Prescribing the pill: Politics, culture, and the sexual revolution in America's heartland

Journal of Social History

Volumn 30, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 826-856

  Bailey, Beth ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0031161258     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh/30.4.827     Document Type: Review

References (138)

1. For examples of 1960s articles noting the relationship between "morality" and the pill, see: Andrew Hacker, "The Pill and Morality," New York Times Magazine, 21 November 1965, pp. 32+; "The Pill: How it is Affecting U.S. Morals, Family Life," U. S. News and World Report, 11 July 1966, p. 3; Gloria Steinem, "The Moral Disarmament of Betty Coed," Esquire, September 1962, 97ff; "The Second Sexual Revolution," Time, 24 January 1964, 54-9.
2. For examples of 1960s articles noting the relationship between "morality" and the pill, see: Andrew Hacker, "The Pill and Morality," New York Times Magazine, 21 November 1965, pp. 32+; "The Pill: How it is Affecting U.S. Morals, Family Life," U. S. News and World Report, 11 July 1966, p. 3; Gloria Steinem, "The Moral Disarmament of Betty Coed," Esquire, September 1962, 97ff; "The Second Sexual Revolution," Time, 24 January 1964, 54-9.
3. For examples of 1960s articles noting the relationship between "morality" and the pill, see: Andrew Hacker, "The Pill and Morality," New York Times Magazine, 21 November 1965, pp. 32+; "The Pill: How it is Affecting U.S. Morals, Family Life," U. S. News and World Report, 11 July 1966, p. 3; Gloria Steinem, "The Moral Disarmament of Betty Coed," Esquire, September 1962, 97ff; "The Second Sexual Revolution," Time, 24 January 1964, 54-9.
4. For examples of 1960s articles noting the relationship between "morality" and the pill, see: Andrew Hacker, "The Pill and Morality," New York Times Magazine, 21 November 1965, pp. 32+; "The Pill: How it is Affecting U.S. Morals, Family Life," U. S. News and World Report, 11 July 1966, p. 3; Gloria Steinem, "The Moral Disarmament of Betty Coed," Esquire, September 1962, 97ff; "The Second Sexual Revolution," Time, 24 January 1964, 54-9.
5. For example, Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, in Campus Life (New York, 1987) handles changes in sexual behavior among college students with the brief statement: "Many young people coming of age in the 1960s, with access to the Pill, demanded complete sexual freedom" (p. 228). The development of the birth control pill is well-chronicled in Bernard Asbell's recent book, The Pill: A Biography (New York, 1995), which also analyzes Roman Catholic responses to the pill. The classic and key works on the history of birth control in America are James Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York, 1978) and Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976). Reed writes from a pro-population control perspective; Gordon is strongly opposed to population control programs as anti-feminist. Neither author discusses the introduction of birth control pills in significant detail. I have been asked whether this study is in fact nothing more than an elaboration of Linda Gordon's argument in Woman's Body, Woman's Right. On the contrary, Gordon's social control model does not explain the introduction and use of the birth control pill. First, while the pill was made more widely available to the American public because of the efforts of some of the organizations Gordon studies - specifically Planned Parenthood, federal and state governments, and various population control groups - her historical, empirical analysis ends in the 1950s. One cannot simply assume that the organizations remained the same over decades of dramatic social change - in politics or in function. Furthermore, Gordon's blanket condemnation of "population control" as anti-feminist is an orthodoxy of one strand of 1970s radical feminism. She does not offer empirical or historical analysis, and this section of her book should be read as a primary, rather than a secondary, source. (This same criticism of population control appears in Lawrence's feminist community in 1972 and I discuss it in this article; for a useful analysis of/entry into this ongoing debate, see James Reed, "Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian," Journal of Social History [Spring 1985]: 383-98.) Likewise, Gordon's discussion of "Sexuality Feminism, and Birth Control Today" is polemic, not historical analysis. Finally, Gordon does not analyze the introduction of the birth control pill; it is mentioned - and only mentioned - on four pages in a 418-page book. In the larger picture, I reject the totalizing version of Gordon's 1970 marxist-feminist thought, which renders virtually everything short of revolution as social control and applies a historically specific model of feminism as virtual litmus test. While works such as this were vitally important for bringing gender to the forefront of historical analysis and making generations of historians rethink the role of "public" power in "private" life, these 1970s social control models have outlasted their historiographical utility. They need to be reexamined, using more contemporary understandings of power and gender. In the struggles over the birth control pill, there were multiple sites of power, multiple discourses, multiple claims. Models of centralized power and courageous resistance simply do not describe the process.
6. For example, Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, in Campus Life (New York, 1987) handles changes in sexual behavior among college students with the brief statement: "Many young people coming of age in the 1960s, with access to the Pill, demanded complete sexual freedom" (p. 228). The development of the birth control pill is well-chronicled in Bernard Asbell's recent book, The Pill: A Biography (New York, 1995), which also analyzes Roman Catholic responses to the pill. The classic and key works on the history of birth control in America are James Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York, 1978) and Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976). Reed writes from a pro-population control perspective; Gordon is strongly opposed to population control programs as anti-feminist. Neither author discusses the introduction of birth control pills in significant detail. I have been asked whether this study is in fact nothing more than an elaboration of Linda Gordon's argument in Woman's Body, Woman's Right. On the contrary, Gordon's social control model does not explain the introduction and use of the birth control pill. First, while the pill was made more widely available to the American public because of the efforts of some of the organizations Gordon studies - specifically Planned Parenthood, federal and state governments, and various population control groups - her historical, empirical analysis ends in the 1950s. One cannot simply assume that the organizations remained the same over decades of dramatic social change - in politics or in function. Furthermore, Gordon's blanket condemnation of "population control" as anti-feminist is an orthodoxy of one strand of 1970s radical feminism. She does not offer empirical or historical analysis, and this section of her book should be read as a primary, rather than a secondary, source. (This same criticism of population control appears in Lawrence's feminist community in 1972 and I discuss it in this article; for a useful analysis of/entry into this ongoing debate, see James Reed, "Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian," Journal of Social History [Spring 1985]: 383-98.) Likewise, Gordon's discussion of "Sexuality Feminism, and Birth Control Today" is polemic, not historical analysis. Finally, Gordon does not analyze the introduction of the birth control pill; it is mentioned - and only mentioned - on four pages in a 418-page book. In the larger picture, I reject the totalizing version of Gordon's 1970 marxist-feminist thought, which renders virtually everything short of revolution as social control and applies a historically specific model of feminism as virtual litmus test. While works such as this were vitally important for bringing gender to the forefront of historical analysis and making generations of historians rethink the role of "public" power in "private" life, these 1970s social control models have outlasted their historiographical utility. They need to be reexamined, using more contemporary understandings of power and gender. In the struggles over the birth control pill, there were multiple sites of power, multiple discourses, multiple claims. Models of centralized power and courageous resistance simply do not describe the process.
