demographic revolution," including both lower fertility and much lower mortality between 1789 and 1815. See Jean-Pierre Daviet, L'économie préindustrielle 1750-1840 (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 60. Colin Jones's normally reliable Longman Companion to the French Revolution (London: Longman, 1989), 287-88, reproduces INED's results but in garbled form (see below, note 30).
22. Simon Schama, Citizens (New York: Knopf, 1989).
23. Florin Aftalion, The French Revolution: An Economic Interpretation, trans. Martin Thorn (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
24. William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 399-401; Olwen Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), chap. 3.
25. William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 399-401; Olwen Hufton, Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), chap. 3.
26. D.M.G. Sutherland, France 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
27. Alfred Cobban, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 170-71.
28. Doyle, Oxford History, 425.
29. See especially Pierre Chaunu, Le grand déclassement (Paris: Laffont, 1989). For the reception of Chaunu, see Steven Laurence Kaplan, Farewell, Revolution: The Historians' Feud, France, 1789/1989 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), chap. 2.
30. See especially Pierre Chaunu, Le grand déclassement (Paris: Laffont, 1989). For the reception of Chaunu, see Steven Laurence Kaplan, Farewell, Revolution: The Historians' Feud, France, 1789/1989 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), chap. 2.
31. Ibid., 60, 122.
32. Jack Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 477, 482-83.
33. Doyle, Oxford History, 406.
34. The starting point of 1670 was chosen because a 1667 royal decree had presumably standardized parish registration procedures across the kingdom. The project ended with 1829 because well-known published national data seemed reasonably reliable for the following period. Fleury and Henry, "Pour connaître la population."
35. The commune is the basic unit of French local government. Communes are grouped into administrative entities known as cantons, arrondissements, and departments (moving from smaller units to larger). Communes in 1954 were not always identical to pre-Revolutionary parishes - or to the communes of 1793-1829 - and efforts were made to include all records relating to the territory of the 1954 communes. See the description of sampling methods in Yves Blayo, "Mouvement naturel de la population française de 1740 à 1829," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 16-17.
36. The commune is the basic unit of French local government. Communes are grouped into administrative entities known as cantons, arrondissements, and departments (moving from smaller units to larger). Communes in 1954 were not always identical to pre-Revolutionary parishes - or to the communes of 1793-1829 - and efforts were made to include all records relating to the territory of the 1954 communes. See the description of sampling methods in Yves Blayo, "Mouvement naturel de la population française de 1740 à 1829," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 16-17.
37. The urban population was defined as that of towns that were arrondissement capitals in 1836. Small towns were those whose 1801 population was less than 10,000, medium towns with 1801 populations between 10,000 and 49,999, and large cities with 1801 populations of 50,000 or more. Although its registers were burned during the Commune of 1871, Paris was included with the aid of compilations of Parisian vital statistics published before the fire. Ibid., 16-21, 28.
38. Deficiencies in the data for the period before 1740 led to delays in the reporting of those results. To this day, only partial results for rural France have appeared for 1670-1739, although a second INED investigation, seeking to cover the period before 1670, was launched in 1980. Jean-Noël Biraben and Didier Blanchet, "Le mouvement naturel de la population en France avant 1670: Présentation d'un enquête par sondage," Population 38 (1982): 1099-31; and Biraben, "Le point de l'enquête sur le mouvement de la population en France avant 1670," Population 41 (1985): 47-69. Some otherwise unpublished results from both studies of the period before 1740 are used in Histoire de la population française, vol. 2, ed. Jacques Dupâquier (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1988).
39. Deficiencies in the data for the period before 1740 led to delays in the reporting of those results. To this day, only partial results for rural France have appeared for 1670-1739, although a second INED investigation, seeking to cover the period before 1670, was launched in 1980. Jean-Noël Biraben and Didier Blanchet, "Le mouvement naturel de la population en France avant 1670: Présentation d'un enquête par sondage," Population 38 (1982): 1099-31; and Biraben, "Le point de l'enquête sur le mouvement de la population en France avant 1670," Population 41 (1985): 47-69. Some otherwise unpublished results from both studies of the period before 1740 are used in Histoire de la population française, vol. 2, ed. Jacques Dupâquier (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1988).
40. Deficiencies in the data for the period before 1740 led to delays in the reporting of those results. To this day, only partial results for rural France have appeared for 1670-1739, although a second INED investigation, seeking to cover the period before 1670, was launched in 1980. Jean-Noël Biraben and Didier Blanchet, "Le mouvement naturel de la population en France avant 1670: Présentation d'un enquête par sondage," Population 38 (1982): 1099-31; and Biraben, "Le point de l'enquête sur le mouvement de la population en France avant 1670," Population 41 (1985): 47-69. Some otherwise unpublished results from both studies of the period before 1740 are used in Histoire de la population française, vol. 2, ed. Jacques Dupâquier (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1988).
41. Deficiencies in the data for the period before 1740 led to delays in the reporting of those results. To this day, only partial results for rural France have appeared for 1670-1739, although a second INED investigation, seeking to cover the period before 1670, was launched in 1980. Jean-Noël Biraben and Didier Blanchet, "Le mouvement naturel de la population en France avant 1670: Présentation d'un enquête par sondage," Population 38 (1982): 1099-31; and Biraben, "Le point de l'enquête sur le mouvement de la population en France avant 1670," Population 41 (1985): 47-69. Some otherwise unpublished results from both studies of the period before 1740 are used in Histoire de la population française, vol. 2, ed. Jacques Dupâquier (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1988).
42. Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 17-18; Louis Henry and Yves Blayo, "La population de la France de 1740 à 1860," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 73.
43. Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 17-18; Louis Henry and Yves Blayo, "La population de la France de 1740 à 1860," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 73.
44. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 81-83.
45. Ibid., 82.
46. For example, the number of deaths of infants in 1750, of one-year-olds in 1751, of two-year-olds in 1752, and so on through ninety-nine-year-olds in 1849 was smaller than the number of births in 1750. Age-specific death data for the period after 1829 came from published government volumes. Blayo, "Movement naturel de la population française de 1740 à 1829," 42.
47. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 83 n. 1; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 42.
48. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 83 n. 1; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 42.
49. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 83-84 ; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 42-43, presents slightly different figures for 1740-1769.
50. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 83-84 ; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 42-43, presents slightly different figures for 1740-1769.
51. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 115.
52. Coverage in the Massif Central was much better for females (78, 76, and 87 percent for the generations of the 1740s, 1750s, and 1760s, respectively) than for males (62, 72, and 72 percent). Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 43.
53. Coverage in the Massif Central was much better for females (78, 76, and 87 percent for the generations of the 1740s, 1750s, and 1760s, respectively) than for males (62, 72, and 72 percent). Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 43.
54. Ibid.
55. An attempt to estimate the underrecording of infant and child mortality for INED's thirty-nine family reconstitution parishes concluded that as late as 1750-1779, 48 percent of all deaths of children younger than five went unregistered in the Southwest. See Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 85. A Dordogne curé in 1762 added to his response to a government inquiry (concerning the number of baptisms and burials in his parish during the previous three decades) the warning that it was not customary to record the burial of young children in his parish. See Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 84-85.
56. An attempt to estimate the underrecording of infant and child mortality for INED's thirty-nine family reconstitution parishes concluded that as late as 1750-1779, 48 percent of all deaths of children younger than five went unregistered in the Southwest. See Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 85. A Dordogne curé in 1762 added to his response to a government inquiry (concerning the number of baptisms and burials in his parish during the previous three decades) the warning that it was not customary to record the burial of young children in his parish. See Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 84-85.
57. An attempt to estimate the underrecording of infant and child mortality for INED's thirty-nine family reconstitution parishes concluded that as late as 1750-1779, 48 percent of all deaths of children younger than five went unregistered in the Southwest. See Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 85. A Dordogne curé in 1762 added to his response to a government inquiry (concerning the number of baptisms and burials in his parish during the previous three decades) the warning that it was not customary to record the burial of young children in his parish. See Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 84-85.
58. An attempt to estimate the underrecording of infant and child mortality for INED's thirty-nine family reconstitution parishes concluded that as late as 1750-1779, 48 percent of all deaths of children younger than five went unregistered in the Southwest. See Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale de 1690 à 1779," Population 39 (1984): 85. A Dordogne curé in 1762 added to his response to a government inquiry (concerning the number of baptisms and burials in his parish during the previous three decades) the warning that it was not customary to record the burial of young children in his parish. See Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 84-85.
59. Ibid., 85-86 ; Yves Blayo, "La mortalité en France de 1740 à 1829," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 135-3 6.
60. Ibid., 85-86 ; Yves Blayo, "La mortalité en France de 1740 à 1829," Population 30 (1975), special issue, "Démographie historique," 135-3 6.
61. The alternative results, based on the ultimately rejected hypothesis of missing deaths distributed proportionally across all ages, are those reprinted for (female) infant mortality and life expectancy in Jones, Longman Companion, 287-88.
62. For the ten regions, the correlation between coverage and the ratio of recorded deaths at ages newborn to four to births was 0.93, whereas the correlation between coverage and the ratio of recorded deaths at ages five and up to births was 0.04. Of regional coverage variations, 85.6 percent was "explained" (in the statistical sense) by variations in the ratio of deaths younger than age five to births, whereas less than 0.02 percent of coverage variations was explained by variations in the ratio of deaths at ages five and up to births. My calculations are from the data in Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 115, Table 25.
