Bigamy and cohabitation in Victorian England

Journal of Family History

Volumn 22, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 286-306

  Frost, Ginger ^a  

^a SAMFORD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0031185210     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909702200302     Document Type: Article

References (140)

1. "Increase of Bigamy," Justice of the Peace 74 (1910), 125.
2. I do not have national numbers, but Ridley complained that at York in March of 1910, six of twenty-three cases in the assizes were for bigamy, as well as a "large proportion" in Durham and Newcastle. In 1893, a constable estimated that there were eighty-one prosecutions for bigamy in that year alone (see note 49). See also Lawrence Stone, Road to Divorce: England, 1530-1987 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); and John Gillis, For Better, for Worse: English Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).
3. I do not have national numbers, but Ridley complained that at York in March of 1910, six of twenty-three cases in the assizes were for bigamy, as well as a "large proportion" in Durham and Newcastle. In 1893, a constable estimated that there were eighty-one prosecutions for bigamy in that year alone (see note 49). See also Lawrence Stone, Road to Divorce: England, 1530-1987 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); and John Gillis, For Better, for Worse: English Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).
4. John Gillis, A World of Their Own Making: Myth, Ritual, and the Quest for Family Values (New York: Basic Books, 1996).
5. To get the sample, I collected all the bigamy cases recorded in the index of the Times at five-year intervals between 1830 and 1900, supplementing the reports in the Times with those of provincial newspapers. I also included cases from national publications and law journals to reach the total of 221.
6. Of the 126 with listed occupations, 87 are working, 18 lower middle, 13 middle or professional, and 6 upper. Class designations are usually tricky to make in the Victorian period. Newspaper reports, however, often listed the occupations of bigamists, with terms such as "labourer" or with a specific trade (such as paperhanger, plasterer, tailor, or machinist) so that identifying the working class was fairly straightforward. The lower middle class includes small business owners and clerks, the middle class includes larger business owners and managers as well as professionals, and the upper class includes army officers or others identified as "gentlemen." I have excluded any bigamy cases involving aristocrats, as they would skew the results.
7. Robertson in the Times, 8 May 1855, 11; Johnson in the Times, 13 July 1830, 4. Blaney's parents succeeded in releasing her. Not only was she proved to be legally single, but the judge sentenced Johnson to transportation for his crime. Blaney's class is unknown, but Johnson was apparently a career criminal, because his association with "thieves" was one of the sources of friction between them.
8. Robertson in the Times, 8 May 1855, 11; Johnson in the Times, 13 July 1830, 4. Blaney's parents succeeded in releasing her. Not only was she proved to be legally single, but the judge sentenced Johnson to transportation for his crime. Blaney's class is unknown, but Johnson was apparently a career criminal, because his association with "thieves" was one of the sources of friction between them.
9. Of course, Blaney only succeeded because she was not, legally, Johnson's wife. Legal wives were often less fortunate. See A. James Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship: Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Married Life (New York: Routledge, 1992), 34-67; Carolyn Conley, The Unwritten Law: Criminal Justice in Victorian Kent (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991 ), 74-81; Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 67-87.
10. Of course, Blaney only succeeded because she was not, legally, Johnson's wife. Legal wives were often less fortunate. See A. James Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship: Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Married Life (New York: Routledge, 1992), 34-67; Carolyn Conley, The Unwritten Law: Criminal Justice in Victorian Kent (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991 ), 74-81; Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 67-87.
11. Of course, Blaney only succeeded because she was not, legally, Johnson's wife. Legal wives were often less fortunate. See A. James Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship: Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Married Life (New York: Routledge, 1992), 34-67; Carolyn Conley, The Unwritten Law: Criminal Justice in Victorian Kent (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991 ), 74-81; Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 67-87.
12. Elizabeth Roberts, A Woman's Place: An Oral History of Working-Class Women, 1890-1940 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), 192. See also Ellen Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep': Respectability in Pre-World War I London Neighborhoods," International Labor and Working-Class History 27 (1985), 39-59; John Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 248-52; and E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1993), 442-52.
13. Elizabeth Roberts, A Woman's Place: An Oral History of Working-Class Women, 1890-1940 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), 192. See also Ellen Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep': Respectability in Pre-World War I London Neighborhoods," International Labor and Working-Class History 27 (1985), 39-59; John Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 248-52; and E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1993), 442-52.