7. For example, Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, in Campus Life (New York, 1987) handles changes in sexual behavior among college students with the brief statement: "Many young people coming of age in the 1960s, with access to the Pill, demanded complete sexual freedom" (p. 228). The development of the birth control pill is well-chronicled in Bernard Asbell's recent book, The Pill: A Biography (New York, 1995), which also analyzes Roman Catholic responses to the pill. The classic and key works on the history of birth control in America are James Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York, 1978) and Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976). Reed writes from a pro-population control perspective; Gordon is strongly opposed to population control programs as anti-feminist. Neither author discusses the introduction of birth control pills in significant detail. I have been asked whether this study is in fact nothing more than an elaboration of Linda Gordon's argument in Woman's Body, Woman's Right. On the contrary, Gordon's social control model does not explain the introduction and use of the birth control pill. First, while the pill was made more widely available to the American public because of the efforts of some of the organizations Gordon studies - specifically Planned Parenthood, federal and state governments, and various population control groups - her historical, empirical analysis ends in the 1950s. One cannot simply assume that the organizations remained the same over decades of dramatic social change - in politics or in function. Furthermore, Gordon's blanket condemnation of "population control" as anti-feminist is an orthodoxy of one strand of 1970s radical feminism. She does not offer empirical or historical analysis, and this section of her book should be read as a primary, rather than a secondary, source. (This same criticism of population control appears in Lawrence's feminist community in 1972 and I discuss it in this article; for a useful analysis of/entry into this ongoing debate, see James Reed, "Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian," Journal of Social History [Spring 1985]: 383-98.) Likewise, Gordon's discussion of "Sexuality Feminism, and Birth Control Today" is polemic, not historical analysis. Finally, Gordon does not analyze the introduction of the birth control pill; it is mentioned - and only mentioned - on four pages in a 418-page book. In the larger picture, I reject the totalizing version of Gordon's 1970 marxist-feminist thought, which renders virtually everything short of revolution as social control and applies a historically specific model of feminism as virtual litmus test. While works such as this were vitally important for bringing gender to the forefront of historical analysis and making generations of historians rethink the role of "public" power in "private" life, these 1970s social control models have outlasted their historiographical utility. They need to be reexamined, using more contemporary understandings of power and gender. In the struggles over the birth control pill, there were multiple sites of power, multiple discourses, multiple claims. Models of centralized power and courageous resistance simply do not describe the process.
8. For example, Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, in Campus Life (New York, 1987) handles changes in sexual behavior among college students with the brief statement: "Many young people coming of age in the 1960s, with access to the Pill, demanded complete sexual freedom" (p. 228). The development of the birth control pill is well-chronicled in Bernard Asbell's recent book, The Pill: A Biography (New York, 1995), which also analyzes Roman Catholic responses to the pill. The classic and key works on the history of birth control in America are James Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York, 1978) and Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976). Reed writes from a pro-population control perspective; Gordon is strongly opposed to population control programs as anti-feminist. Neither author discusses the introduction of birth control pills in significant detail. I have been asked whether this study is in fact nothing more than an elaboration of Linda Gordon's argument in Woman's Body, Woman's Right. On the contrary, Gordon's social control model does not explain the introduction and use of the birth control pill. First, while the pill was made more widely available to the American public because of the efforts of some of the organizations Gordon studies - specifically Planned Parenthood, federal and state governments, and various population control groups - her historical, empirical analysis ends in the 1950s. One cannot simply assume that the organizations remained the same over decades of dramatic social change - in politics or in function. Furthermore, Gordon's blanket condemnation of "population control" as anti-feminist is an orthodoxy of one strand of 1970s radical feminism. She does not offer empirical or historical analysis, and this section of her book should be read as a primary, rather than a secondary, source. (This same criticism of population control appears in Lawrence's feminist community in 1972 and I discuss it in this article; for a useful analysis of/entry into this ongoing debate, see James Reed, "Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian," Journal of Social History [Spring 1985]: 383-98.) Likewise, Gordon's discussion of "Sexuality Feminism, and Birth Control Today" is polemic, not historical analysis. Finally, Gordon does not analyze the introduction of the birth control pill; it is mentioned - and only mentioned - on four pages in a 418-page book. In the larger picture, I reject the totalizing version of Gordon's 1970 marxist-feminist thought, which renders virtually everything short of revolution as social control and applies a historically specific model of feminism as virtual litmus test. While works such as this were vitally important for bringing gender to the forefront of historical analysis and making generations of historians rethink the role of "public" power in "private" life, these 1970s social control models have outlasted their historiographical utility. They need to be reexamined, using more contemporary understandings of power and gender. In the struggles over the birth control pill, there were multiple sites of power, multiple discourses, multiple claims. Models of centralized power and courageous resistance simply do not describe the process.
9. For example, Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, in Campus Life (New York, 1987) handles changes in sexual behavior among college students with the brief statement: "Many young people coming of age in the 1960s, with access to the Pill, demanded complete sexual freedom" (p. 228). The development of the birth control pill is well-chronicled in Bernard Asbell's recent book, The Pill: A Biography (New York, 1995), which also analyzes Roman Catholic responses to the pill. The classic and key works on the history of birth control in America are James Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York, 1978) and Linda Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America (New York, 1976). Reed writes from a pro-population control perspective; Gordon is strongly opposed to population control programs as anti-feminist. Neither author discusses the introduction of birth control pills in significant detail. I have been asked whether this study is in fact nothing more than an elaboration of Linda Gordon's argument in Woman's Body, Woman's Right. On the contrary, Gordon's social control model does not explain the introduction and use of the birth control pill. First, while the pill was made more widely available to the American public because of the efforts of some of the organizations Gordon studies - specifically Planned Parenthood, federal and state governments, and various population control groups - her historical, empirical analysis ends in the 1950s. One cannot simply assume that the organizations remained the same over decades of dramatic social change - in politics or in function. Furthermore, Gordon's blanket condemnation of "population control" as anti-feminist is an orthodoxy of one strand of 1970s radical feminism. She does not offer empirical or historical analysis, and this section of her book should be read as a primary, rather than a secondary, source. (This same criticism of population control appears in Lawrence's feminist community in 1972 and I discuss it in this article; for a useful analysis of/entry into this ongoing debate, see James Reed, "Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian," Journal of Social History [Spring 1985]: 383-98.) Likewise, Gordon's discussion of "Sexuality Feminism, and Birth Control Today" is polemic, not historical analysis. Finally, Gordon does not analyze the introduction of the birth control pill; it is mentioned - and only mentioned - on four pages in a 418-page book. In the larger picture, I reject the totalizing version of Gordon's 1970 marxist-feminist thought, which renders virtually everything short of revolution as social control and applies a historically specific model of feminism as virtual litmus test. While works such as this were vitally important for bringing gender to the forefront of historical analysis and making generations of historians rethink the role of "public" power in "private" life, these 1970s social control models have outlasted their historiographical utility. They need to be reexamined, using more contemporary understandings of power and gender. In the struggles over the birth control pill, there were multiple sites of power, multiple discourses, multiple claims. Models of centralized power and courageous resistance simply do not describe the process.