63. For the ten regions, the correlation between coverage and the ratio of recorded deaths at ages newborn to four to births was 0.93, whereas the correlation between coverage and the ratio of recorded deaths at ages five and up to births was 0.04. Of regional coverage variations, 85.6 percent was "explained" (in the statistical sense) by variations in the ratio of deaths younger than age five to births, whereas less than 0.02 percent of coverage variations was explained by variations in the ratio of deaths at ages five and up to births. My calculations are from the data in Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 115, Table 25.
64. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 87-90, 104-7; Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 123-24. Male deaths in earlier wars were ignored as "of little importance in comparison with civilian deaths." Ibid., 123 n. 2.
65. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 87-90, 104-7; Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 123-24. Male deaths in earlier wars were ignored as "of little importance in comparison with civilian deaths." Ibid., 123 n. 2.
66. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 87-90, 104-7; Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 123-24. Male deaths in earlier wars were ignored as "of little importance in comparison with civilian deaths." Ibid., 123 n. 2.
67. Recall that these figures include war deaths. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 106-7, offer an estimate of 1.4 million French military deaths, 1792-1815, which indicates that warfare added about two points to the death rate, averaged over the whole quarter century after 1790.
68. Each bar in the graph presents mortality for a specific age and sex group in the 1820s as a percentage of the corresponding mortality rate for 1750-1789, calculated by abridged life table methods from the data in Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 140, with the 1750-1789 data based on means of Blayo's decennial figures. For methods of calculation, see George W. Barclay, Techniques of Population Analysis (New York: John Wiley, 1958), chap. 4.
69. Each bar in the graph presents mortality for a specific age and sex group in the 1820s as a percentage of the corresponding mortality rate for 1750-1789, calculated by abridged life table methods from the data in Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 140, with the 1750-1789 data based on means of Blayo's decennial figures. For methods of calculation, see George W. Barclay, Techniques of Population Analysis (New York: John Wiley, 1958), chap. 4.
70. These are rough estimates based on the application of the average decennial survivorship rates of 1750-1789 and 1790-1829 to the total number of births between 1790 and 1829. In fact, these are all period rather than cohort rates, and no one born in any of those years actually experienced precisely these rates - especially since after 1789, survivorship steadily improved from decade to decade.
71. Jacques Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," Vom Ancien Regime Zur Französischen Revolution, ed. Ernst Hinrichs, Eberhard Schmitt, and Rudolf Vierhaus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978), 236-37; Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique, 138; Etienne van de Walle, "France," European Demography and Economic Growth, ed. W. R. Lee (New York: St. Martin's, 1979), 123.
72. Jacques Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," Vom Ancien Regime Zur Französischen Revolution, ed. Ernst Hinrichs, Eberhard Schmitt, and Rudolf Vierhaus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978), 236-37; Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique, 138; Etienne van de Walle, "France," European Demography and Economic Growth, ed. W. R. Lee (New York: St. Martin's, 1979), 123.
73. Jacques Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," Vom Ancien Regime Zur Französischen Revolution, ed. Ernst Hinrichs, Eberhard Schmitt, and Rudolf Vierhaus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978), 236-37; Jacques Dupâquier, Pour la démographie historique, 138; Etienne van de Walle, "France," European Demography and Economic Growth, ed. W. R. Lee (New York: St. Martin's, 1979), 123.
74. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction," 158. Weir also found INED's data "essential" for his analysis in "New Estimates of Nuptiality and Marital Fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-31. Others who have depended on the INED data include E. A. Wrigley, "The Fall of Marital Fertility in Nineteenth-Century France: Exemplar or Exception?" European Journal of Population 1 (1985): 31-60 and 141-177; David and Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation"; and Alfred Perrenoud, in a number of works that will be discussed below.
75. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction," 158. Weir also found INED's data "essential" for his analysis in "New Estimates of Nuptiality and Marital Fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-31. Others who have depended on the INED data include E. A. Wrigley, "The Fall of Marital Fertility in Nineteenth-Century France: Exemplar or Exception?" European Journal of Population 1 (1985): 31-60 and 141-177; David and Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation"; and Alfred Perrenoud, in a number of works that will be discussed below.
76. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction," 158. Weir also found INED's data "essential" for his analysis in "New Estimates of Nuptiality and Marital Fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-31. Others who have depended on the INED data include E. A. Wrigley, "The Fall of Marital Fertility in Nineteenth-Century France: Exemplar or Exception?" European Journal of Population 1 (1985): 31-60 and 141-177; David and Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation"; and Alfred Perrenoud, in a number of works that will be discussed below.
77. Weir, "Family Reconstitution and Population Reconstruction," 158. Weir also found INED's data "essential" for his analysis in "New Estimates of Nuptiality and Marital Fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-31. Others who have depended on the INED data include E. A. Wrigley, "The Fall of Marital Fertility in Nineteenth-Century France: Exemplar or Exception?" European Journal of Population 1 (1985): 31-60 and 141-177; David and Mroz, "Evidence of Fertility Regulation"; and Alfred Perrenoud, in a number of works that will be discussed below.
78. Jacques Dupâquier and Christine Berg-Hamon, "Voies nouvelles pour l'histoire démographique de la Révolution: Le mouvement de la population de 1785 à 1800," in Commission d'Histoire économique et sociale de la Révolution française, Mémoires et documents, vol. 35 (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, 1978), 19.
79. The authors' method involved extrapolation: if the departments for which data were available accounted for 25 percent of the national totals of births in 1806-1815, they multiplied the department totals by 4 to produce a national estimate. Their territorial base is the French frontiers of 1815, whereas INED's estimates concern France within its 1861 frontiers, which increases the base population by about 2 percent. Ibid., 26-28.
80. Jacques Dupâquier and René Le Mée, "La connaissance des faits démographiques de 1789 à 1914," Histoire de la population française, éd. Dupâquier, 3:17.
81. Alain Bideau, Jacques Dupâquier, and Jean-Noël Biraben, "La mortalité de 1800 à 1914," ed. Dupâquier, 3:286, 288.
82. Jacques Dupâquier, "La population française de 1789 à 1806," ed. Dupâquier, 3:66, 110 n. 15. The 1790-1791 "census" data appear to come from Langlois's computations from data compiled by a National Assembly committee, although the 1801 regional population in Dupâquier's text is significantly higher than the figures in Langlois's article (which total 2.8 million) and much higher than the figure in Dupâquier's own footnote (2.7 million). See Claude Langlois, "1790: La Révolution de vingt-huit millions de français?" Annales de démographie historique (1976): 244-46, 250-52.
83. Jacques Dupâquier, "La population française de 1789 à 1806," ed. Dupâquier, 3:66, 110 n. 15. The 1790-1791 "census" data appear to come from Langlois's computations from data compiled by a National Assembly committee, although the 1801 regional population in Dupâquier's text is significantly higher than the figures in Langlois's article (which total 2.8 million) and much higher than the figure in Dupâquier's own footnote (2.7 million). See Claude Langlois, "1790: La Révolution de vingt-huit millions de français?" Annales de
84. Jacques Dupâquier, "La population française de 1789 à 1806," ed. Dupâquier, 3:66, 110 n. 15. The 1790-1791 "census" data appear to come from Langlois's computations from data compiled by a National Assembly committee, although the 1801 regional population in Dupâquier's text is significantly higher than the figures in Langlois's article (which total 2.8 million) and much higher than the figure in Dupâquier's own footnote (2.7 million). See Claude Langlois, "1790: La Révolution de vingt-huit millions de français?" Annales de démographie historique (1976): 244-46, 250-52.
85. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 95, 109. The authors estimated 15.3 million births and 13.9 million deaths, 1790-1805, for a natural increase of 1.4 million.
86. Dupâquier, "La population française de 1790 à 1806," 68; Dupâquier, "Calculer le nombre des animaux enfermés dans l'arche de Noé," Histoire de la population française, ed. Dupâquier, 2:63-64.
87. Dupâquier, "La population française de 1790 à 1806," 68; Dupâquier, "Calculer le nombre des animaux enfermés dans l'arche de Noé," Histoire de la population française, ed. Dupâquier, 2:63-64.
88. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 96-97; Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 129-30. The adjusted infant mortality rates for females were 235 per thousand in the 1790s (instead of 234); 201 per thousand, 1800-1809 (instead of 198); and 186 per thousand, 1810-1819 (instead of 184). Differences for males were similar.
89. Henry and Blayo, "La population de la France," 96-97; Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 129-30. The adjusted infant mortality rates for females were 235 per thousand in the 1790s (instead of 234); 201 per thousand, 1800-1809 (instead of 198); and 186 per thousand, 1810-1819 (instead of 184). Differences for males were similar.
90. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 96; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 38.
91. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 96; Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 38.
92. See the graphs of estimated annual births, marriages, and deaths in Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 36-39, and the actual counts on 52-57. In all cases, these are estimates that have not been corrected for underregistration. The estimated total of marriages in 1790-1794 was 20 percent higher than the quinquennial means for the period from 1770-1774 through 1785-1789. See Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109. On the other hand, a study of surviving records of baptisms and marriages compiled by nonjuring clergy in Calvados during the 1790s found that the number of acts they recorded only increased dramatically in 1794 and especially 1795, perhaps because earlier records have disappeared but more likely because the constitutional churches were closed early in 1794. This may suggest a time lag between the secularization of the état civil and the deterioration of registration, although the author does not indicate whether any of his baptisms and marriages were also recorded in civil records. Paul Longuet, "Une source pour l'étude de l'activité sacerdotale des prêtres réfractaires dans le Calvados: Les actes des baptêmes et des mariages clandestins," Annales historiques de la Révolution française 42 (1970): 329-45. I owe this reference to Roderick Phillips.