14. Elizabeth Roberts, A Woman's Place: An Oral History of Working-Class Women, 1890-1940 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), 192. See also Ellen Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep': Respectability in Pre-World War I London Neighborhoods," International Labor and Working-Class History 27 (1985), 39-59; John Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 248-52; and E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1993), 442-52.
15. Elizabeth Roberts, A Woman's Place: An Oral History of Working-Class Women, 1890-1940 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), 192. See also Ellen Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep': Respectability in Pre-World War I London Neighborhoods," International Labor and Working-Class History 27 (1985), 39-59; John Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 248-52; and E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1993), 442-52.
16. Griffiths in the Times, 16 March 1850, 8; Trouse in the Times, 8 August 1885, 6; East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; quote from the Times. A wife's adultery was grounds for divorce when divorce was legalized in 1857, but most working-class men (especially laborers) could not afford to go to court, although a minority of divorce petitioners were working-and lower-middle-class men. Women had an added obstacle, because they had to prove both adultery and another ground, such as cruelty. See Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 103-5; and Gail Savage, "The Social Basis of the Demand for Divorce in England, 1858-1868," Unpublished paper, 1987.
17. Griffiths in the Times, 16 March 1850, 8; Trouse in the Times, 8 August 1885, 6; East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; quote from the Times. A wife's adultery was grounds for divorce when divorce was legalized in 1857, but most working-class men (especially laborers) could not afford to go to court, although a minority of divorce petitioners were working-and lower-middle-class men. Women had an added obstacle, because they had to prove both adultery and another ground, such as cruelty. See Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 103-5; and Gail Savage, "The Social Basis of the Demand for Divorce in England, 1858-1868," Unpublished paper, 1987.
18. Griffiths in the Times, 16 March 1850, 8; Trouse in the Times, 8 August 1885, 6; East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; quote from the Times. A wife's adultery was grounds for divorce when divorce was legalized in 1857, but most working-class men (especially laborers) could not afford to go to court, although a minority of divorce petitioners were working-and lower-middle-class men. Women had an added obstacle, because they had to prove both adultery and another ground, such as cruelty. See Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 103-5; and Gail Savage, "The Social Basis of the Demand for Divorce in England, 1858-1868," Unpublished paper, 1987.
19. Griffiths in the Times, 16 March 1850, 8; Trouse in the Times, 8 August 1885, 6; East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; quote from the Times. A wife's adultery was grounds for divorce when divorce was legalized in 1857, but most working-class men (especially laborers) could not afford to go to court, although a minority of divorce petitioners were working-and lower-middle-class men. Women had an added obstacle, because they had to prove both adultery and another ground, such as cruelty. See Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 103-5; and Gail Savage, "The Social Basis of the Demand for Divorce in England, 1858-1868," Unpublished paper, 1987.
20. Griffiths in the Times, 16 March 1850, 8; Trouse in the Times, 8 August 1885, 6; East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; quote from the Times. A wife's adultery was grounds for divorce when divorce was legalized in 1857, but most working-class men (especially laborers) could not afford to go to court, although a minority of divorce petitioners were working-and lower-middle-class men. Women had an added obstacle, because they had to prove both adultery and another ground, such as cruelty. See Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 103-5; and Gail Savage, "The Social Basis of the Demand for Divorce in England, 1858-1868," Unpublished paper, 1987.
21. I would not like to overstate the class difference here. Many other sources show working-class men's resentment of "scolding" and "temper" from their wives. See, especially, Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 63-87; 252-63.
22. Ainley in the Times, 15 July 1840, 6-7; Matthews in the Times, 30 November 1900, 11 (first quote) and Bristol Mercury Supplement, 1 December 1900, 6 (second quote).
23. Ainley in the Times, 15 July 1840, 6-7; Matthews in the Times, 30 November 1900, 11 (first quote) and Bristol Mercury Supplement, 1 December 1900, 6 (second quote).
24. Ainley in the Times, 15 July 1840, 6-7; Matthews in the Times, 30 November 1900, 11 (first quote) and Bristol Mercury Supplement, 1 December 1900, 6 (second quote).
25. Collen in the Times, 17 December 1840, 7; Galway in the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; Leach in the Times, 3 April 1845, 7; and Liverpool Mercury, 4 April 1845, 117 (bound); quote from the Times.
26. Collen in the Times, 17 December 1840, 7; Galway in the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; Leach in the Times, 3 April 1845, 7; and Liverpool Mercury, 4 April 1845, 117 (bound); quote from the Times.