10. Joyce M. Ray and F. G. Gosling, "American Physicians and Birth Control, 1936-1947," Journal of Social History (Spring 1985): 399-411, discuss the earlier role of physicians in determining who had access to contraceptives.
11. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
12. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
13. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
14. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
15. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
16. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
17. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
18. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
19. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
20. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
21. There is not much historical analysis of the sexual revolution yet, but what exists tends to focus on radicals, activists, and movements, especially those located in east and west coast cities and university towns. This is partly because discussion of the sixties' sexual revolution is frequently woven through works on social change or radical movements; see, for example, Todd Gitlin's The Sixties (New York, 1987) and Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad (Minneapolis, 1989). Much of the good work on the subject focuses on strands of the sexual revolution that were not heterosexual, especially gay liberation movements. Synthetic works, such as the excellent social history presented by Estelle Freedman and John D'Emilio in Intimate Matters (New York, 1988), show the lack of monographic literature in relatively brief treatments of the early heterosexual strand of the "revolution." Linda Grant's Sexing the Millennium (New York, 1994), is the most clearly historical book-length work to focus on the sexual revolution. Originally intended as a social history of the pill, this work instead emerged as a portrait of the author's generation and its struggles with sexuality. Re-making Love: The Feminization of Sex (New York, 1986), the interesting but highly idiosyncratic set of essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs, while not activist-focused, is more invested in the question, "who won the sexual revolution?" than in tracing the process of social change. Other important works include Steven Seidman's sociological analysis in Romantic Longings: Love in America, 1830-1980 (New York, 1991), which is useful for his attention to discourse, but is most effective in his provocative argument about casual sex and community formation in gay culture. David J. Garrow, in Liberty and Sexuality (New York, 1994), offers a densely researched account of the legal battles and decisions that were central to a postwar "sexual revolution." See also Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)," in David Farber, ed., The Sixties: From Memory to History (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). For discussions of earlier changes in sexual mores, see Elaine May, Homeward Bound (New York, 1988); Paula Fass, The Damned and the Beautiful (New York, 1977); and Beth Bailey, From Front Porch to Back Seat (Baltimore, 1988).
22. See note number 2.
23. The demographic portrait of Lawrence is culled from U. S. Bureau of the Census reports for 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980. Two works focusing on Lawrence are Clifford S. Griffin, The University of Kansas: A History (Lawrence, KS, 1974) and David Ohle, Roger Martin, and Susan Brosseau, eds., Cows Are Freaky When They Look at You (Wichita, KS, 1991). In 1959-60, KU had 11,783 students, 72.1% of whom were from Kansas; 14.5% from adjacent states. Approximately 24% were in graduate or professional school. By 1966 there were almost 15,000 students enrolled (Griffin, pp. 617-18, 635).
24. The demographic portrait of Lawrence is culled from U. S. Bureau of the Census reports for 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980. Two works focusing on Lawrence are Clifford S. Griffin, The University of Kansas: A History (Lawrence, KS, 1974) and David Ohle, Roger Martin, and Susan Brosseau, eds., Cows Are Freaky When They Look at You (Wichita, KS, 1991). In 1959-60, KU had 11,783 students, 72.1% of whom were from Kansas; 14.5% from adjacent states. Approximately 24% were in graduate or professional school. By 1966 there were almost 15,000 students enrolled (Griffin, pp. 617-18, 635).
25. Vicki Phillips, "Politics Plays Role in Birth Control," University Daily Kansan (UDK), 8 January 1970, p. 6, describes the role of Patricia Schloesser, head of the State Division of Maternal and Child Services, in passing this bill. See also Senate and House Journals: Proceedings of the Legislature of the State of Kansas (Topeka, KS, 1963).
26. Vicki Phillips, "Politics Plays Role in Birth Control," University Daily Kansan (UDK), 8 January 1970, p. 6, describes the role of Patricia Schloesser, head of the State Division of Maternal and Child Services, in passing this bill. See also Senate and House Journals: Proceedings of the Legislature of the State of Kansas (Topeka, KS, 1963).
27. "Minutes," Lawrence-Douglas County Board of Health (BOH), 13 May 1963, 1955-65 Records, Douglas County Health Department (HD). Dr. Clinton, who was originally from Kansas, had served as a public health official in both Florida and Pennsylvania before assuming directorship of this health department in 1960. He was very much involved professionally in birth control possibilities, and traveled to conferences sponsored by drug companies and by the Rockefeller-funded Population Council several times during the 1960s ("Minutes," BOH, HD, 8 November 1965, 13 June 1966, 12 February 1968).
28. Donald Harting and Leslie Corsa, "The American Public Health Association and the Population Problem," American Journal of Public Health 59 (October 1969): 1927-29. James Reed, in From Private Vice to Public Virtue, provides a history of population control initiatives, beginning with the Population Council, an organization founded by John D. Rockefeller III in 1952. Prompted by an internationalist concern about the problems of population growth in "developing economies," the Council funded demographic research it intended to influence government policy (Reed, pp. 286-88).
29. Donald Harting and Leslie Corsa, "The American Public Health Association and the Population Problem," American Journal of Public Health 59 (October 1969): 1927-29. James Reed, in From Private Vice to Public Virtue, provides a history of population control initiatives, beginning with the Population Council, an organization founded by John D. Rockefeller III in 1952. Prompted by an internationalist concern about the problems of population growth in "developing economies," the Council funded demographic research it intended to influence government policy (Reed, pp. 286-88).
30. This was a dramatic shift. In 1959 President Eisenhower had said that he could not "imagine anything more emphatically a subject that is not a proper political or governmental activity or function or responsibility." Eisenhower is quoted by Reed in Private Vice, p. 304; the Journal of the American Public Health Association also quoted Eisenhower on birth control in an overview article (Harting and Corsa, p. 1929). Nixon made an even stronger statement about the international and domestic population problem on July 21, 1969. Text is contained in "Family Planning Services," Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Public Health and Welfare of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Representatives, Serial No. 91-70 (Washington, 1970), pp. 68-76.
31. This was a dramatic shift. In 1959 President Eisenhower had said that he could not "imagine anything more emphatically a subject that is not a proper political or governmental activity or function or responsibility." Eisenhower is quoted by Reed in Private Vice, p. 304; the Journal of the American Public Health Association also quoted Eisenhower on birth control in an overview article (Harting and Corsa, p. 1929). Nixon made an even stronger statement about the international and domestic population problem on July 21, 1969. Text is contained in "Family Planning Services," Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Public Health and Welfare of the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Representatives, Serial No. 91-70 (Washington, 1970), pp. 68-76.
