Analytical and essential Marxism

Political Studies

Volumn 45, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 768-783

  Carling, Alan ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0031231869     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00111     Document Type: Article

References (71)

1. 'The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it.' K. Marx, 'Theses on Feuerbach', in J. Elster (ed.), Karl Marx: a Reader (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 23. I am grateful to Christopher Bertram and an unknown reviewer for their help in pruning an overgrown early draft of this paper, and to G. A. Cohen for subsequent critical commentary.
2. Although I share Eric Wright's views about the high level content of the Marxian programme, I am less happy about his way of construing the lower level project. In particular, I do not find very helpful his tripartite division of Marxism between Class Analysis ('independent variable Marxism'); the Theory of History ('dependent variable Marxism') and Class Emancipation. 'Marxism after Communism', in Interrogating Inequality (London, Verso, 1994), pp. 234-55. It seems to me that the analyses of class and history must converge in their application to a politics of emancipation, whatever the range of other social phenomena which can be subsumed under a more generalized 'Marxian' label.
3. Cf. 'The Soviet experiment was only one of various conceivable experiments, and its failure does not impeach the possibility of more successful attempts'. J. Roemer, A Future for Socialism (London, Verso, 1994), p. 125.
4. Cf. '[the] hard core [of a research programme] is tenaciously protected from refutation by a vast "protective belt" of auxiliary hypotheses'. I. Lakatos in J. Worrall and G Currie (eds), The Philosophical Papers of Imre Lakatos. VoI I: The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 4; A. Callinicos, Is there a Future for Marxism? (London, Macmillan, 1982), pp. 179-85 and Introduction to Marxist Theory, pp. 15-6. See also M. Burawoy, 'Mythological Individualism - the Metaphysical Foundation of Analytical Marxism', in T. Carver and P. Thomas (eds), Rational Choice Marxism (London, Macmillan, 1995), pp. 194-6.
5. Cf. '[the] hard core [of a research programme] is tenaciously protected from refutation by a vast "protective belt" of auxiliary hypotheses'. I. Lakatos in J. Worrall and G Currie (eds), The Philosophical Papers of Imre Lakatos. VoI I: The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 4; A. Callinicos, Is there a Future for Marxism? (London, Macmillan, 1982), pp. 179-85 and Introduction to Marxist Theory, pp. 15-6. See also M. Burawoy, 'Mythological Individualism - the Metaphysical Foundation of Analytical Marxism', in T. Carver and P. Thomas (eds), Rational Choice Marxism (London, Macmillan, 1995), pp. 194-6.
6. Cf. '[the] hard core [of a research programme] is tenaciously protected from refutation by a vast "protective belt" of auxiliary hypotheses'. I. Lakatos in J. Worrall and G Currie (eds), The Philosophical Papers of Imre Lakatos. VoI I: The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 4; A. Callinicos, Is there a Future for Marxism? (London, Macmillan, 1982), pp. 179-85 and Introduction to Marxist Theory, pp. 15-6. See also M. Burawoy, 'Mythological Individualism - the Metaphysical Foundation of Analytical Marxism', in T. Carver and P. Thomas (eds), Rational Choice Marxism (London, Macmillan, 1995), pp. 194-6.
7. Cf. '[the] hard core [of a research programme] is tenaciously protected from refutation by a vast "protective belt" of auxiliary hypotheses'. I. Lakatos in J. Worrall and G Currie (eds), The Philosophical Papers of Imre Lakatos. VoI I: The Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 4; A. Callinicos, Is there a Future for Marxism? (London, Macmillan, 1982), pp. 179-85 and Introduction to Marxist Theory, pp. 15-6. See also M. Burawoy, 'Mythological Individualism - the Metaphysical Foundation of Analytical Marxism', in T. Carver and P. Thomas (eds), Rational Choice Marxism (London, Macmillan, 1995), pp. 194-6.
8. One way of distinguishing among Marxists (or indeed any other type of theorist) is via the character of their attachment to the research programme. 'Committed' Marxists are those with emotional attachments to the core, whose reaction to falsifications of lower level theses will tend to be strategic retreat: to fall back on the core with the aim of reformulating the auxiliary hypotheses so as to enable them to preserve their personal identification with the core project. 'Cognitive' Marxists by contrast will tend to treat the various propositions of the theory as independently verifiable, and be prepared to accept or reject them piecemeal, as if marking a checklist. Among Analytical Marxists, Jon Elster perhaps exemplifies the latter approach.