93. See the graphs of estimated annual births, marriages, and deaths in Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 36-39, and the actual counts on 52-57. In all cases, these are estimates that have not been corrected for underregistration. The estimated total of marriages in 1790-1794 was 20 percent higher than the quinquennial means for the period from 1770-1774 through 1785-1789. See Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109. On the other hand, a study of surviving records of baptisms and marriages compiled by nonjuring clergy in Calvados during the 1790s found that the number of acts they recorded only increased dramatically in 1794 and especially 1795, perhaps because earlier records have disappeared but more likely because the constitutional churches were closed early in 1794. This may suggest a time lag between the secularization of the état civil and the deterioration of registration, although the author does not indicate whether any of his baptisms and marriages were also recorded in civil records. Paul Longuet, "Une source pour l'étude de l'activité sacerdotale des prêtres réfractaires dans le Calvados: Les actes des baptêmes et des mariages clandestins," Annales historiques de la Révolution française 42 (1970): 329-45. I owe this reference to Roderick Phillips.
94. See the graphs of estimated annual births, marriages, and deaths in Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 36-39, and the actual counts on 52-57. In all cases, these are estimates that have not been corrected for underregistration. The estimated total of marriages in 1790-1794 was 20 percent higher than the quinquennial means for the period from 1770-1774 through 1785-1789. See Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109. On the other hand, a study of surviving records of baptisms and marriages compiled by nonjuring clergy in Calvados during the 1790s found that the number of acts they recorded only increased dramatically in 1794 and especially 1795, perhaps because earlier records have disappeared but more likely because the constitutional churches were closed early in 1794. This may suggest a time lag between the secularization of the état civil and the deterioration of registration, although the author does not indicate whether any of his baptisms and marriages were also recorded in civil records. Paul Longuet, "Une source pour l'étude de l'activité sacerdotale des prêtres réfractaires dans le Calvados: Les actes des baptêmes et des mariages clandestins," Annales historiques de la Révolution française 42 (1970): 329-45. I owe this reference to Roderick Phillips.
95. See the graphs of estimated annual births, marriages, and deaths in Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 36-39, and the actual counts on 52-57. In all cases, these are estimates that have not been corrected for underregistration. The estimated total of marriages in 1790-1794 was 20 percent higher than the quinquennial means for the period from 1770-1774 through 1785-1789. See Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109. On the other hand, a study of surviving records of baptisms and marriages compiled by nonjuring clergy in Calvados during the 1790s found that the number of acts they recorded only increased dramatically in 1794 and especially 1795, perhaps because earlier records have disappeared but more likely because the constitutional churches were closed early in 1794. This may suggest a time lag between the secularization of the état civil and the deterioration of registration, although the author does not indicate whether any of his baptisms and marriages were also recorded in civil records. Paul Longuet, "Une source pour l'étude de l'activité sacerdotale des prêtres réfractaires dans le Calvados: Les actes des baptêmes et des mariages clandestins," Annales historiques de la Révolution française 42 (1970): 329-45. I owe this reference to Roderick Phillips.
96. Although the corrected annual estimates were used in calculating the statistics published in 1975, they were first published in Institut national d'études démographiques, "Sixième rapport sur la situation démographique de la France," Population 32 (1977): 332-33.
97. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
98. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
99. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
100. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
101. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
102. Ibid. The 1795 death estimate was almost 25 percent lower than that for 1794 but was still 18.6 percent higher than the average for 1796-1799, possibly reflecting what Dupâquier has called "the terrible subsistence crisis of 1795." Cobb applied the identical phrase to the year III in the Revolutionary calendar (September 1794 through September 1795) and showed that mortality at Rouen, in particular, soared, especially between the summer of 1795 and the following spring (most of which in fact falls in the year IV). Although Cobb suspected that similar conditions prevailed in "all the large cities of the Paris provisioning zone," the mortality increase elsewhere seems to have been more modest and sometimes dated from earlier periods. Cobb attributed the mortality crisis at Rouen to a real "famine," reminiscent of those of Louis XIV's reign, but Bardet has suggested that he may have dismissed the role of epidemic disease "a bit too quickly." Cobb relied on the same état civil data that form the basis for INED's estimates, which suggests that at Rouen, at least, the vital records did not understate mortality in this period. Rouen itself was included in INED's sample, so that the absence of a more marked mortality peak in their national estimate for 1795 and the much lower national mortality estimate for 1796 suggests that mortality crises such as that at Rouen may have been more isolated phenomena than Cobb supposed. In a recent review of the evidence, Crouzet concludes that the main victims were the urban "little people," who represented only a small minority of the national population. Dupâquier himself, who here clearly accepted INED's estimates, noted that the crisis of 1795 did not seem to have produced higher mortality, at least in the countryside. See Jacques Dupâquier, La population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1979), 98-99; Richard Cobb, Terreur et subsistances (Paris: Clavreuil, 1965), 221, 298, 321, 338-41; Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: Les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'édition d'enseignement supérieur, 1983) 1:360; François Crouzet, La grande inflation: La monnaie en France de Louis XVI à Napoléon (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 352; and Olwen Hufton, Bayeux in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1967), 234-35.
103. D.M.G. Sutherland, France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 279.
104. T.J.A. Le Goff and D.M.G. Sutherland, "The Revolution and the Rural Economy," Reshaping France: Town, Country and Region during the French Revolution, ed. Alan Forrest and Peter Jones (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1991), 68.
105. Ibid., 24 n. 1. Marriage estimates for 1798-1800 are unavailable because in that period, it was legally required that marriages be celebrated only in cantonal capitals. Therefore, they were not registered in the communes whose records provide the source for the INED estimates.
106. But cf. Suzanne Grezaud, "Un cas de registres paroissiaux tenus par un prêtre réfractaire," Annales historiques de la Révolution française 42 (1970): 346-49, which compares surviving records of baptisms, burials, and marriages compiled by a nonjuring priest in an Ariège village with corresponding état civil registers. Grezaud found that many events appear only in the unofficial registers and that this was especially true of burials. It is not clear how common this was; the priest in question was much loved and famous in the region, and many of the acts he recorded involved individuals who did not reside in his village. Again, I owe this reference to Roderick Phillips.
107. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 97.
108. This is my calculation. It represents the mean (for males and females together) of the decennial data for 1750-1789 in Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 138-39.
109. Michael Flinn, The European Demographic System, 1500-1820 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 133-35.
110. Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 136, showed that the alternative assumption that spread the missing deaths evenly across all ages produced an estimated female infant mortality rate of 232 per thousand for the 1740s, rather than the rate of 275 per thousand generated by the assignment of all missing deaths to ages younger than five.
111. Michel Fleury and Louis Henry, Nouveau manuel de dépouillement et d'exploitation de l'Etat civil ancien (Paris: Institut national d'études démographiques, 1965), 108. Any monograph that fails to follow this standard French handbook is unlikely to be reliable.
112. Dupâquier, Population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, 103.
113. Jacques Houdaille, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe avant le XIXe siècle," La mortalité des enfants dans le monde et dans l'histoire, ed. Paul-Marie Boulanger and Dominique Tabutin (Liège: Ordina, 1980), 91.
114. Alain Bideau, Jacques Dupâquier, and Hector Gutierrez, "La mort quantifié," Histoire de la population française, ed. Dupâquier, 2:229; Louis Henry and Claude Lévy, "Quelques données sur la région autour de Paris au XVIIIe siècle," Population 17 (1962): 297-326.
115. Alain Bideau, Jacques Dupâquier, and Hector Gutierrez, "La mort quantifié," Histoire de la population française, ed. Dupâquier, 2:229; Louis Henry and Claude Lévy, "Quelques données sur la région autour de Paris au XVIIIe siècle," Population 17 (1962): 297-326.
116. Dupâquier, Population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, 104; Jean-Pierre Bardet, "Enfants abandonnés et enfants assistés à Rouen dans la seconde moitié de XVIIIe siècle," Sur la population française au XVIIIe et XIXe siècles: Hommage à Marcel Reinhard (Paris: Société de démographie historique, 1973), 27.
117. Dupâquier, Population française aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, 104; Jean-Pierre Bardet, "Enfants abandonnés et enfants assistés à Rouen dans la seconde moitié de XVIIIe siècle," Sur la population française au XVIIIe et XIXe siècles: Hommage à Marcel Reinhard (Paris: Société de démographie historique, 1973), 27.
118. Houdaille, "Mortalité des enfants dans la France rurale," 85, 88.
119. Houdaille, "Mortalité des enfants en Europe," 99, 117.
120. Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 135-36.
121. Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 96.