32. See Leslie Corsa, "Public Health Programs in Family Planning," America Journal of Public Health 56 (January 1996, supplement); Office of Economic Opportunity funding cited in Reed, Private Vice p. 378; For congressional attention to the issues of population growth, domestic poverty and contraception, see "Family Planning Services" Hearing, especially pp. 190-93. Statistics on federally supported family planning projects are included in the hearing material. Frequently cited in the policy debate is Lee Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex, Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class (Chicago, 1960).
33. See Leslie Corsa, "Public Health Programs in Family Planning," America Journal of Public Health 56 (January 1996, supplement); Office of Economic Opportunity funding cited in Reed, Private Vice p. 378; For congressional attention to the issues of population growth, domestic poverty and contraception, see "Family Planning Services" Hearing, especially pp. 190-93. Statistics on federally supported family planning projects are included in the hearing material. Frequently cited in the policy debate is Lee Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex, Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class (Chicago, 1960).
34. See Leslie Corsa, "Public Health Programs in Family Planning," America Journal of Public Health 56 (January 1996, supplement); Office of Economic Opportunity funding cited in Reed, Private Vice p. 378; For congressional attention to the issues of population growth, domestic poverty and contraception, see "Family Planning Services" Hearing, especially pp. 190-93. Statistics on federally supported family planning projects are included in the hearing material. Frequently cited in the policy debate is Lee Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex, Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class (Chicago, 1960).
35. James Reed makes a similar point, to a different end, in "Public Policy."
36. On the politics of this era, see David Farber, The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s (New York, 1994); Allen J. Matusow, The Unravelling of America (New York, 1984), and a brief biography of Lyndon Johnson: Bruce J. Schulman, Lyndon Johnson and American Liberalism (New York, 1995).
37. On the politics of this era, see David Farber, The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s (New York, 1994); Allen J. Matusow, The Unravelling of America (New York, 1984), and a brief biography of Lyndon Johnson: Bruce J. Schulman, Lyndon Johnson and American Liberalism (New York, 1995).
38. On the politics of this era, see David Farber, The Age of Great Dreams: America in the 1960s (New York, 1994); Allen J. Matusow, The Unravelling of America (New York, 1984), and a brief biography of Lyndon Johnson: Bruce J. Schulman, Lyndon Johnson and American Liberalism (New York, 1995).
39. Quote from Mary Calderon, "Health Education for Responsible Parenthood: Preliminary Considerations," American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) (January 1964): 1735-1740. Calderon was former director of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc., World Population Emergency Campaign. The bulk of her article concerned strategy - the need to "sell" people (most particularly those in the "lowest income or dependent groups") on birth control. Calling on the "broadly democratic principles of equal opportunity to all," she argued: "Only with such a philosophy will people begin to understand that we are not advocating the diminution of any one group - rather we are letting them in on a good thing that up until now the well-to-do have apparently been content to reserve for themselves as a special privilege." Such discussions were common in the AJPH throughout the decade, as the profession struggled with its mission to "take a central role" in population control and at the same time manage the policy implications of state- and federally-sponsored programs. See, for example, Frederick S. Jaffe, "A Strategy for Implementing Family Planning Services in the United States," AJPH 58 (April 1968): 713-725; John C. Snyder, "The Education of Health Experts for the 1970s," AJPH (January 1966): 67-69; Ruth M. White, Matthew Taubeck, and Susan Hetherington, "Family Planning as Part of Maternal Health Services in a Metropolitan Health Department," AJPH 56 (August 1966): 1226-29. The American Medical Association and the American Public Welfare Association both endorsed the availability of contraceptives for the "economically deprived." Despite the careful language of these professionals, many Americans drew connections between birth control and anti-poverty programs that were exactly what government agencies had tried to avoid. For example, when Good Housekeeping sampled its 20,000 member "consumer panel" in 1967 on the question, "Should Birth Control Be Available to Unmarried Women?" editors discoverered that the negative responses (significantly, a storng majority) were based on moral arguments while the affirmative responses were "practical." An Arizona woman wrote: " It would eliminate many dollars in child-welfare payments." A more vehement response came from the midwest: "I deeply resent having to deprive my family of privileges I cannot afford because I have to pay to support for others not of my choosing." Good Housekeeping 164 (February 1967), p. 14.
40. Quote from Mary Calderon, "Health Education for Responsible Parenthood: Preliminary Considerations," American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) (January 1964): 1735-1740. Calderon was former director of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc., World Population Emergency Campaign. The bulk of her article concerned strategy - the need to "sell" people (most particularly those in the "lowest income or dependent groups") on birth control. Calling on the "broadly democratic principles of equal opportunity to all," she argued: "Only with such a philosophy will people begin to understand that we are not advocating the diminution of any one group - rather we are letting them in on a good thing that up until now the well-to-do have apparently been content to reserve for themselves as a special privilege." Such discussions were common in the AJPH throughout the decade, as the profession struggled with its mission to "take a central role" in population control and at the same time manage the policy implications of state- and federally-sponsored programs. See, for example, Frederick S. Jaffe, "A Strategy for Implementing Family Planning Services in the United States," AJPH 58 (April 1968): 713-725; John C. Snyder, "The Education of Health Experts for the 1970s," AJPH (January 1966): 67-69; Ruth M. White, Matthew Taubeck, and Susan Hetherington, "Family Planning as Part of Maternal Health Services in a Metropolitan Health Department," AJPH 56 (August 1966): 1226-29. The American Medical Association and the American Public Welfare Association both endorsed the availability of contraceptives for the "economically deprived." Despite the careful language of these professionals, many Americans drew connections between birth control and anti-poverty programs that were exactly what government agencies had tried to avoid. For example, when Good Housekeeping sampled its 20,000 member "consumer panel" in 1967 on the question, "Should Birth Control Be Available to Unmarried Women?" editors discoverered that the negative responses (significantly, a storng majority) were based on moral arguments while the affirmative responses were "practical." An Arizona woman wrote: " It would eliminate many dollars in child-welfare payments." A more vehement response came from the midwest: "I deeply resent having to deprive my family of privileges I cannot afford because I have to pay to support for others not of my choosing." Good Housekeeping 164 (February 1967), p. 14.