9. G. A. Cohen, History, Labour and Freedom: Themes from Marx (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988), Part II.
10. G. A. Cohen, Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence (Oxford, Clarendon, 1978), pp. 285-8.
11. See A. Carling, Social Division (London, Verso, 1991), Section 1.2, for one among many commentaries on the debate.
12. G. A. Cohen and W. Kymlicka, 'Human nature and social change in the Marxist conception of history', The Journal of Philosophy, 85(4) (1988), 171-91, p. 178.
13. The argument on Intentional Primacy amends A. Carling, 'Analytical Marxism and historical materialism: the debate on social evolution', Science and Society, 57(1), 1993, 31-65 in the light of comments by G. A. Cohen on a draft of the current paper.
14. R. Brenner, 'The origins of capitalist development', New Left Review, 104 (1977), 26-93.
15. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
16. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
17. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
18. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
19. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
20. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
21. I have argued in addition that this co-presence may be no coincidence, since capitalist structures may even have arisen almost inevitably from feudal structures, given the demographic trends of European feudalism. (See 'There'll always be an "England"' in Social Division, pp. 62-5, and 'Analytical Marxism and Historical Materialism', pp. 52-4). For a conception similar to Competitive Primacy, see C. Bertram, 'International competition as a remedy for some problems in historical materialism'. New Left Review, 183 (1990), pp. 116-28 ; and cf. some of the remarks in P. Railton, 'Explanatory asymmetry in historical materialism', Ethics, 97 (1986), 233-9. For further evidence of Cohen's position, see History, Labour and Freedom, pp. 25-9 and his interview with Imprints, 1(1) (1996), pp. 15-16. It may be that the weaker version of International Primacy is consistent with Competitive Primacy, since rational-motivated retention or rejection of production relations is part of the process by which competitively-superior relations are differentially reproduced. If I may also be allowed a shameless plug, copies of Imprints: A Journal of Analytical Socialism are available from 58 Wilmer Drive, Bradford BD9 4AS, UK.
22. Some preliminary consideration of the historical evidence occurs in 'Analytical Marxism and historical materialism', pp. 49 52, undiscouraged by Tony Giddens' claim that: ' "History" . . . cannot be comprised within any evolutionary scheme, let alone one that invokes as its primary basis the expansion of productive forces'. 'Commentary on the Debate', Theory and Society 11 (1982), p. 538. Ellen Wood has taken a similar line from within Marxism - see especially Democracy against Capitalism: Renewing Historical Materialism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 121-2.
23. Some preliminary consideration of the historical evidence occurs in 'Analytical Marxism and historical materialism', pp. 49 52, undiscouraged by Tony Giddens' claim that: ' "History" . . . cannot be comprised within any evolutionary scheme, let alone one that invokes as its primary basis the expansion of productive forces'. 'Commentary on the Debate', Theory and Society 11 (1982), p. 538. Ellen Wood has taken a similar line from within Marxism - see especially Democracy against Capitalism: Renewing Historical Materialism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 121-2.
24. Some preliminary consideration of the historical evidence occurs in 'Analytical Marxism and historical materialism', pp. 49 52, undiscouraged by Tony Giddens' claim that: ' "History" . . . cannot be comprised within any evolutionary scheme, let alone one that invokes as its primary basis the expansion of productive forces'. 'Commentary on the Debate', Theory and Society 11 (1982), p. 538. Ellen Wood has taken a similar line from within Marxism - see especially Democracy against Capitalism: Renewing Historical Materialism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 121-2.
25. Some preliminary consideration of the historical evidence occurs in 'Analytical Marxism and historical materialism', pp. 49 52, undiscouraged by Tony Giddens' claim that: ' "History" . . . cannot be comprised within any evolutionary scheme, let alone one that invokes as its primary basis the expansion of productive forces'. 'Commentary on the Debate', Theory and Society 11 (1982), p. 538. Ellen Wood has taken a similar line from within Marxism - see especially Democracy against Capitalism: Renewing Historical Materialism (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 121-2.
26. Leninism is defined at level 4 on the politics side, since it provides a specific implementation of the equality/proletariat/class struggle programme. Leninism also fills out the theory side of the picture in a related way and at a related level, with original contributions on the theory of the state and on capitalism as an international system (imperialism). Elements of the latter contributions should surely survive the collapse of political Leninism, since they consolidated the key international dimension of the theory of history.
27. See especially the moving account in G. A. Cohen, 'The Future of a Disillusion', in Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), ch. 11, p. 250, and cf. J. Roemer, A Future for Socialism, p. 124.