122. Ibid., 100-5.
123. Although France as a whole had a sizable surplus of births over deaths, Brittany had 110,392 more deaths than births, 1770-1787. The sénéchaussé of Angers had almost 10,000 more deaths than births (about 14 percent), 1779-1785. See Jean-Pierre Goubert, Roselyne Rey, Jacques Bertrand, and Alexandra Laclau, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 7, Médecine et santé (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1993), 15; Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique en Bretagne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1770-1787)," Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Jean-Pierre Desaive, Jean-Pierre Goubert, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean Meyer, Otto Muller, and Jean-Pierre Peter (Paris: Mouton, 1972), 225; François Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 194; and Lebrun, "Les épidémies en Haute-Bretagne àla fin de l'Ancien Régime (1770-1789)," Annales de démographie historique (1977): 181.
124. Although France as a whole had a sizable surplus of births over deaths, Brittany had 110,392 more deaths than births, 1770-1787. The sénéchaussé of Angers had almost 10,000 more deaths than births (about 14 percent), 1779-1785. See Jean-Pierre Goubert, Roselyne Rey, Jacques Bertrand, and Alexandra Laclau, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 7, Médecine et santé (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1993), 15; Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique en Bretagne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1770-1787)," Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Jean-Pierre Desaive, Jean-Pierre Goubert, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean Meyer, Otto Muller, and Jean-Pierre Peter (Paris: Mouton, 1972), 225; François Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 194; and Lebrun, "Les épidémies en Haute-Bretagne àla fin de l'Ancien Régime (1770-1789)," Annales de démographie historique (1977): 181.
125. Although France as a whole had a sizable surplus of births over deaths, Brittany had 110,392 more deaths than births, 1770-1787. The sénéchaussé of Angers had almost 10,000 more deaths than births (about 14 percent), 1779-1785. See Jean-Pierre Goubert, Roselyne Rey, Jacques Bertrand, and Alexandra Laclau, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 7, Médecine et santé (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1993), 15; Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique en Bretagne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1770-1787)," Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Jean-Pierre Desaive, Jean-Pierre Goubert, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean Meyer, Otto Muller, and Jean-Pierre Peter (Paris: Mouton, 1972), 225; François Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 194; and Lebrun, "Les épidémies en Haute-Bretagne àla fin de l'Ancien Régime (1770-1789)," Annales de démographie historique (1977): 181.
126. Although France as a whole had a sizable surplus of births over deaths, Brittany had 110,392 more deaths than births, 1770-1787. The sénéchaussé of Angers had almost 10,000 more deaths than births (about 14 percent), 1779-1785. See Jean-Pierre Goubert, Roselyne Rey, Jacques Bertrand, and Alexandra Laclau, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 7, Médecine et santé (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1993), 15; Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique en Bretagne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1770-1787)," Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Jean-Pierre Desaive, Jean-Pierre Goubert, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean Meyer, Otto Muller, and Jean-Pierre Peter (Paris: Mouton, 1972), 225; François Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 194; and Lebrun, "Les épidémies en Haute-Bretagne àla fin de l'Ancien Régime (1770-1789)," Annales de démographie historique (1977): 181.
127. Although France as a whole had a sizable surplus of births over deaths, Brittany had 110,392 more deaths than births, 1770-1787. The sénéchaussé of Angers had almost 10,000 more deaths than births (about 14 percent), 1779-1785. See Jean-Pierre Goubert, Roselyne Rey, Jacques Bertrand, and Alexandra Laclau, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 7, Médecine et santé (Paris: Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1993), 15; Goubert, "Le phénomène épidémique en Bretagne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (1770-1787)," Médecins, climat et épidémies à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, Jean-Pierre Desaive, Jean-Pierre Goubert, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Jean Meyer, Otto Muller, and Jean-Pierre Peter (Paris: Mouton, 1972), 225; François Lebrun, Les hommes et la mort en Anjou aux 17e et 18e siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1971), 194; and Lebrun, "Les épidémies en Haute-Bretagne àla fin de l'Ancien Régime (1770-1789)," Annales de démographie historique (1977): 181.
128. From Blayo, "Mouvement naturel," 63.
129. Jean-Clément Martin, "Est-il possible de compter les morts de la Vendée?" Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 38 (1991): 114.
130. In particular, the "five to six hundred thousand murders" that Pierre Chaunu talked about, a figure that has been thoroughly debunked by Claude Langlois, "La Révolution malade de la Vendée," Vingtième siècle 14 (1987): 63-78.
131. Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 70. Compare Langlois's estimate of 100,000 Vendée deaths on both sides, Lebrun's estimate of 150,000 to 200,000 deaths directly or indirectly attributable to the rebellion, and Martin's total losses (due to population night as well as mortality) of 220,000 to 250,000. Langlois, "Révolution malade de la Vendée," 77 n. 4; François Lebrun, "Reynald Secher et les morts de guerre de la Vendée," Annales de Bretagne et des pays du Loire 93 (1986): 355-60;
132. Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 70. Compare Langlois's estimate of 100,000 Vendée deaths on both sides, Lebrun's estimate of 150,000 to 200,000 deaths directly or indirectly attributable to the rebellion, and Martin's total losses (due to population night as well as mortality) of 220,000 to 250,000. Langlois, "Révolution malade de la Vendée," 77 n. 4; François Lebrun, "Reynald Secher et les morts de guerre de la Vendée," Annales de Bretagne et des pays du Loire 93 (1986): 355-60;
133. Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 70. Compare Langlois's estimate of 100,000 Vendée deaths on both sides, Lebrun's estimate of 150,000 to 200,000 deaths directly or indirectly attributable to the rebellion, and Martin's total losses (due to population night as well as mortality) of 220,000 to 250,000. Langlois, "Révolution malade de la Vendée," 77 n. 4; François Lebrun, "Reynald Secher et les morts de guerre de la Vendée," Annales de Bretagne et des pays du Loire 93 (1986): 355-60;
134. and Martin, "Morts de la Vendée," 119.
135. Dupâquier and Berg-Hamon, "Voies nouvelles," 35-36.
136. According to Dupâquier, the national population was 28.6 million at the beginning of 1790 and climbed to 28.7 million by mid-1792, before shrinking to 28 million at the end of 1794. Averaging the mean for each two-and-a-half-year period, I came up with 28.5 million as the base population for 1790-1794. Dupâquier's estimated population for the end of 1799 is 29.1 million, yielding a base population for 1795-1799 of 28.55 million. Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 67-68.
137. According to Dupâquier, the national population was 28.6 million at the beginning of 1790 and climbed to 28.7 million by mid-1792, before shrinking to 28 million at the end of 1794. Averaging the mean for each two-and-a-half-year period, I came up with 28.5 million as the base population for 1790-1794. Dupâquier's estimated population for the end of 1799 is 29.1 million, yielding a base population for 1795-1799 of 28.55 million. Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 67-68.
138. Jacques Dupâquier, "Le coût humain de la Révolution française," Révolution et population: Aspects démographiques des grandes révolutions politiques, ed. Eric Vilquin (Louvain-la-Neuve: Academia, 1990), 37-53. Here Dupâquier proffers the same population estimates for the beginning of 1795 and the end of 1799, but a slightly higher population of 28.7 million for the beginning of 1790. Although he does not indicate the timing of population change between 1790 and 1795, an assumption of the same course as in his 1988 estimate yields a mid-1792 population of 28.8 million and an estimated base population of 28.625 million for 1790-1794.
139. Dupâquier, "Calculer le nombre des animaux," 63-64.
140. Etienne van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), 191-95. For methodological reasons (involving the degree of population mobility), van de Walle's reconstruction excluded the departments of Bouches-du-Rhône, Rhône, Seine, and Seine-et-Oise. INED data from Blayo, "Mortalité en France," 141.
141. Catherine Rollet and Patrice Bourdelais, "Infant Mortality in France, 1750-1950: Evaluation and Perspectives," The Decline of Infant Mortality in Europe, 1800-1950: Four National Case Studies (Florence: UNICEF, 1993), 58.
142. Alain Blum and Arnaud Bringé, "Mortalité locale et générale en France 1670-1829," Modèles de la démographie historique, ed. Blum, Noël Bonneuil, and Didier Blanchet (Paris: Institut national d'études démographiques, 1992), 22.
143. Noting that some decline would appear even if the missing deaths were distributed equally over all ages, and that the reality probably lies between this assumption and INED's. Bideau, Dupâquier, and Biraben, "La mortalité de 1800 à 1914," 288-90.
144. Noting that some decline would appear even if the missing deaths were distributed equally over all ages, and that the reality probably lies between this assumption and INED's. Bideau, Dupâquier, and Biraben, "La mortalité de 1800 à 1914," 288-90.
145. Robert W. Fogel, "New Sources and New Techniques for the Study of Secular Trends in Nutritional Status, Health, Mortality, and the Process of Aging," Historical Methods 26 (1993): 5.
146. Roger Schofield, "Population Growth in the Century after 1750: The Role of Mortality Decline," Pre-Industrial Population Change: The Mortality Decline and Short-Term Population Movements, ed. Tommy Bengtsson, Gunnar Fridlizius, and Rolf Ohlsson (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1984), 18, 25.
147. Flinn, European Demographic System, 93-95.
148. Alfred Perrenoud, "The Attenuation of Mortality Crises and the Decline of Mortality," The Decline of Mortality in Europe, ed. Roger Schofield, David S. Reher, and Alain Bideau (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1991), 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," Pre-Industrial Population Change, ed. Bengtsson et al., 63.
149. Alfred Perrenoud, "The Attenuation of Mortality Crises and the Decline of Mortality," The Decline of Mortality in Europe, ed. Roger Schofield, David S. Reher, and Alain Bideau (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1991), 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," Pre-Industrial Population Change, ed. Bengtsson et al., 63.