41. Quote from Mary Calderon, "Health Education for Responsible Parenthood: Preliminary Considerations," American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) (January 1964): 1735-1740. Calderon was former director of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc., World Population Emergency Campaign. The bulk of her article concerned strategy - the need to "sell" people (most particularly those in the "lowest income or dependent groups") on birth control. Calling on the "broadly democratic principles of equal opportunity to all," she argued: "Only with such a philosophy will people begin to understand that we are not advocating the diminution of any one group - rather we are letting them in on a good thing that up until now the well-to-do have apparently been content to reserve for themselves as a special privilege." Such discussions were common in the AJPH throughout the decade, as the profession struggled with its mission to "take a central role" in population control and at the same time manage the policy implications of state- and federally-sponsored programs. See, for example, Frederick S. Jaffe, "A Strategy for Implementing Family Planning Services in the United States," AJPH 58 (April 1968): 713-725; John C. Snyder, "The Education of Health Experts for the 1970s," AJPH (January 1966): 67-69; Ruth M. White, Matthew Taubeck, and Susan Hetherington, "Family Planning as Part of Maternal Health Services in a Metropolitan Health Department," AJPH 56 (August 1966): 1226-29. The American Medical Association and the American Public Welfare Association both endorsed the availability of contraceptives for the "economically deprived." Despite the careful language of these professionals, many Americans drew connections between birth control and anti-poverty programs that were exactly what government agencies had tried to avoid. For example, when Good Housekeeping sampled its 20,000 member "consumer panel" in 1967 on the question, "Should Birth Control Be Available to Unmarried Women?" editors discoverered that the negative responses (significantly, a storng majority) were based on moral arguments while the affirmative responses were "practical." An Arizona woman wrote: " It would eliminate many dollars in child-welfare payments." A more vehement response came from the midwest: "I deeply resent having to deprive my family of privileges I cannot afford because I have to pay to support for others not of my choosing." Good Housekeeping 164 (February 1967), p. 14.
42. Quote from Mary Calderon, "Health Education for Responsible Parenthood: Preliminary Considerations," American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) (January 1964): 1735-1740. Calderon was former director of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc., World Population Emergency Campaign. The bulk of her article concerned strategy - the need to "sell" people (most particularly those in the "lowest income or dependent groups") on birth control. Calling on the "broadly democratic principles of equal opportunity to all," she argued: "Only with such a philosophy will people begin to understand that we are not advocating the diminution of any one group - rather we are letting them in on a good thing that up until now the well-to-do have apparently been content to reserve for themselves as a special privilege." Such discussions were common in the AJPH throughout the decade, as the profession struggled with its mission to "take a central role" in population control
43. Quote from Mary Calderon, "Health Education for Responsible Parenthood: Preliminary Considerations," American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) (January 1964): 1735-1740. Calderon was former director of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, Inc., World Population Emergency Campaign. The bulk of her article concerned strategy - the need to "sell" people (most particularly those in the "lowest income or dependent groups") on birth control. Calling on the "broadly democratic principles of equal opportunity to all," she argued: "Only with such a philosophy will people begin to understand that we are not advocating the diminution of any one group - rather we are letting them in on a good thing that up until now the well-to-do have apparently been content to reserve for themselves as a special privilege." Such discussions were common in the AJPH throughout the decade, as the profession struggled with its mission to "take a central role" in population control and at the same time manage the policy implications of state- and federally-sponsored programs. See, for example, Frederick S. Jaffe, "A Strategy for Implementing Family Planning Services in the United States," AJPH 58 (April 1968): 713-725; John C. Snyder, "The Education of Health Experts for the 1970s," AJPH (January 1966): 67-69; Ruth M. White, Matthew Taubeck, and Susan Hetherington, "Family Planning as Part of Maternal Health Services in a Metropolitan Health Department," AJPH 56 (August 1966): 1226-29. The American Medical Association and the American Public Welfare Association both endorsed the availability of contraceptives for the "economically deprived." Despite the careful language of these professionals, many Americans drew connections between birth control and anti-poverty programs that were exactly what government agencies had tried to avoid. For example, when Good Housekeeping sampled its 20,000 member "consumer panel" in 1967 on the question, "Should Birth Control Be Available to Unmarried Women?" editors discoverered that the negative responses (significantly, a storng majority) were based on moral arguments while the affirmative responses were "practical." An Arizona woman wrote: " It would eliminate many dollars in child-welfare payments." A more vehement response came from the midwest: "I deeply resent having to deprive my family of privileges I cannot afford because I have to pay to support for others not of my choosing." Good Housekeeping 164 (February 1967), p. 14.
44. Senate and House Journals: Proceedings of the Legislature of the State of Kansas (Topeka, Kansas: Robert R. Sanders, State Printer, 1965), pp. (Senate) 260, 277; (House) 404-05. For the directive: "Memo RE: Family Planning," from Marvin E. Larson, State Director of Social Welfare, 29 June 1965, HD Archives.
45. Corsa, "Public Health Programs," p. 3.
46. Two memos are especially relevant: "Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department," 21 June 1965; "General Information on Health Department," April 1969, both in Health Department Archives. Both contain statements of philosophy. The 1969 statement is clearer, employing the contrast between regulation and service, but the earlier statement makes an explicit statement about the distinction between "individual medical care" and public health, and stresses the regulatory and legal role of the Department.
47. Dr. Hermes, telephone interview, Lawrence, Kansas, July 1992.
48. "Medical Estimates in City Conflict on Use of Enovid," Journal World (JW), 8 August 1962, Health Department Scrapbook, HD. By 1967, seven years after the pill was approved for use in the U. S., 5 million American women were "on" the pill. There were approximately 39 million women "capable of motherhood" in 1967; of white women using any form of contraceptive, about 24% used the pill (the rate was slightly, but not significantly, lower among African Americans). Statistics from "Freedom from Fear," Time, 7 April 1967, p. 8.
49. "Medical Estimates in City Conflict on Use of Enovid," Journal World (JW), 8 August 1962, Health Department Scrapbook, HD. By 1967, seven years after the pill was approved for use in the U. S., 5 million American women were "on" the pill. There were approximately 39 million women "capable of motherhood" in 1967; of white women using any form of contraceptive, about 24% used the pill (the rate was slightly, but not significantly, lower among African Americans). Statistics from "Freedom from Fear," Time, 7 April 1967, p. 8.
50. U. S. Census, 1960, p. 18-164, Table 33; p. 18-222, Table 78. The median income for Lawrence's 501 "non-white" families was $3,832, contrasted with an overall family median income of $5,427. Racial categories do not provide a complete breakdown for income in the 1960 census, but the 1970 census records a total population of 45,698, of which 8.3% are "Negro and Other Races." That percentage includes 2,029 African Americans and 1,213 Native Americans (of which many were students at Haskell Indian Junior College and thus not counted as family units). U. S. Census, 1970, 18-55, Table 16. Racial data were never recorded in relation to health department services, so it is impossible to draw any conclusions about differences in use among the different groups.
51. In 1961, there were 2,986 undergraduate women, of whom 10.2% were married. There were also 3,425 women in graduate programs, of whom 13.9% were married. The percentages of married students would decline through the decade, with enrollments rising rapidly. Statistics from letter from Director of Admissions to Director of Dormitories, 3 April 1962, University of Kansas, in papers of the Dean of Women (DOW), Records Group 53/0 Box 1, folder 61/62, and "University of Kansas Housing Survey for Spring 1961," DOW 53/0/1, folder 1956-57 - 1970-71; more information contained in Admissions and Records Enrollment Statistics, 14/0/1. All are in the University of Kansas Archives (KUA).
52. "Birth Control Now is Becoming a Fact of Life," JW, 5 August 1967.