28. See especially the moving account in G. A. Cohen, 'The Future of a Disillusion', in Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995), ch. 11, p. 250, and cf. J. Roemer, A Future for Socialism, p. 124.
29. Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality, p. 38. For an account of the false start, see p. 12.
30. Cohen does not introduce the terms negative and positive self-ownership, but a hint of the underlying distinction appears in Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality, p. 70, n. 6, as part of an extensive discussion of the possible degrees of self-ownership.
31. H. Steiner, An Essay on Rights (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1994).
32. G. A. Cohen, History, Labour and Freedom: Themes from Marx (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 247; Social Division, Section 6.4.
33. G. A. Cohen, History, Labour and Freedom: Themes from Marx (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 247; Social Division, Section 6.4.
34. Social Division, p. 366; Van Parijs' own case for Basic Income is of course quite different from this: he believes it would optimize real freedom. See Real Freedom for All: What (if Anything) can Justify Capitalism? (Oxford, Clarendon, 1995).
35. Social Division, p. 366; Van Parijs' own case for Basic Income is of course quite different from this: he believes it would optimize real freedom. See Real Freedom for All: What (if Anything) can Justify Capitalism? (Oxford, Clarendon, 1995).
36. Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality, ch. 6.
37. Social Division, Section 6.2, and for similar remarks directed against Elster, see M. Lebowitz, 'Is "Analytical Marxism" Marxism?', Science & Society, 52(2) (1988), 191-214, pp. 209-11.
38. Social Division, Section 6.2, and for similar remarks directed against Elster, see M. Lebowitz, 'Is "Analytical Marxism" Marxism?', Science & Society, 52(2) (1988), 191-214, pp. 209-11.
39. Social Division p. 146; Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality p. 205-8. It should be noted for the record that Lebowitz was very close to the same suggestion on his p. 211, without quite reaching it.
40. Social Division p. 146; Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality p. 205-8. It should be noted for the record that Lebowitz was very close to the same suggestion on his p. 211, without quite reaching it.
41. See especially the withering remarks he addresses to the 'Lassallean catchword of the "undiminished proceeds of labour"' in K. Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme (Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1976), pp. 8-11.
42. The individual producer receives back from society - after the deductions have been made -exactly what he gives to it' Critique of the Golha Programme, p. 15. R. J. Arneson has characterized exploitation similarly as lack of reciprocity: 'some persons characteristically benefit from social cooperation without making good-faith efforts to make a reciprocal contribution balancing the benefits they receive'. 'Market Socialism and Egalitarian Ethics' in P. Bardhan and J. Roemer (eds), Market Socialism: The Current Debate (New York, Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 290.
43. The individual producer receives back from society - after the deductions have been made - exactly what he gives to it' Critique of the Golha Programme, p. 15. R. J. Arneson has characterized exploitation similarly as lack of reciprocity: 'some persons characteristically benefit from social cooperation without making good-faith efforts to make a reciprocal contribution balancing the benefits they receive'. 'Market Socialism and Egalitarian Ethics' in P. Bardhan and J. Roemer (eds), Market Socialism: The Current Debate (New York, Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 290.
44. Marx recognizes this point when he says 'one man is superior to another physically or mentally and so supplies more labour in the same time, or can work for a longer time; and labour, to serve as a measure, must be defined by its duration or intensity, otherwise it ceases to be a standard of measurement. This equal right is an unequal right for unequal labour.' Critique of the Gotha Programme, p. 16.
45. Writing this reminded me of the selection policy of the English national soccer squad, which would make the principle very easy to apply: the moment any player shows unusual skill, replace him with a player who only shows unusual effort.
46. The Future of Socialism, p. 12.
47. Further, one worker is married, another not; one has more children than another, and so on and so forth. Thus, with an equal performance of labour, and hence an equal share in the social consumption fund, one will in fact receive more than another, one will be richer than another, and so on. To avoid all these defects, right instead of being equal would have to be unequal'. Critique of the Gotha Programme, p. 17.
48. I construe the last sentence in the previous quote in the following sense: in order to compensate both producers and their dependants appropriately, the rights which producers derive from their work must be adjusted to take account of the needs of their dependants. Hence reward for work is no longer strictly proportional to effort.
49. 'I believe socialists want equality of opportunity for (1) self-realization and welfare, (2) political influence, and (3) social status.' The Future of Socialism, p. 11. I note that this welfarist proposal seems inconsistent with the historical entitlement position Roemer still takes (so far as I know) vis-à-vis exploitation, and with an earlier claim that 'self-ownership of productive talents need not be denied to construct a convincing argument against the massive inequalities existing in the capitalist world today'. Free to Lose (London, Radius, 1988), p. 174.