150. Jacques Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 242-43.
151. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
152. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
153. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
154. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
155. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
156. Perrenoud, "La mortalité des enfants en Europe francophone: état de la question," Annales de démographie historique (1994): 93; Perrenoud, "Attenuation of Mortality Crises," 36; Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline in Its Secular Setting," 66. For similar speculations, see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), 216-25; Dupâquier, "Révolution française et révolution démographique," 243; and Patrick Galloway, "Long-Term Fluctuations in Climate and Population in the Preindustrial Era," Population and Development Review 12 (1986): 1-24.
157. See Donald R. Hopkins, Princes and Peasants: Smallpox in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 92-93.
158. Jacques Vallin, "Mortality in Europe from 1720 to 1914: Long-Term Trends and Changes in Patterns by Age and Sex," Decline of Mortality in Europe, ed. Schofield et al., 42-43, 66.
159. Patrick Galloway, "A Reconstruction of the Population of North Italy from 1650 to 1881 Using Annual Inverse Projection with Comparisons to England, France, and Sweden," European Journal of Population 10 (1994): 251.
160. Jean-Claude Chesnais, The Demographic Transition, trans. Elizabeth and Phillip Kreager (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1992), 283.
161. E. A. Wrigley, "Fall of Marital Fertility," 36-38.
162. These countries were selected because of the availability of relatively reliable and complete data. Chesnais, Demographic Transition, has a very lengthy set of statistical appendices that include crude death rates for the 1750-1785 period only for these five countries (including France), though he adds death rates for certain Czech regions for 1785-1799. B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750-1988 (New York: Stockton, 1992), includes pre-1800 death rates only for Finland, Norway, and Sweden, omitting the reconstructed rates for England and France.
163. These countries were selected because of the availability of relatively reliable and complete data. Chesnais, Demographic Transition, has a very lengthy set of statistical appendices that include crude death rates for the 1750-1785 period only for these five countries (including France), though he adds death rates for certain Czech regions for 1785-1799. B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750-1988 (New York: Stockton, 1992), includes pre-1800 death rates only for Finland, Norway, and Sweden, omitting the reconstructed rates for England and France.
164. The graphs display the following data: for France, INED's corrected crude death rates, including military deaths, from Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109; for Finland and Sweden, quinquennial crude death rates calculated from the annual rates in B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 16-19; for England, rates for periods one year earlier (1749-1753 through 1829-1833) from Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 529; and for Norway, quinquennial rates calculated from the corrected annual rates in Michael Drake, Population and Society in Norway 1735-1865 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 192-95.
165. The graphs display the following data: for France, INED's corrected crude death rates, including military deaths, from Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109; for Finland and Sweden, quinquennial crude death rates calculated from the annual rates in B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 16-19; for England, rates for periods one year earlier (1749-1753 through 1829-1833) from Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 529; and for Norway, quinquennial rates calculated from the corrected annual rates in Michael Drake, Population and Society in Norway 1735-1865 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 192-95.
166. The graphs display the following data: for France, INED's corrected crude death rates, including military deaths, from Henry and Blayo, "Population de la France," 109; for Finland and Sweden, quinquennial crude death rates calculated from the annual rates in B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 16-19; for England, rates for periods one year earlier (1749-1753 through 1829-1833) from Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 529; and for Norway, quinquennial rates calculated from the corrected annual rates in Michael Drake, Population and Society in Norway 1735-1865 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 192-95.
167. van de Walle, "France," 124.
168. For the Swedish crisis of 1771-1773, combining food shortage with epidemics of dysentery, smallpox, and typhus, see Gunnar Fridlizius and Rolf Ohlsson, "Mortality Patterns in Sweden 1751-1802 - A Regional Analysis," Pre-Industrial Population Change, ed. Bengtsson et al., 313-16.
169. The specific comparisons involve England, 1749-1758, with France, 1750-1759, in the first instance and England, 1814-1823, with France, 1815-1824, in the second. Jacques Vallin has raised the possibility that the apparent difference between English and French mortality levels in the eighteenth century is a statistical artifact attributable to Wrigley and Schofield's failure to detect and correct for the underregistration of deaths of very young children in England - in contrast to INED's corresponding correction of French data. Joshua Cole raised this point in his comments when this argument was initially presented at the November 1995 conference of the Western Society for French History. However, Vallin supports his argument only with a reference to Henry and Blanchet's lengthy critical review of Wrigley and Schofield, and he fails to note that when those authors originally raised this possibility, they tested it, finally concluding that a "very large" difference between English and French infant and child mortality, 1750-1789, survives a series of alternative assumptions. See Vallin, "Mortality in Europe," 44-45; and Louis Henry and Didier Blanchet, "La population de l'Angleterre de 1541 à 1871," Population 38 (1983): 781-826, esp. 813.
170. The specific comparisons involve England, 1749-1758, with France, 1750-1759, in the first instance and England, 1814-1823, with France, 1815-1824, in the second. Jacques Vallin has raised the possibility that the apparent difference between English and French mortality levels in the eighteenth century is a statistical artifact attributable to Wrigley and Schofield's failure to detect and correct for the underregistration of deaths of very young children in England - in contrast to INED's corresponding correction of French data. Joshua Cole raised this point in his comments when this argument was initially presented at the November 1995 conference of the Western Society for French History. However, Vallin supports his argument only with a reference to Henry
171. The specific comparisons involve England, 1749-1758, with France, 1750-1759, in the first instance and England, 1814-1823, with France, 1815-1824, in the second. Jacques Vallin has raised the possibility that the apparent difference between English and French mortality levels in the eighteenth century is a statistical artifact attributable to Wrigley and Schofield's failure to detect and correct for the underregistration of deaths of very young children in England - in contrast to INED's corresponding correction of French data. Joshua Cole raised this point in his comments when this argument was initially presented at the November 1995 conference of the Western Society for French History. However, Vallin supports his argument only with a reference to Henry and Blanchet's lengthy critical review of Wrigley and Schofield, and he fails to note that when those authors originally raised this possibility, they tested it, finally concluding that a "very large" difference between English and French infant and child mortality, 1750-1789, survives a series of alternative assumptions. See Vallin, "Mortality in Europe," 44-45; and Louis Henry and Didier Blanchet, "La population de l'Angleterre de 1541 à 1871," Population 38 (1983): 781-826, esp. 813.
172. Drake, Population and Society in Norway, 75.
173. The French statistics come from Blayo, "La mortalité en France," 141, and the Swedish from Perrenoud, "Mortality Decline," 49. The English decennial means have been calculated from the quinquennial figures in Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England, 230; separate figures for males and females were not published. The English statistics cover periods that begin and end a year earlier than the French (e.g., 1749-1758 rather than 1750-1759), whereas the Swedish begin and end a year later (e.g., 1751-1760 rather than 1750-1759).
174. Alfred Perrenoud, "La mortalité à Genève de 1625 à 1825," Annales de démographie historique (1978): 209-33; Perrenoud, La population de Genève du seizième au début du dix-neuvième siècle: Etude démographique (Paris: H. Champion, 1979), 418-19.
175. Alfred Perrenoud, "La mortalité à Genève de 1625 à 1825," Annales de démographie historique (1978): 209-33; Perrenoud, La population de Genève du seizième au début du dix-neuvième siècle: Etude démographique (Paris: H. Champion, 1979), 418-19.
176. Patrick Galloway, "Reconstruction of the Population of North Italy," 223-74.
177. Ibid., 241. See the graph of Breschi's life expectancy estimates in Massimo Livi Bacci and Marco Breschi, "Italian Fertility: An Historical Account," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 393-94.
178. Ibid., 241. See the graph of Breschi's life expectancy estimates in Massimo Livi Bacci and Marco Breschi, "Italian Fertility: An Historical Account," Journal of Family History 15 (1990): 393-94.
179. Calculated from the mortality rates in John E. Knodel, Demographic Behavior in the Past (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 44.
180. Arthur E. Imhof, Rolf Gehrmann, Ines E. Kloke, Maureen Roycroft, and Herbert Wintrich, Lebenserwartungen in Deutschland vom 17. bis 19. Jahrhundert (Weinheim: VCH, 1990), 463.
181. Otto Andersen, "The Development of Danish Mortality 1735-1850," Scandinavian Population Studies 5 (1979): 9-21. Anderson reports problems with the Danish data, especially the "very defective" census of 1801, but he does not explain the methods he used to surmount them.
182. On French medicine in this period, see Dora B. Weiner, The Citizen-Patient in Revolutionary and Imperial Paris (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993). On smallpox inoculation and vaccination, see Pierre Darmon, La longue traque de la variole (Paris: Perrin, 1986).
183. On French medicine in this period, see Dora B. Weiner, The Citizen-Patient in Revolutionary and Imperial Paris (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993). On smallpox inoculation and vaccination, see Pierre Darmon, La longue traque de la variole (Paris: Perrin, 1986).
184. Jean-Noël Biraben, Jean-Pierre Gutton, and François Lebrun, "L'homme devant la maladie et la mort," Histoire de la population, ed. Dupâquier, 2:273; Bideau, Dupâquier, and Biraben, "Mortalité de 1800 à 1914," 291-92.
185. Jean-Noël Biraben, Jean-Pierre Gutton, and François Lebrun, "L'homme devant la maladie et la mort," Histoire de la population, ed. Dupâquier, 2:273; Bideau, Dupâquier, and Biraben, "Mortalité de 1800 à 1914," 291-92.