27. Collen in the Times, 17 December 1840, 7; Galway in the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; Leach in the Times, 3 April 1845, 7; and Liverpool Mercury, 4 April 1845, 117 (bound); quote from the Times.
28. Collen in the Times, 17 December 1840, 7; Galway in the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; Leach in the Times, 3 April 1845, 7; and Liverpool Mercury, 4 April 1845, 117 (bound); quote from the Times.
29. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880," in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
30. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880, " in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
31. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880," in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
32. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880," in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
33. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880," in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
34. Money problems were endemic to working-class marriage. See Pat Ayers and Jan Lambertz, "Marriage Relations, Money, and Domestic Violence in Working-Class Liverpool, 1919-39," in Labor and Love: Women's Experience of Home and Family, 1850-1940, ed. Jane Lewis (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 195-219; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982), 575-602. For the connection between masculinity and breadwinning, see Ginger Frost, Promises Broken: Courtship, Class and Gender in Victorian England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1995), 43-55; Sonya Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 127-35; Keith McClelland, "Masculinity and the 'Representative Artisan' in Britain, 1850-1880," in Manful Assertions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800, eds. John Tosh and Michael Roper (London: Routledge, 1990), 85-87; and Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 248-63.
35. Gallivan in the Times, 10 May 1865, 11; Vowel in the Times, 21 October 1880, 4. Both women received nominal sentences. For another London case, see Emma Hall, the Times, 25 March 1880, 4.
36. Gallivan in the Times, 10 May 1865, 11; Vowel in the Times, 21 October 1880, 4. Both women received nominal sentences. For another London case, see Emma Hall, the Times, 25 March 1880, 4.
37. Gallivan in the Times, 10 May 1865, 11; Vowel in the Times, 21 October 1880, 4. Both women received nominal sentences. For another London case, see Emma Hall, the Times, 25 March 1880, 4.
38. For more on domestic violence, see Frost, Promises Broken, 43-44; Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 29-33, 149-63; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts'" and Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, 1870-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 84-86.
39. For more on domestic violence, see Frost, Promises Broken, 43-44; Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 29-33, 149-63; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts'" and Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, 1870-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 84-86.
40. For more on domestic violence, see Frost, Promises Broken, 43-44; Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 29-33, 149-63; and Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts'" and Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, 1870-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 84-86.
41. The Times, 11 December 1875, 11; Durham County Advertiser, 10 December 1875, 7; quote from the Advertiser. For more on poor men's roles as provider, see Ross, Love and Toil, 72-76.
42. The Times, 11 December 1875, 11; Durham County Advertiser, 10 December 1875, 7; quote from the Advertiser. For more on poor men's roles as provider, see Ross, Love and Toil, 72-76.
43. The Times, 11 December 1875, 11; Durham County Advertiser, 10 December 1875, 7; quote from the Advertiser. For more on poor men's roles as provider, see Ross, Love and Toil, 72-76.
44. The Times, 10 December 1870, 11; and Hampshire Advertiser County Newspaper, 10 December 1870, 8; quote from the Times. Fisher got five years penal servitude, an unusually high sentence. He had deceived his second wife, which may have turned the judge against him.
45. The Times, 10 December 1870, 11; and Hampshire Advertiser County Newspaper, 10 December 1870, 8; quote from the Times. Fisher got five years penal servitude, an unusually high sentence. He had deceived his second wife, which may have turned the judge against him.
46. See Ross's work above; Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 34-67.
47. Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 251-53; Ross, Love and Toil, 69-86; Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 259-63.
48. Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 251-53; Ross, Love and Toil, 69-86; Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 259-63.
49. Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 251-53; Ross, Love and Toil, 69-86; Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 259-63.
50. For a discussion of the Divorce Act, see Mary Lyndon Shanley, Feminism, Marriage, and the Law in Victorian England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 39-44.
51. For a discussion of the Divorce Act, see Mary Lyndon Shanley, Feminism, Marriage, and the Law in Victorian England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 39-44.