50. 'I believe socialists want equality of opportunity for (1) self-realization and welfare, (2) political influence, and (3) social status.' The Future of Socialism, p. 11. I note that this welfarist proposal seems inconsistent with the historical entitlement position Roemer still takes (so far as I know) vis-à-vis exploitation, and with an earlier claim that 'self-ownership of productive talents need not be denied to construct a convincing argument against the massive inequalities existing in the capitalist world today'. Free to Lose (London, Radius, 1988), p. 174.
51. E.g. by Roemer, in The Future of Socialism, p. 15.
52. It is presumably up to those socialists scandalized by this type of declaration to state clearly what their non-liberal egalitarian values are.
53. R. J. Arneson, 'Market Socialism and Egalitarian Ethics', pp. 291-6.
54. See the papers collected in J. Le Grand and S. Estrin (eds), Market Socialism (Oxford, Clarendon, 1989).
55. 'I view the choice of property rights over firms and other resources to be an entirely instrumental matter; possibilities for organizing such rights should be evaluated by socialists according to the likelihood that they will induce the three equalities with which socialists are concerned.' The Future of Socialism, p. 23.
56. Cf. The Future of Socialism, p. 126.
57. The Future of Socialism, p. 45.
58. The Future of Socialism, p. 4, and for supporting argument see especially W. Lazonick, Business Organization and the Myth of the Market Economy (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991).
59. The Future of Socialism, p. 4, and for supporting argument see especially W. Lazonick, Business Organization and the Myth of the Market Economy (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991).
60. A 'principal-agent' problem is the label given by economists to the age-old problem of getting other people to do what you want them to do when you are unable to breath down their necks the whole time: the problem of, for example, shareholders (qua owners) in relation to managers; or managers in relation to workers.
61. The Future of Socialism, p. 51.
62. The Future of Socialism, p. 120. 'I find it useful to define socialism not as a system in which there is, simply, public ownership, but as a system in which there are institutional guarantees that aggregate profits are distributed more or less equally in the population.' J. Roemer, 'Can There Be Socialism after Communism?' in Bardhan and Roemer, Market Socialism, p. 89 (original emphasis). Roemer's proposal is roughly in the centre of the range he considers (ch. 6), which go from the left (The economy of labour managed firms variously envisaged by J. Dreze, M. Fleurbaey and T. Weisskopf) to the right (F. Block's proposals for 'capitalism without class power' and J. Cohen and J. Rogers 'associative democracy'). The problem with the former set of proposals is that external financing constraints might place labour-controlled firms in much the same position as Roemer's conventionally-managed ones. The problem with the latter set is that they envisage such minor alterations to basic property rights that it is difficult to see how they qualify as socialist proposals, even if we want to be definitionally relaxed.
63. The Future of Socialism, p. 120. 'I find it useful to define socialism not as a system in which there is, simply, public ownership, but as a system in which there are institutional guarantees that aggregate profits are distributed more or less equally in the population.' J. Roemer, 'Can There Be Socialism after Communism?' in Bardhan and Roemer, Market Socialism, p. 89 (original emphasis). Roemer's proposal is roughly in the centre of the range he considers (ch. 6), which go from the left (The economy of labour managed firms variously envisaged by J. Dreze, M. Fleurbaey and T. Weisskopf) to the right (F. Block's proposals for 'capitalism without class power' and J. Cohen and J. Rogers 'associative democracy'). The problem with the former set of proposals is that external financing constraints might place labour-controlled firms in much the same position as Roemer's conventionally-managed ones. The problem with the latter set is that they envisage such minor alterations to basic property rights that it is difficult to see how they qualify as socialist proposals, even if we want to be definitionally relaxed.
64. The Future of Socialism, p. 76.
65. The Future of Socialism, p. 118.
66. The Future of Socialism, p. 118, citing 'The Future of a Disillusion'.
67. The Future of Socialism, p. 27. Emphasis added. The grip of the neo-classical imagination is also evident in the way that all non-market interventions are still seen by Roemer as compensations for generic market failures (see p. 21).
68. The environmental argument is in Self-ownership, Freedom and Equality, ch. 5.
69. The Future of Socialism, p. 116.
70. Cf. Business Organization and the Myth of the Market Economy, pp. 70-86 and pp. 267-70.
71. The Future of Socialism, p. 53.