186. On the "churning" (brassage) of the population, see Dupâquier, "Population française de 1789 à 1806," 75-77.
187. For an alternative (also compressed) presentation of this argument, relying in part on different evidence, see Paul G. Spagnoli, "The Sudden Decline in French Mortality after 1789: A Benefit of the Revolution?" Proceedings of the Western Society for French History 24 (1996): 321-34.
188. Olwen Hufton, "Social Conflict and the Grain Supply in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 14 (1983): 305; Hufton, The Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1974), 18-24.
189. Olwen Hufton, "Social Conflict and the Grain Supply in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 14 (1983): 305; Hufton, The Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1974), 18-24.
190. Robert W. Fogel, "The Conquest of High Mortality and Hunger in Europe and America: Timing and Mechanisms," Favorites of Fortune: Technology, Growth, and Economic Development since the Industrial Revolution, ed. Patrice Higonnet, David S. Landes, and Henry Rosovsky (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 46.
191. François Crouzet, Britain Ascendant: Comparative Studies in Franco-British Economic History, trans. Martin Thom (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 128.
192. Hufton, The Poor, chaps. 5-7; Alan Forrest, The French Revolution and the Poor (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), vii-viii, 171; Colin Jones, Charity and Bienfaisance: The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region, 1740-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press), chaps. 1-2.
193. Hufton, The Poor, chaps. 5-7; Alan Forrest, The French Revolution and the Poor (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), vii-viii, 171; Colin Jones, Charity and Bienfaisance: The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region, 1740-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press), chaps. 1-2.
194. Hufton, The Poor, chaps. 5-7; Alan Forrest, The French Revolution and the Poor (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), vii-viii, 171; Colin Jones, Charity and Bienfaisance: The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region, 1740-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press), chaps. 1-2.
195. Michel Vovelle, La découverte de la politique: Géopolitique de la Révolution française (Paris: La Découverte, 1993), 69.
196. See the careful discussion in P. M. Jones, The Peasantry in the French Revolution (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 44-47, as well as the more general optimistic argument in John Markoff, "Violence, Emancipation, and Democracy: The Countryside and the French Revolution," American Historical Review 100 (1995): 360-86.
197. See the careful discussion in P. M. Jones, The Peasantry in the French Revolution (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 44-47, as well as the more general optimistic argument in John Markoff, "Violence, Emancipation, and Democracy: The Countryside and the French Revolution," American Historical Review 100 (1995): 360-86.
198. Michel Morineau, "Budgets de l'état et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle," Revue historique 264 (1980): 314; Guy Lemarchand, "France on the Eve of the Revolution: A Society in Crisis or a Crisis of Politics?" Science and Society 54 (1990): 280; Michel Bruguière, "Révolution et finances: Réflexions sur un impossible bilan," Revue économique 40 (1989): 989; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1156.
199. Michel Morineau, "Budgets de l'état et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle," Revue historique 264 (1980): 314; Guy Lemarchand, "France on the Eve of the Revolution: A Society in Crisis or a Crisis of Politics?" Science and Society 54 (1990): 280; Michel Bruguière, "Révolution et finances: Réflexions sur un impossible bilan," Revue économique 40 (1989): 989; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1156.
200. Michel Morineau, "Budgets de l'état et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle," Revue historique 264 (1980): 314; Guy Lemarchand, "France on the Eve of the Revolution: A Society in Crisis or a Crisis of Politics?" Science and Society 54 (1990): 280; Michel Bruguière, "Révolution et finances: Réflexions sur un impossible bilan," Revue économique 40 (1989): 989; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1156.
201. Michel Morineau, "Budgets de l'état et gestion des finances royales en France au dix-huitième siècle," Revue historique 264 (1980): 314; Guy Lemarchand, "France on the Eve of the Revolution: A Society in Crisis or a Crisis of Politics?" Science and Society 54 (1990): 280; Michel Bruguière, "Révolution et finances: Réflexions sur un impossible bilan," Revue économique 40 (1989): 989; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1156.
202. Sutherland, France 1789-1815, 103; Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," 1156; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 70-71.
203. Sutherland, France 1789-1815, 103; Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," 1156; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 70-71.
204. Sutherland, France 1789-1815, 103; Asselain, "Continuités, mutations, traumatismes," 1156; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 70-71.
205. André Fel, "Petite Culture 1750-1850," Themes in the Historical Geography of France, ed. Hugh D. Clout (London: Academic Press, 1977), 227-28; Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 82.
206. André Fel, "Petite Culture 1750-1850," Themes in the Historical Geography of France, ed. Hugh D. Clout (London: Academic Press, 1977), 227-28; Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 82.
207. Peter McPhee, A Social History of France 1780-1880 (London: Routledge Kegan Paul, 1992), 102.
208. Gilles Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique dans les campagnes (1789-1815)," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1016, 1039.
209. Vovelle has recently surveyed the results of more than a century of work on this complicated question, covering 116 of the 540 districts in France, and concluded that the peasants got more than 40 percent of the confiscated lands in only 35 percent of these districts. However, he also noted that the approximations, the differing methodologies, and the haphazard social classification schemes used by the authors of these studies are enough to make one feel it necessary to discard their efforts and start all over again. Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 83-84.
210. In Peasantry, 253-54, Peter Jones writes of "a massive 'land grab' which took the form of illicit land clearance by would-be squatters." An 1804 decree made it possible for squatters to legitimize their seizures. See P. M. Jones, "The 'Agrarian Law': Schemes for Land Redistribution during the French Revolution," Past and Present 133 (1991): 129. See also Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 77, on the guerre des étangs - efforts of Dordogne and Corrèze peasants to drain seigneurs' ponds and farm the land.
211. In Peasantry, 253-54, Peter Jones writes of "a massive 'land grab' which took the form of illicit land clearance by would-be squatters." An 1804 decree made it possible for squatters to legitimize their seizures. See P. M. Jones, "The 'Agrarian Law': Schemes for Land Redistribution during the French Revolution," Past and Present 133 (1991): 129. See also Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 77, on the guerre des étangs - efforts of Dordogne and Corrèze peasants to drain seigneurs' ponds and farm the land.
212. Aftalion, Economic Interpretation, 188, quotes Maury: "What is one doing when one creates a paper currency? One is stealing at sword-point."
213. Georges Lefebvre, Les paysans du Nord pendant la Révolution française (Paris: Armand Colin, 1972), 884; and Lefebvre, "La Révolution française et les paysans," Etudes sur la Révolution française (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963), 359.
214. Georges Lefebvre, Les paysans du Nord pendant la Révolution française (Paris: Armand Colin, 1972), 884; and Lefebvre, "La Révolution française et les paysans," Etudes sur la Révolution française (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963), 359.
215. Jones, Peasantry, 249, 261-62.
216. Michael Sonnescher, review of Jones, Peasantry, English Historical Review 105 (1990): 136.
217. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1041-42. Crouzet, La Grande Inflation, stresses the victims of inflation, as befits a book published with the support of the Bank of France. But even Crouzet points out that it is "too often forgotten that the rural population, that is to say the great majority of the French population, did not suffer from the hyperinflation" of 1795-1796. Ibid., 352.
218. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1041-42. Crouzet, La Grande Inflation, stresses the victims of inflation, as befits a book published with the support of the Bank of France. But even Crouzet points out that it is "too often forgotten that the rural population, that is to say the great majority of the French population, did not suffer from the hyperinflation" of 1795-1796. Ibid., 352.
219. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1041-42. Crouzet, La Grande Inflation, stresses the victims of inflation, as befits a book published with the support of the Bank of France. But even Crouzet points out that it is "too often forgotten that the rural population, that is to say the great majority of the French population, did not suffer from the hyperinflation" of 1795-1796. Ibid., 352.
220. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1025; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires réels (1789-1815) et modèle de croissance économique français après la Révolution," Etat, finances et économie pendant la Révolution française (Paris: Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France, 1991), 506. The data in Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 74, also support a major rise in the real wages of rural laborers.
221. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1025; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires réels (1789-1815) et modèle de croissance économique français après la Révolution," Etat, finances et économie pendant la Révolution française (Paris: Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France, 1991), 506. The data in Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 74, also support a major rise in the real wages of rural laborers.
222. Postel-Vinay, "A la recherche de la révolution économique," 1025; Jean-Charles Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires réels (1789-1815) et modèle de croissance économique français après la Révolution," Etat, finances et économie pendant la Révolution française (Paris: Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France, 1991), 506. The data in Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 74, also support a major rise in the real wages of rural laborers.
223. David R. Weir, "Les crises économiques et les origines de la Révolution française," Annales E.S.C. 46 (1991): 935-36. This uses Parisian wages; Weir argues that data from other regions might produce less optimistic results for wage earners, but other authors have found that agricultural wages in fact rose much more than Parisian. See Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires réels," 506, 508.
224. David R. Weir, "Les crises économiques et les origines de la Révolution française," Annales E.S.C. 46 (1991): 935-36. This uses Parisian wages; Weir argues that data from other regions might produce less optimistic results for wage earners, but other authors have found that agricultural wages in fact rose much more than Parisian. See Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires réels," 506, 508.