52. Morgan in the Times, 12 November 1900, 11; Stephens in the Times, 21 March 1860, 11.
53. Morgan in the Times, 12 November 1900, 11; Stephens in the Times, 21 March 1860, 11.
54. The Times, 12 November 1900, 11.
55. The Times, 11 July 1850, 7; Leeds Daily News, 31 March 1890, 3; the Times, 1 August 1890, 10.
56. The Times, 11 July 1850, 7; Leeds Daily News, 31 March 1890, 3; the Times, 1 August 1890, 10.
57. The Times, 11 July 1850, 7; Leeds Daily News, 31 March 1890, 3; the Times, 1 August 1890, 10.
58. For Trouse, see East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; for Poole, the Times, 17 June 1835, 3.
59. For Trouse, see East Sussex News, 7 August 1885, 5; for Poole, the Times, 17 June 1835, 3.
60. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
61. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
62. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
63. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
64. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
65. Thompson in the Times, 16 May 1845, 8; Windsor in Leeds Daily News, 6 August 1875, 6; Botterill in the Times, 1 December 1840, 7; Potling in the Times, 22 April 1830, 3. See also William Owen's case in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13; and Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4. Sometimes such deceived women sued in the civil courts. Hannah Maddocks, engaged to a butcher and cattle dealer in Wales, discovered from a neighbor that he was already married and had dependent children. She sued him for breach of promise and won £275, Chester Chronicle, 14 March 1891, 2. For the importance of honesty in masculinity, see Frost, Promises Broken, 42; and Alan Warren, "Popular Manliness: Baden-Powell, Scouting, and the Development of Manly Character," in Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940, eds. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), 199-216.
66. The Times, 20 April 1880, 13.
67. Annual Register, "Chronicle" section, 81 (1838), 122-23.
68. For views on "rough music," see E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music: Le Charivari Anglais," Annales 27 (1972), 285-312 and his expanded and updated version in Customs in Common, 467-538, especially 505-16; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 130-34; and Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 17-21. For neighborhood controls, see Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep.'"
69. For views on "rough music," see E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music: Le Charivari Anglais," Annales 27 (1972), 285-312 and his expanded and updated version in Customs in Common, 467-538, especially 505-16; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 130-34; and Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 17-21. For neighborhood controls, see Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep.'"
70. For views on "rough music," see E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music: Le Charivari Anglais," Annales 27 (1972), 285-312 and his expanded and updated version in Customs in Common, 467-538, especially 505-16; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 130-34; and Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 17-21. For neighborhood controls, see Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep.'"
71. For views on "rough music," see E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music: Le Charivari Anglais," Annales 27 (1972), 285-312 and his expanded and updated version in Customs in Common, 467-538, especially 505-16; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 130-34; and Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 17-21. For neighborhood controls, see Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep.'"
72. For views on "rough music," see E. P. Thompson, "Rough Music: Le Charivari Anglais," Annales 27 (1972), 285-312 and his expanded and updated version in Customs in Common, 467-538, especially 505-16; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 130-34; and Hammerton, Cruelty and Companionship, 17-21. For neighborhood controls, see Ross, "'Not the Sort That Would Sit on the Doorstep.'"
73. The Times, 24 November 1885, 10.
74. The Times, 22 March 1890, 5; the Times, 4 March 1875, 11.
75. The Times, 22 March 1890, 5; the Times, 4 March 1875, 11.
76. Clarkson's remarks in the Times, 12 July 1845, 8; Denman's in the Times, 20 April 1880, 13; for examples of newspaper descriptions see the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; and 19 December 1855, 11. For more examples of judges' use of the term wives, see the Times, 7 July 1840, 4; and 21 November 1865, 9.
77. Clarkson's remarks in the Times, 12 July 1845, 8; Denman's in the Times, 20 April 1880, 13; for examples of newspaper descriptions see the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; and 19 December 1855, 11. For more examples of judges' use of the term wives, see the Times, 7 July 1840, 4; and 21 November 1865, 9.
78. Clarkson's remarks in the Times, 12 July 1845, 8; Denman's in the Times, 20 April 1880, 13; for examples of newspaper descriptions see the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; and 19 December 1855, 11. For more examples of judges' use of the term wives, see the Times, 7 July 1840, 4; and 21 November 1865, 9.
79. On's remarks in the Times, 12 July 1845, 8; Denman's in the Times, 20 April 1880, 13; for examples of newspaper descriptions see the Times, 8 March 1850, 7; and 19 December 1855, 11. For more examples of judges' use of the term wives, see the Times, 7 July 1840, 4; and 21 November 1865, 9.
80. The division between the early and late nineteenth centuries is supported by such works as Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches; Rose, Limited Livelihoods; and Ross, Love and Toil. Gillis's description of the period between 1850 and 1960 is found in For Better, for Worse, 229.