53. The account that follows is based on interviews with Mary Lou Wright (Sherman), former president of Douglas County Planned Parenthood, telephone interview, 7 December 1992; Sandra Wolf, former social worker with Planned Parenthood, telephone interview, 7 December 1992; Richard Hermes, M.D., Lawrence physician, telephone interview, July 1992; Minutes of the Board of the Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department, 12 December 1966; and articles from the Lawrence Journal World in the scrapbooks of the Health Department. Specific quotations are credited in separate endnotes. The women discussed here commonly signed public correspondence and documents as Mrs. [husband's given name] [surname]. I have preserved that form in the initial introduction, as it gives a clearer sense of the historical milieu and the gendered nature of cultural authority.
54. "Planned Parent Group Will Ask for New Clinic," JW, 10 December 1966, in Health Department scrapbook, HD.
55. "Minutes," 12 December 1966, BOH, HD. The minutes of the meeting also record the Board's hesitation about "sponsoring, endorsing, or in some manner subsidizing a private organization engaged in medical clinic activities which were not under the supervision of the Board's medical director."
56. Melanie Morgan, "Conflicts Cause Birth of Parenthood Clinic," Sunday Outlook, Journal World, 15 January 1967, in Health Department Scrapbook.
57. A geographical note: for those still relying on stereotypes or distant memories of an endless cross-country drive, I should point out that eastern Kansas is not flat. A piece of KU humor, stretching back generations, is that one can tell a senior from a freshman by the size of her calf muscles. The "Hill" is also called Mount Oread.
58. The preceding account is from Will Hardestry, "Birth Control Practices Debated," UDK, 4 November 1966, p. 5.
59. Local SDS organizations worked only very loosely with the national organization; local initiative, not national policy, structured SDS. The "Student Responsibility Movement" was a specific local initiative, but members of Lawrence's SDS did use (publish and distribute) articles obtained through the national office of SDS (located in Chicago).
60. Lee Ellis, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 8 November 1966, p. 2.
61. Dennis J. Nauman, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 14 November 1966, p. 2.
62. James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 10 November 1966, p. 2; for Midwestern coed line, Robert Hugh Garner, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 14 November 1966, p. 2; James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 16 November 1966, p. 2.
63. James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 10 November 1966, p. 2; for Midwestern coed line, Robert Hugh Garner, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 14 November 1966, p. 2; James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 16 November 1966, p. 2.
64. James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 10 November 1966, p. 2; for Midwestern coed line, Robert Hugh Garner, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 14 November 1966, p. 2; James Prentice, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 16 November 1966, p. 2.
65. Only one writer, a graduate student from Lawrence, inverted the moral hierarchy, rejecting the "artificial hangups" of guilt and the dictates of a society outside the University ("All they want to do is go to war"). J. Gary Brown, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 14 November 1966, p. 2.
66. Mr. and Mrs. James Cooley, Mr. and Mrs. Angus Wright, Richard Lobdell, and John Mason, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 10 November 1966, p. 2.
67. "Should Birth Control Be Available to Unmarried Women?" Good Housekeeping (February 1967): p. 14.
68. Willard Dalrymple, M.D., "A Doctor Speaks of College Students and Sex," Journal of the American College Health Association (JACHA) 15 (February 1967). This article originally appeared in University: A Princeton Quarterly, but without the section on contraceptives. See also, "Sexual Behavior of College Girls," School and Society 93 (3 April 1965): 208.
69. Willard Dalrymple, M.D., "A Doctor Speaks of College Students and Sex," Journal of the American College Health Association (JACHA) 15 (February 1967). This article originally appeared in University: A Princeton Quarterly, but without the section on contraceptives. See also, "Sexual Behavior of College Girls," School and Society 93 (3 April 1965): 208.
70. W. Roy Mason, Jr., M.D., "Problems of Married College Students: Health Education Implications," JACHA 14 (April 1966): 273-74.
71. Frances K. Harding, M.D., "The College Unmarried Population Explosion," Journal of School Health 35 (December 1965): 450-57.
72. "Associated Women Students Survey for 'Roles of Women' Committee," 1964, KUA; "Survey of Women's Morals Grew from Study at Michigan State," UDK, 4 May 1964; Lee Stone, "Senior, Freshman Women Vote Same on Sex," UDK, 4 May 1964. The survey garnered 1900 responses; those of the seniors and freshmen were tabulated and presented to an audience of approximately 200 women students and a panel of four university and community leaders. One of the panelists made the point (speaking about the "sex items") that many women may have responded as "she felt others should respond, not how she actually feels" (Stone, "Vote Same"). For the record, on the race item 64% of freshmen and 65% of seniors answered negatively; on short shorts, 11% of freshmen and 10% of seniors found it "right" or "acceptable"; disrespect was condemned (90% freshmen, 83% seniors), while anger was acceptable (86% freshmen, 87% seniors). Significantly higher percentages of students believed it was morally or ethically wrong to engage in "mixed swimming parties in the nude" than to use an exam "which has been illegally obtained."
73. "Associated Women Students Survey for 'Roles of Women' Committee," 1964, KUA; "Survey of Women's Morals Grew from Study at Michigan State," UDK, 4 May 1964; Lee Stone, "Senior, Freshman Women Vote Same on Sex," UDK, 4 May 1964. The survey garnered 1900 responses; those of the seniors and freshmen were tabulated and presented to an audience of approximately 200 women students and a panel of four university and community leaders. One of the panelists made the point (speaking about the "sex items") that many women may have responded as "she felt others should respond, not how she actually feels" (Stone, "Vote Same"). For the record, on the race item 64% of freshmen and 65% of seniors answered negatively; on short shorts, 11% of freshmen and 10% of seniors found it "right" or "acceptable"; disrespect was condemned (90% freshmen, 83% seniors), while anger was acceptable (86% freshmen, 87% seniors). Significantly higher percentages of students believed it was morally or ethically wrong to engage in "mixed swimming parties in the nude" than to use an exam "which has been illegally obtained."
74. "Associated Women Students Survey for 'Roles of Women' Committee," 1964, KUA; "Survey of Women's Morals Grew from Study at Michigan State," UDK, 4 May 1964; Lee Stone, "Senior, Freshman Women Vote Same on Sex," UDK, 4 May 1964. The survey garnered 1900 responses; those of the seniors and freshmen were tabulated and presented to an audience of approximately 200 women students and a panel of four university and community leaders. One of the panelists made the point (speaking about the "sex items") that many women may have responded as "she felt others should respond, not how she actually feels" (Stone, "Vote Same"). For the record, on the race item 64% of freshmen and 65% of seniors answered negatively; on short shorts, 11% of freshmen and 10% of seniors found it "right" or "acceptable"; disrespect was condemned (90% freshmen, 83% seniors), while anger was acceptable (86% freshmen, 87% seniors). Significantly higher percentages of students believed it was morally or ethically wrong to engage in "mixed swimming parties in the nude" than to use an exam "which has been illegally obtained."
75. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2; "'Free Love' Panelist Bargains on St. Paul," UDK, 29 November 1967; "Panel Will Discuss Free Love Tonight," UDK, 28 November 1967. The Campus Crusade for Christ had been very active on the KU campus in the 1960s. Material from this group is in the Kansas Collection at the Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas (KU); newspaper accounts include Dan Austin, "Humanists Discuss Basis for Sex Ethic," UDK, 30 September 1966, p. 1; Monte Mace, "In 'Crusade for Christ' Speech: Braun Lays Sex on Line," UDK, 6 December 1967, p. 1.
76. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2; "'Free Love' Panelist Bargains on St. Paul," UDK, 29 November 1967; "Panel Will Discuss Free Love Tonight," UDK, 28 November 1967. The Campus Crusade for Christ had been very active on the KU campus in the 1960s. Material from this group is in the Kansas Collection at the Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas (KU); newspaper accounts include Dan Austin, "Humanists Discuss Basis for Sex Ethic," UDK, 30 September 1966, p. 1; Monte Mace, "In 'Crusade for Christ' Speech: Braun Lays Sex on Line," UDK, 6 December 1967, p. 1.
77. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2; "'Free Love' Panelist Bargains on St. Paul," UDK, 29 November 1967; "Panel Will Discuss Free Love Tonight," UDK, 28 November 1967. The Campus Crusade for Christ had been very active on the KU campus in the 1960s. Material from this group is in the Kansas Collection at the Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas (KU); newspaper accounts include Dan Austin, "Humanists Discuss Basis for Sex Ethic," UDK, 30 September 1966, p. 1; Monte Mace, "In 'Crusade for Christ' Speech: Braun Lays Sex on Line," UDK, 6 December 1967, p. 1.
78. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2; "'Free Love' Panelist Bargains on St. Paul," UDK, 29 November 1967; "Panel Will Discuss Free Love Tonight," UDK, 28 November 1967. The Campus Crusade for Christ had been very active on the KU campus in the 1960s. Material from this group is in the Kansas Collection at the Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas (KU); newspaper accounts include Dan Austin, "Humanists Discuss Basis for Sex Ethic," UDK, 30 September 1966, p. 1; Monte Mace, "In 'Crusade for Christ' Speech: Braun Lays Sex on Line," UDK, 6 December 1967, p. 1.
79. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2; "'Free Love' Panelist Bargains on St. Paul," UDK, 29 November 1967; "Panel Will Discuss Free Love Tonight," UDK, 28 November 1967. The Campus Crusade for Christ had been very active on the KU campus in the 1960s. Material from this group is in the Kansas Collection at the Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas (KU); newspaper accounts include Dan Austin, "Humanists Discuss Basis for Sex Ethic," UDK, 30 September 1966, p. 1; Monte Mace, "In 'Crusade for Christ' Speech: Braun Lays Sex on Line," UDK, 6 December 1967, p. 1.
80. Unsigned, "Letter to the Editor," UDK, 30 November 1967, p. 2.
81. For discussion of the gulf between "public" and "private," see Beth Bailey, "Sexual Revolution(s)."
82. The series in the UDK begins on 16 November 1966; Dr. Clark is quoted in Barbara Phillips and Eric Morgenthaler, "Pills Hard to Get in Lawrence," UDK, 17 November 1966, p. 2. See also Judy Browder, "Women's Decade of History," in Women's Studies Archives, University of Kansas, for commentary. Oddly enough, in these Kansan articles there is no mention of either Dr. Clinton or of the family planning group. But when the Journal World picked up the articles in the series, it ran a sidebar on Dr. Clinton. And the UDK, in May 1967, ran a feature article on the Douglas County Family Planning clinic, now a branch of the national Planned Parenthood Federation. Mrs. Bell (the dean's wife) said that they saw very few students, and she believed it was because so many of those involved were university personnel and their wives. But the group kept no records, she said, and the unmarried KU coed is "just another woman to us." The woman who wrote the anonymous letter to the Kansan in 1967 noted that "Dr. Clinton in the free clinic downtown is exceptionally helpful and understanding." Even the Nebraska sophomore who strongly opposed premarital sex commented, in an aside, that Watkins hospital was not the only source for the pill.
83. The series in the UDK begins on 16 November 1966; Dr. Clark is quoted in Barbara Phillips and Eric Morgenthaler, "Pills Hard to Get in Lawrence," UDK, 17 November 1966, p. 2. See also Judy Browder, "Women's Decade of History," in Women's Studies Archives, University of Kansas, for commentary. Oddly enough, in these Kansan articles there is no mention of either Dr. Clinton or of the family planning group. But when the Journal World picked up the articles in the series, it ran a sidebar on Dr. Clinton. And the UDK, in May 1967, ran a feature article on the Douglas County Family Planning clinic, now a branch of the national Planned Parenthood Federation. Mrs. Bell (the dean's wife) said that they saw very few students, and she believed it was because so many of those involved were university personnel and their wives. But the group kept no records, she said, and the unmarried KU coed is "just another woman to us." The woman who wrote the anonymous letter to the Kansan in 1967 noted that "Dr. Clinton in the free clinic downtown is exceptionally helpful and understanding." Even the Nebraska sophomore who strongly opposed premarital sex commented, in an aside, that Watkins hospital was not the only source for the pill.
84. Story included in Barbara Phillips and Eric Morgenthaler, "The Pill and How to Get It," UDK, 18 November 1966, p. 2.
85. The University of Kansas Archives has collections of all these papers. On counter-culture newspapers in general, see Abe Peck, Uncovering the Sixties: The Life and Times of the Underground Press (New York, 1985). One example of the availability of information about birth control is the entry in the Lawrence High School Freedspeak: "NEED BIRTH CONTROL PILLS?? See Dr. Clinton at Douglas County Health Clinic at 7th and New Hampshire," Issue 2, p. 5, KUA.
86. The University of Kansas Archives has collections of all these papers. On counter-culture newspapers in general, see Abe Peck, Uncovering the Sixties: The Life and Times of the Underground Press (New York, 1985). One example of the availability of information about birth control is the entry in the Lawrence High School Freedspeak: "NEED BIRTH CONTROL PILLS?? See Dr. Clinton at Douglas County Health Clinic at 7th and New Hampshire," Issue 2, p. 5, KUA.
87. Dick Russell, "A Visit to Kansas Hippieland," Midway (Topeka Capitol-Journal Sunday magazine), 17 March 1968, pp. 3M-6M. For more, see Ohle, et al., eds., Cows.
88. Dick Russell, "A Visit to Kansas Hippieland," Midway (Topeka Capitol-Journal Sunday magazine), 17 March 1968, pp. 3M-6M. For more, see Ohle, et al., eds., Cows.