225. Camille-Ernest Labrousse, Esquisse du mouvement des prix et des revenus en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Dalloz, 1932), as cited in Georges Lefebvre, "The Movement of Prices and the Origins of the French Revolution," New Perspectives on the French Revolution, ed. Jeffry Kaplow (New York: John Wiley, 1965), 125-27.
226. Camille-Ernest Labrousse, Esquisse du mouvement des prix et des revenus en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Dalloz, 1932), as cited in Georges Lefebvre, "The Movement of Prices and the Origins of the French Revolution," New Perspectives on the French Revolution, ed. Jeffry Kaplow (New York: John Wiley, 1965), 125-27.
227. Weir, "Les crises économiques," 919-20.
228. Asselain, "Continuité, traumatismes, mutations," 1170;
229. Asselain, "Mouvement des salaries réels," 511-12.
230. George Grantham, "Divisions of Labour: Agricultural Productivity and Occupational Specialization in Pre-Industrial France," Economic History Review 46 (1993): 492.
231. Quoted by Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires," 503.
232. Quoted in François Hincker, La Révolution française et l'économie: Décollage ou catastophe (Paris: Nathan, 1989), 208.
233. Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 53-55.
234. Asselain, "Mouvement des salaires," 502-3.
235. Denis Woronoff, "L'industrialisation de la France de 1789 à 1815: Un essai de bilan," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1056-57.
236. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l'industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1964), 29. Although the comment is sometimes quoted as a general verdict on the economic impact of the Revolution, it concerned industry, specifically the cotton industry, and it was qualified with some positive observations. More recent work tends to view the cotton industry as a bright spot; for example, see Denis Woronoff, "L'industrialisation de la France," 1049-50; and Serge Chassagne, "L'innovation technique dans l'industrie textile pendant la Révolution," Histoire, économie et société 12 (1993): 51-61.
237. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l'industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1964), 29. Although the comment is sometimes quoted as a general verdict on the economic impact of the Revolution, it concerned industry, specifically the cotton industry, and it was qualified with some positive observations. More recent work tends to view the cotton industry as a bright spot; for example, see Denis Woronoff, "L'industrialisation de la France," 1049-50; and Serge Chassagne, "L'innovation technique dans l'industrie textile pendant la Révolution," Histoire, économie et société 12 (1993): 51-61.
238. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l'industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1964), 29. Although the comment is sometimes quoted as a general verdict on the economic impact of the Revolution, it concerned industry, specifically the cotton industry, and it was qualified with some positive observations. More recent work tends to view the cotton industry as a bright spot; for example, see Denis Woronoff, "L'industrialisation de la France," 1049-50; and Serge Chassagne, "L'innovation technique dans l'industrie textile pendant la Révolution," Histoire, économie et société 12 (1993): 51-61.
239. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, "Capital Investment and Economic Growth in France, 1820-1930," Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 7, The Industrial Economies: Capital, Labour, and Enterprise, ed. Peter Mathias and M. M. Postan (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 288-89, cites estimates by Mayer, Perroux, Sauvy, Markovitch, and Toutain. The end points for Mayer's and Perroux's estimates are five years later: 1815 instead of 1810 and 1825 instead of 1820.
240. Patrick O'Brien and Caglar Keyder, Economic Growth in Britain and France, 1780-1914: Two Paths to the Twentieth Century (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978), 27, 58, citing Jean Marczewski, "Le produit physique de l'économie française de 1789 à 1913 (comparaison avec la Grande Bretagne)," Cahiers de l'Institut de science économique appliquée 4 (1965): xx.
241. Patrick O'Brien and Caglar Keyder, Economic Growth in Britain and France, 1780-1914: Two Paths to the Twentieth Century (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978), 27, 58, citing Jean Marczewski, "Le produit physique de l'économie française de 1789 à 1913 (comparaison avec la Grande Bretagne)," Cahiers de l'Institut de science économique appliquée 4 (1965): xx.
242. Jean-Claude Toutain, "Le produit intérieur brut de la France de 1789 à 1982," Economies et sociétés 21, no. 5 (1987): 56-57. All of the estimates cited in this paragraph are at current prices, but Toutain estimates that the physical volume (as opposed to monetary value) of the gross domestic product increased by 12 percent between 1781-1790 and 1803-1812 and by 30 percent between the 1780s and 1815-1824. Jean Marczewski, "Some Aspects of the Economic Growth of France, 1660-1958," Economic Development and Cultural Change 9 (1961): 376, reported 31 percent growth, 1781-1790 to 1803-1812, at constant prices, and his growth estimate soared to 93 percent when the period covered was extended to 1825-1834.
243. Jean-Claude Toutain, "Le produit intérieur brut de la France de 1789 à 1982," Economies et sociétés 21, no. 5 (1987): 56-57. All of the estimates cited in this paragraph are at current prices, but Toutain estimates that the physical volume (as opposed to monetary value) of the gross domestic product increased by 12 percent between 1781-1790 and 1803-1812 and by 30 percent between the 1780s and 1815-1824. Jean Marczewski, "Some Aspects of the Economic Growth of France, 1660-1958," Economic Development and Cultural Change 9 (1961): 376, reported 31 percent growth, 1781-1790 to 1803-1812, at constant prices, and his growth estimate soared to 93 percent when the period covered was extended to 1825-1834.
244. Hugh Clout, Agriculture in France on the Eve of the Railway Age (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 12-13, and esp. 191.
245. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57. Most of this increase (16.2 percent) occurred by 1803-1812. Toutain's estimates are based on an earlier, quite similar, publication that was subjected to a vigorous critique in Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, "Les comptes fantastiques de Gregory King," Annales E.S.C. 23 (1968): 1086-1102, but Le Roy Ladurie's objections focused primarily on the estimates for the beginning of the eighteenth century and only secondarily on those for the 1780s that were, in his opinion, too high - implying that Toutain underestimated the increase in production after 1789. Two different English translations of Le Roy Ladurie's article have appeared: in Social Historians in Contemporary France, ed. Marc Ferro (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 141-56, and in Le Roy Ladurie, The Territory of the Historian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 173-92.
246. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57. Most of this increase (16.2 percent) occurred by 1803-1812. Toutain's estimates are based on an earlier, quite similar, publication that was subjected to a vigorous critique in Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, "Les comptes fantastiques de Gregory King," Annales E.S.C. 23 (1968): 1086-1102, but Le Roy Ladurie's objections focused primarily on the estimates for the beginning of the eighteenth century and only secondarily on those for the 1780s that were, in his opinion, too high - implying that Toutain underestimated the increase in production after 1789. Two different English translations of Le Roy Ladurie's article have appeared: in Social Historians in Contemporary France, ed. Marc Ferro (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 141-56, and in Le Roy Ladurie, The Territory of the Historian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 173-92.
247. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57. Most of this increase (16.2 percent) occurred by 1803-1812. Toutain's estimates are based on an earlier, quite similar, publication that was subjected to a vigorous critique in Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, "Les comptes fantastiques de Gregory King," Annales E.S.C. 23 (1968): 1086-1102, but Le Roy Ladurie's objections focused primarily on the estimates for the beginning of the eighteenth century and only secondarily on those for the 1780s that were, in his opinion, too high - implying that Toutain underestimated the increase in production after 1789. Two different English translations of Le Roy Ladurie's article have appeared: in Social Historians in Contemporary France, ed. Marc Ferro (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 141-56, and in Le Roy Ladurie, The Territory of the Historian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 173-92.
248. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57. Most of this increase (16.2 percent) occurred by 1803-1812. Toutain's estimates are based on an earlier, quite similar, publication that was subjected to a vigorous critique in Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, "Les comptes fantastiques de Gregory King," Annales E.S.C. 23 (1968): 1086-1102, but Le Roy Ladurie's objections focused primarily on the estimates for the beginning of the eighteenth century and only secondarily on those for the 1780s that were, in his opinion, too high - implying that Toutain underestimated the increase in production after 1789. Two different English translations of Le Roy Ladurie's article have appeared: in Social Historians in Contemporary France, ed. Marc Ferro (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 141-56, and in Le Roy Ladurie, The Territory of the Historian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 173-92.
249. Michel Morineau, "Révolution agricole, révolution alimentaire, révolution démographique," Annales de démographie historique (1974): 344; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 56-60; Grantham, "Divisions of Labour," 499. The evaluation of Toutain appears in George W. Grantham, "Food Rations in France in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Reply," Economic History Review 58 (1995): 776. See also Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450-1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. 134-35 and 193-98. Hoffman disputes any economic benefits of the Revolution (mostly on the basis of the production estimates of Le Goff and Sutherland) but also argues that agricultural advances fell behind population increases in the early modern period, leaving landlords "gleeful" but the mass of the population in dire straits by 1789. It is difficult to reconcile these two arguments with a mortality decline after 1789.
250. Michel Morineau, "Révolution agricole, révolution alimentaire, révolution démographique," Annales de démographie historique (1974): 344; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 56-60; Grantham, "Divisions of Labour," 499. The evaluation of Toutain appears in George W. Grantham, "Food Rations in France in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Reply," Economic History Review 58 (1995): 776. See also Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450-1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. 134-35 and 193-98. Hoffman disputes any economic benefits of the Revolution (mostly on the basis of the production estimates of Le Goff and Sutherland) but also argues that agricultural advances fell behind population increases in the early modern period, leaving landlords "gleeful" but the mass of the population in dire straits by 1789. It is difficult to reconcile these two arguments with a mortality decline after 1789.