81. The division between the early and late nineteenth centuries is supported by such works as Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches; Rose, Limited Livelihoods; and Ross, Love and Toil. Gillis's description of the period between 1850 and 1960 is found in For Better, for Worse, 229.
82. The division between the early and late nineteenth centuries is supported by such works as Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches; Rose, Limited Livelihoods; and Ross, Love and Toil. Gillis's description of the period between 1850 and 1960 is found in For Better, for Worse, 229.
83. The division between the early and late nineteenth centuries is supported by such works as Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches; Rose, Limited Livelihoods; and Ross, Love and Toil. Gillis's description of the period between 1850 and 1960 is found in For Better, for Worse, 229.
84. Thompson, Customs in Common, argues a similar point about wife sales, 430.
85. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
86. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
87. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
88. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
89. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
90. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
91. The Times, 16 November 1900, 10; Western Times, 15 November 1900, 3; for Weaver, see the Times, 13 March 1865, 11. See also William Goode, a London clerk in holy orders, in the Times, 20 October 1880, 4. For more on self-marriage, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Virago, 1983), 47-53. Even Elizabeth Wolstenholme, who resisted marrying the father of her unborn child for some months in 1874, went through an informal ceremony before finally bowing to pressure and contracting a legal marriage. Wolstenholme was an outspoken critic of marriage, but she still felt the need for a public ritual, sanctioned by those close to her. See Sandra Stanley Holton, "Free Love and Victorian Feminism: The Divers Matrimonials of Elizabeth Wolstenholme and Ben Elmy," Victorian Studies 37 (1993-94), 199-222. Holton speculates that the ritual may have resembled that of Quakers, 204.
92. The Times, 17 March 1845, 8; the Times, 30 November 1900, 11; the Times, 12 December 1900, 14.
93. The Times, 17 March 1845, 8; the Times, 30 November 1900, 11; the Times, 12 December 1900, 14.
94. The Times, 17 March 1845, 8; the Times, 30 November 1900, 11; the Times, 12 December 1900, 14.
95. Lawrence in the Times, 29 November 1845, 7; Fitzgerald in the Times, 22 August 1850, 7. Fitzgerald received only seven days, and the judge did not grant the costs of the prosecution.
96. Lawrence in the Times, 29 November 1845, 7; Fitzgerald in the Times, 22 August 1850, 7. Fitzgerald received only seven days, and the judge did not grant the costs of the prosecution.
97. For similar legitimizing rituals and papers in wife sales, see Thompson, Customs in Common, 442-49.
98. For the emphasis on the earlier period, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; and Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem, 191-99.
99. For the emphasis on the earlier period, see Gillis, For Better, for Worse, 190-228; and Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem, 191-99.
100. The Times, 6 February 1850, 7.
101. The Times, 3 March 1865, 12; and Leicester Chronicle, 4 March 1865, 8. This case is interesting in itself as a proof of the centrality of providing for men. To Thomas, anyone who provided for Mrs. Barnes was in the place of a husband, so he was free to remarry.
102. The Times, 3 March 1865, 12; and Leicester Chronicle, 4 March 1865, 8. This case is interesting in itself as a proof of the centrality of providing for men. To Thomas, anyone who provided for Mrs. Barnes was in the place of a husband, so he was free to remarry.
103. The Times, 10 March 1830, 7; the Times, 30 July 1895, 5; the Times, 1 June 1895, 13. For another separation deed, see the case of William Ede, a Bodmin laborer, in the Times, 28 January 1885, 12; and Cornish Times, 31 January 1885, 4.
104. The Times, 10 March 1830, 7; the Times, 30 July 1895, 5; the Times, 1 June 1895, 13. For another separation deed, see the case of William Ede, a Bodmin laborer, in the Times, 28 January 1885, 12; and Cornish Times, 31 January 1885, 4.
105. The Times, 10 March 1830, 7; the Times, 30 July 1895, 5; the Times, 1 June 1895, 13. For another separation deed, see the case of William Ede, a Bodmin laborer, in the Times, 28 January 1885, 12; and Cornish Times, 31 January 1885, 4.
106. The Times, 10 March 1830, 7; the Times, 30 July 1895, 5; the Times, 1 June 1895, 13. For another separation deed, see the case of William Ede, a Bodmin laborer, in the Times, 28 January 1885, 12; and Cornish Times, 31 January 1885, 4.
107. The Times, 10 March 1830, 7; the Times, 30 July 1895, 5; the Times, 1 June 1895, 13. For another separation deed, see the case of William Ede, a Bodmin laborer, in the Times, 28 January 1885, 12; and Cornish Times, 31 January 1885, 4.
108. Stiffle in the Times, 15 June 1850, 7. Quote about Owen from Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4; case also found in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13. Robson in Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 14 January 1880, 4.
109. Stiffle in the Times, 15 June 1850, 7. Quote about Owen from Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4; case also found in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13. Robson in Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 14 January 1880, 4.
110. Stiffle in the Times, 15 June 1850, 7. Quote about Owen from Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4; case also found in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13. Robson in Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 14 January 1880, 4.
111. Stiffle in the Times, 15 June 1850, 7. Quote about Owen from Swansea and Glamorgan Herald and Herald of Wales, 28 April 1880, 4; case also found in the Times, 28 April 1880, 13. Robson in Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 14 January 1880, 4.
112. See, for example, Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), 34-66; and Gillis, A World of Their Own Making, 33-39.
113. See, for example, Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), 34-66; and Gillis, A World of Their Own Making, 33-39.
114. The Times, 9 June 1830, 6.
115. The Times, 9 August 1855, 11; the Times, 27 October 1875, 12.
116. The Times, 9 August 1855, 11; the Times, 27 October 1875, 12.
117. The Times, 23 August 1850, 6; the Times, 1 August 1872, 10.
118. The Times, 23 August 1850, 6; the Times, 1 August 1872, 10.
119. The Times, 8 June 1900, 6; Dorset County Chronicle and Somersetshire Gazette, 7 June 1900, 9.
120. The Times, 8 June 1900, 6; Dorset County Chronicle and Somersetshire Gazette, 7 June 1900, 9.
121. The Times, 21 May 1845, 8; the Times, 3 March 1865, 12.
122. The Times, 21 May 1845, 8; the Times, 3 March 1865, 12.
123. In my sample only one woman, Margaret Milton, was a serial bigamist, and she was looking for a man to support her, as discussed above.
124. The Times, 20 July 1840, 7; the Times, 1 December 1840, 7.
125. The Times, 20 July 1840, 7; the Times, 1 December 1840, 7.
126. Wallis in the Times, 12 December 1860, 9; see also the trial of Harry Bickerstaffe, a York clergyman, in the Times, 14 March 1860, 12 (Bickerstaffe got three years). Carolyn Conley has pointed out that a criminal conviction meant a loss of respectability for a middle-or upper-class man. Because he was no longer a part of "good" society, he could receive a long sentence. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 174. For a young second wife, see the case of Joseph Moran, an engineer, who committed bigamy with a fifteen-year-old girl who was about to start an apprenticeship as a straw plaiter, the Times, 26 October 1855, 9; for mercenary motives, see John Dowling's trial, the Times, 21 May 1845, 8. Dowling was a sailor, and his first wife was a London servant. Moran was sentenced to one year at hard labor; Dowling was transported for seven years.
127. Wallis in the Times, 12 December 1860, 9; see also the trial of Harry Bickerstaffe, a York clergyman, in the Times, 14 March 1860, 12 (Bickerstaffe got three years). Carolyn Conley has pointed out that a criminal conviction meant a loss of respectability for a middle-or upper-class man. Because he was no longer a part of "good" society, he could receive a long sentence. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 174. For a young second wife, see the case of Joseph Moran, an engineer, who committed bigamy with a fifteen-year-old girl who was about to start an apprenticeship as a straw plaiter, the Times, 26 October 1855, 9; for mercenary motives, see John Dowling's trial, the Times, 21 May 1845, 8. Dowling was a sailor, and his first wife was a London servant. Moran was sentenced to one year at hard labor; Dowling was transported for seven years.
128. Wallis in the Times, 12 December 1860, 9; see also the trial of Harry Bickerstaffe, a York clergyman, in the Times, 14 March 1860, 12 (Bickerstaffe got three years). Carolyn Conley has pointed out that a criminal conviction meant a loss of respectability for a middle-or upper-class man. Because he was no longer a part of "good" society, he could receive a long sentence. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 174. For a young second wife, see the case of Joseph Moran, an engineer, who committed bigamy with a fifteen-year-old girl who was about to start an apprenticeship as a straw plaiter, the Times, 26 October 1855, 9; for mercenary motives, see John Dowling's trial, the Times, 21 May 1845, 8. Dowling was a sailor, and his first wife was a London servant. Moran was sentenced to one year at hard labor; Dowling was transported for seven years.