251. Michel Morineau, "Révolution agricole, révolution alimentaire, révolution démographique," Annales de démographie historique (1974): 344; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 56-60; Grantham, "Divisions of Labour," 499. The evaluation of Toutain appears in George W. Grantham, "Food Rations in France in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Reply," Economic History Review 58 (1995): 776. See also Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450-1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. 134-35 and 193-98. Hoffman disputes any economic benefits of the Revolution (mostly on the basis of the production estimates of Le Goff and Sutherland) but also argues that agricultural advances fell behind population increases in the early modern period, leaving landlords "gleeful" but the mass of the population in dire straits by 1789. It is difficult to reconcile these two arguments with a mortality decline after 1789.
252. Michel Morineau, "Révolution agricole, révolution alimentaire, révolution démographique," Annales de démographie historique (1974): 344; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 56-60; Grantham, "Divisions of Labour," 499. The evaluation of Toutain appears in George W. Grantham, "Food Rations in France in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Reply," Economic History Review 58 (1995): 776. See also Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450-1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. 134-35 and 193-98. Hoffman disputes any economic benefits of the Revolution (mostly on the basis of the production estimates of Le Goff and Sutherland) but also argues that agricultural advances fell behind population increases in the early modern period, leaving landlords "gleeful" but the mass of the population in dire straits by 1789. It is difficult to reconcile these two arguments with a mortality decline after 1789.
253. Michel Morineau, "Révolution agricole, révolution alimentaire, révolution démographique," Annales de démographie historique (1974): 344; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 56-60; Grantham, "Divisions of Labour," 499. The evaluation of Toutain appears in George W. Grantham, "Food Rations in France in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries: A Reply," Economic History Review 58 (1995): 776. See also Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside, 1450-1815 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), esp. 134-35 and 193-98. Hoffman disputes any economic benefits of the Revolution (mostly on the basis of the production estimates of Le Goff and Sutherland) but also argues that agricultural advances fell behind population increases in the early modern period, leaving landlords "gleeful" but the mass of the population in dire straits by 1789. It is difficult to reconcile these two arguments with a mortality decline after 1789.
254. Jacques Mulliez, "Du blé, mal nécessaire: Réflexions sur les progrès de l'agriculture de 1750 à 1850," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 26 (1979): 3-47; Fel, "Petite culture," 215-45. For statistics on potato cultivation, see Clout, Agriculture in France, 40, although Mulliez contends that the statistics underestimate its rapid spread in the petite culture areas after 1800.
255. Jacques Mulliez, "Du blé, mal nécessaire: Réflexions sur les progrès de l'agriculture de 1750 à 1850," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 26 (1979): 3-47; Fel, "Petite culture," 215-45. For statistics on potato cultivation, see Clout, Agriculture in France, 40, although Mulliez contends that the statistics underestimate its rapid spread in the petite culture areas after 1800.
256. Jacques Mulliez, "Du blé, mal nécessaire: Réflexions sur les progrès de l'agriculture de 1750 à 1850," Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 26 (1979): 3-47; Fel, "Petite culture," 215-45. For statistics on potato cultivation, see Clout, Agriculture in France, 40, although Mulliez contends that the statistics underestimate its rapid spread in the petite culture areas after 1800.
257. For progress in the grande culture zone, see Jean-Marc Monceau, "Au rendez-vous de la révolution agricole dans la France du XVIIIe siècle: A propos des régions de grande culture," Annales H.S.S. 49 (1994): 27-63; Jean-Michel Chevet, "Production et productivité: un modèle de développement économique des campagnes de la région parisienne aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles," Histoire et mesure 9 (1994): 101-45.
258. For progress in the grande culture zone, see Jean-Marc Monceau, "Au rendez-vous de la révolution agricole dans la France du XVIIIe siècle: A propos des régions de grande culture," Annales H.S.S. 49 (1994): 27-63; Jean-Michel Chevet, "Production et productivité: un modèle de développement économique des campagnes de la région parisienne aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles," Histoire et mesure 9 (1994): 101-45.
259. Roger Price, An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914 (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), 68-71; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 76. Young is quoted in O'Brien and Keyder, Economic Growth, 131.
260. Roger Price, An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914 (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), 68-71; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 76. Young is quoted in O'Brien and Keyder, Economic Growth, 131.
261. Roger Price, An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914 (New York: St. Martin's, 1981), 68-71; Le Goff and Sutherland, "Revolution and the Rural Economy," 76. Young is quoted in O'Brien and Keyder, Economic Growth, 131.
262. For example, see Mulliez, "Du blé," and Peter McPhee, "A Reconsideration of the 'Peasantry' of Nineteenth-Century France," Peasant Studies 9 (1981): 5-25. Grantham, "Food Rations," 775-76, reports that yields on nineteenth-century French small-holdings "were typically higher, often by a factor of 50 to 100 per cent," than on large farms.
263. For example, see Mulliez, "Du blé," and Peter McPhee, "A Reconsideration of the 'Peasantry' of Nineteenth-Century France," Peasant Studies 9 (1981): 5-25. Grantham, "Food Rations," 775-76, reports that yields on nineteenth-century French small-holdings "were typically higher, often by a factor of 50 to 100 per cent," than on large farms.
264. Hincker, Révolution française et l'économie, 213-14; Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 61, 116. For seigneurial dues, tithes, and unfair taxes as significant obstacles to agricultural progress before 1789, see Daniel Mickey, "Innovation and Obstacles to Growth in the Agriculture of Early Modern France: The Example of Dauphiné," French Historical Studies 15 (1987): 233-40.
265. Hincker, Révolution française et l'économie, 213-14; Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 61, 116. For seigneurial dues, tithes, and unfair taxes as significant obstacles to agricultural progress before 1789, see Daniel Mickey, "Innovation and Obstacles to Growth in the Agriculture of Early Modern France: The Example of Dauphiné," French Historical Studies 15 (1987): 233-40.
266. Hincker, Révolution française et l'économie, 213-14; Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 61, 116. For seigneurial dues, tithes, and unfair taxes as significant obstacles to agricultural progress before 1789, see Daniel Mickey, "Innovation and Obstacles to Growth in the Agriculture of Early Modern France: The Example of Dauphiné," French Historical Studies 15 (1987): 233-40.
267. Grantham, "Agricultural Supply," 44.
268. Dupâquier, "La population française de 1789 à 1806," 78-80. Compare Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 114-15, who argues that a short-term increase in urban population gave way to decline only from the late 1790s.
269. Dupâquier, "La population française de 1789 à 1806," 78-80. Compare Vovelle, Découverte de la politique, 114-15, who argues that a short-term increase in urban population gave way to decline only from the late 1790s.
270. Denis Woronoff, Histoire de l'industrie en France: Du XVIe siècle à nos jours (Paris: Seuil, 1994), 189-224;
271. Woronoff, "L'industrialisation de la France," 1047-59.
272. Cited by Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 61-62. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57, estimates a 49 percent increase in the physical volume of industrial production between the 1780s and 1815-1824.
273. Cited by Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 61-62. Toutain, "Produit intérieur brut," 57, estimates a 49 percent increase in the physical volume of industrial production between the 1780s and 1815-1824.
274. It is worth noting that before 1789, only 3 percent of French manufacturing output was exported. See Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 52-54.
275. Guy Arbellot and Bernard Lepetit, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 1, Routes et communications (Paris: Ecoles des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1987), 14. Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 59, 62, takes a more optimistic view of transport progress; Price, Economic History, 7, 14-15, has a more pessimistic view.
276. Guy Arbellot and Bernard Lepetit, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 1, Routes et communications (Paris: Ecoles des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1987), 14. Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 59, 62, takes a more optimistic view of transport progress; Price, Economic History, 7, 14-15, has a more pessimistic view.
277. Guy Arbellot and Bernard Lepetit, Atlas de la Révolution française, vol. 1, Routes et communications (Paris: Ecoles des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1987), 14. Daviet, Economie préindustrielle, 59, 62, takes a more optimistic view of transport progress; Price, Economic History, 7, 14-15, has a more pessimistic view.
278. Forrest, Revolution and the Poor.
279. See Judith A. Miller, "The 'Stealth State': Supplying Cities in Early Nineteenth-Century France, 1799-1830" (paper presented to the Society for French Historical Studies, Boston, March 1996), 16, on "the steady, if not always successful, development of safety nets for urban inhabitants through the government's moderate intervention." My thanks to Professor Miller for permission to quote from her paper.
280. See the data and references cited in Spagnoli, "Decline in French Mortality," 326-27, 334 n. 58.
281. François Crouzet, "Les conséquences économiques de la Révolution française: Réflexions sur un débat," Revue économique 40 (1989): 1203.
282. For example, see the interpretation developed by Roger Price in a number of publications, including Economic History and A Social History of Nineteenth-Century France (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1987). Price argues that "the economic and social Ancien Régime" survived until the 1840s, when the development of the railroad, in particular, broke down local isolation, linked the national market, and paved the way for the emergence of "modern France." In A Social History, chap. 2, Price uses mortality data to support this argument, stressing that high mortality in France was essentially the product of widespread poverty that was only finally alleviated by economic development after 1850. Yet, his own data, which are close to, though not drawn from, the INED study show that life expectancy rose by 37.5 percent between "the eighteenth century" and 1817-1831 but only 27.5 percent between 1817-1831 and 1908-1913.