129. Wallis in the Times, 12 December 1860, 9; see also the trial of Harry Bickerstaffe, a York clergyman, in the Times, 14 March 1860, 12 (Bickerstaffe got three years). Carolyn Conley has pointed out that a criminal conviction meant a loss of respectability for a middle-or upper-class man. Because he was no longer a part of "good" society, he could receive a long sentence. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 174. For a young second wife, see the case of Joseph Moran, an engineer, who committed bigamy with a fifteen-year-old girl who was about to start an apprenticeship as a straw plaiter, the Times, 26 October 1855, 9; for mercenary motives, see John Dowling's trial, the Times, 21 May 1845, 8. Dowling was a sailor, and his first wife was a London servant. Moran was sentenced to one year at hard labor; Dowling was transported for seven years.
130. Wallis in the Times, 12 December 1860, 9; see also the trial of Harry Bickerstaffe, a York clergyman, in the Times, 14 March 1860, 12 (Bickerstaffe got three years). Carolyn Conley has pointed out that a criminal conviction meant a loss of respectability for a middle-or upper-class man. Because he was no longer a part of "good" society, he could receive a long sentence. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 174. For a young second wife, see the case of Joseph Moran, an engineer, who committed bigamy with a fifteen-year-old girl who was about to start an apprenticeship as a straw plaiter, the Times, 26 October 1855, 9; for mercenary motives, see John Dowling's trial, the Times, 21 May 1845, 8. Dowling was a sailor, and his first wife was a London servant. Moran was sentenced to one year at hard labor; Dowling was transported for seven years.
131. The Times, 8 January 1840, 7. Hood received six months, mainly because the judge insisted that "if such practices were to go unpunished the evil to society would be serious."
132. The Times, 4 December 1895, 10; Staffordshire Advertiser, 7 December 1895, 6. Salter's occupation is not recorded. Buckler was his housekeeper and, most likely, a substitute mother for his children well before they married.
133. The Times, 4 December 1895, 10; Staffordshire Advertiser, 7 December 1895, 6. Salter's occupation is not recorded. Buckler was his housekeeper and, most likely, a substitute mother for his children well before they married.
134. The Times, 24 October 1850, 6; the Times, 17 July 1850, 8.
135. The Times, 24 October 1850, 6; the Times, 17 July 1850, 8.
136. Such leniency was not the invariable rule, however. Jessie Cooper went to prison for bigamy in 1863, even though she genuinely believed that her husband, an embezzler, was dead and despite the jury's open sympathy. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 69-70. Nevertheless, my evidence indicates that judges were far more lenient with female bigamists than many historians have argued. Joan Perkin's claim that judges let male bigamists off but harshly punished female bigamists is based on anecdotes and is not supported by more in-depth study; see Joan Perkin, Victorian Women (New York: New York University Press, 1993), 128-29.
137. Such leniency was not the invariable rule, however. Jessie Cooper went to prison for bigamy in 1863, even though she genuinely believed that her husband, an embezzler, was dead and despite the jury's open sympathy. See Conley, The Unwritten Law, 69-70. Nevertheless, my evidence indicates that judges were far more lenient with female bigamists than many historians have argued. Joan Perkin's claim that judges let male bigamists off but harshly punished female bigamists is based on anecdotes and is not supported by more in-depth study; see Joan Perkin, Victorian Women (New York: New York University Press, 1993), 128-29.
138. Home Office Papers. Public Record Office. HO 45/OS 6995. The costs came to just under £12.
139. Home Office Papers. Public Record Office. HO 45/OS 6999.
140. Home Office Papers. Public Record Office. HO 45 9744/A56594. Letter from Chief Constable to the Home Secretary, 17 December 1893, 1-2. Letter from G. A. Ansea to Undersecretary for Home Affairs, 14 January 1894, 1. For the case, see Staffordshire Advertiser, 8 December 1894, 5. A clipping of the newspaper account is in the Home Office files. The case involved a woman whose husband beat her and threw her out of their home. She remarried in 1878 and had been married several years and had two children with her second husband before she was arrested. Matthews, in stopping the trial, said, "If ever there was a woman who was justified in seeking a more respectable companion than the first she was the prisoner."