89. Ohle, et al., in Cows, recreate the era in this excellent collection of oral histories with a foreword by William S. Burroughs. They portray the sense of "vague menace" that clung to much of Lawrence's hip community, quoting Wayne Propst: "The love-and-flowers angle of the Haight-Ashbury didn't ever happen here. Kansas hippies came from places like Hugoton, Bird City, Tonganoxie and Ulysses. Just two years before they'd been driving the square in those towns and fighting. They might have been the nastiest guy in Garden City or somewhere. They were not lightweights. Creeps, but not lightweights," but go on to say that "few were rugged or nasty" ("Preface," n.p.). One participant in the book talks about Lawrence's role as "the geographical matrix" of the drug trade: "The city was on the Silk Route for drugs. Large amounts passed through from both coasts and came up from Mexico . . ." (Preface, n.p.). The Kansas Hippies received (largely unwelcome) national attention as the subject of a Sixty Minutes show, "The Kaw Valley Hemp Pickers," in 1970. Police records show that the local department monitored "hippie" vehicles with out-of-state license plates (Lawrence Police Department Archives).
90. Statistics on birth control clinic are contained in the archives of the Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department.
91. Toby MacIntosh, "Low Cost Public Health is Goal," JW, 8 February 1973.
92. "Contraception Clinic is Not Planned at KU," UDK, 17 September 1970, p. 10.
93. "Over-Interest Closes County Clinic,"UDK, 3 February 1970; "Birth Control Clinic Closes," UDK, 5 February 1970; Telephone interview with Wright (Sherman).
94. "Over-Interest Closes County Clinic,"UDK, 3 February 1970; "Birth Control Clinic Closes," UDK, 5 February 1970; Telephone interview with Wright (Sherman).
95. The IRC action was in conjunction with the Dean of Women's Office-sponsored Commission on the Status of Women at KU. Information in this section comes from February Sisters, "February Sisters Position Statement on a Health Care Program for Women," Addendum II, in Lorna Zimmer personal files, Lawrence, Kansas; "Women - February First Movement," in Women's Studies Archives (WS), University of Kansas; Judy Browder, "Women's Decade of History," p. 5, WS; "Campus Problems for Consideration," Council on Student Affairs, 67/12/AWS, KU Archives.
96. The IRC action was in conjunction with the Dean of Women's Office-sponsored Commission on the Status of Women at KU. Information in this section comes from February Sisters, "February Sisters Position Statement on a Health Care Program for Women," Addendum II, in Lorna Zimmer personal files, Lawrence, Kansas; "Women - February First Movement," in Women's Studies Archives (WS), University of Kansas; Judy Browder, "Women's Decade of History," p. 5, WS; "Campus Problems for Consideration," Council on Student Affairs, 67/12/AWS, KU Archives.
97. The IRC action was in conjunction with the Dean of Women's Office-sponsored Commission on the Status of Women at KU. Information in this section comes from February Sisters, "February Sisters Position Statement on a Health Care Program for Women," Addendum II, in Lorna Zimmer personal files, Lawrence, Kansas; "Women - February First Movement," in Women's Studies Archives (WS), University of Kansas; Judy Browder, "Women's Decade of History," p. 5, WS; "Campus Problems for Consideration," Council on Student Affairs, 67/12/AWS, KU Archives.
98. Emily Taylor, Interview, Lawrence, Kansas, June 1991; Julie Thatcher, "Dean Taylor Discusses Sex, the Pill and the New Morality," UDK, 9 January 1970, p. 19; "Birth Control" (Information chart) in DOW 53/0/1, 1970, KU Archives.
99. Emily Taylor, Interview, Lawrence, Kansas, June 1991; Julie Thatcher, "Dean Taylor Discusses Sex, the Pill and the New Morality," UDK, 9 January 1970, p. 19; "Birth Control" (Information chart) in DOW 53/0/1, 1970, KU Archives.
100. Records in University of Kansas Archives, 67/127/Zero Population Growth, and in the Spencer Library Kansas Collection, University of Kansas. ZPG was founded in the late 1960s. The Lawrence branch is a relatively early one; at the time of its founding, there were only 3000 ZPG members nationwide. The Lawrence group was quite active, and in contact with the national organization. Its co-ordinator was Professor Kenneth Armitage, Chair of the KU Biology Department. Dr. Clinton ran for the office of member-at-large in 1971.
101. Taylor served as Dean of Women at KU from 1956 through 1974. At KU she founded the University's Commission on the Status of Women and produced and moderated a radio program, "A Feminist Perspective," on the university-sited public radio station. "News from the University of Kansas Division of Information," in "Taylor, Emily," KUA. For an earlier statement of her feminism, see Jan Goodison, "Women's Liberation Not a New Fight," UDK, 27 October 1970.
102. Taylor served as Dean of Women at KU from 1956 through 1974. At KU she founded the University's Commission on the Status of Women and produced and moderated a radio program, "A Feminist Perspective," on the university-sited public radio station. "News from the University of Kansas Division of Information," in "Taylor, Emily," KUA. For an earlier statement of her feminism, see Jan Goodison, "Women's Liberation Not a New Fight," UDK, 27 October 1970.
103. Sources include: On women's groups: Browder, "Women's Decade"; copies of Vortex and Lavender Luminary in KU Archives; interviews with Jon Moritz, Ken Irby, Mary Coral, and Jim Cooley; On affirmative action: "A History of the Seizure and Occupation of the East Asian Studies Building by the February Sisters, Or, What it Takes to Make Men Move," 7 February 1972, WS, KU. For the history of the women's movement in this era, see Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-75 (Minneapolis, 1989); Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York 1979); and Chapter 10 of Ellen Herman's The Romance of American Psychology: Political Culture in the Age of Experts (Berkeley, 1995).
104. Sources include: On women's groups: Browder, "Women's Decade"; copies of Vortex and Lavender Luminary in KU Archives; interviews with Jon Moritz, Ken Irby, Mary Coral, and Jim Cooley; On affirmative action: "A History of the Seizure and Occupation of the East Asian Studies Building by the February Sisters, Or, What it Takes to Make Men Move," 7 February 1972, WS, KU. For the history of the women's movement in this era, see Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-75 (Minneapolis, 1989); Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York 1979); and Chapter 10 of Ellen Herman's The Romance of American Psychology: Political Culture in the Age of Experts (Berkeley, 1995).
105. Sources include: On women's groups: Browder, "Women's Decade"; copies of Vortex and Lavender Luminary in KU Archives; interviews with Jon Moritz, Ken Irby, Mary Coral, and Jim Cooley; On affirmative action: "A History of the Seizure and Occupation of the East Asian Studies Building by the February Sisters, Or, What it Takes to Make Men Move," 7 February 1972, WS, KU. For the history of the women's movement in this era, see Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-75 (Minneapolis, 1989); Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York 1979); and Chapter 10 of Ellen Herman's The Romance of American Psychology: Political Culture in the Age of Experts (Berkeley, 1995).
106. The following account is compiled from the original documents issued by the February Sisters, collected in the files of the Women's Studies Department, of Lorna Zimmer, and "Student Activities - Women's Movement" files, series 71/18, KU archives; Margaret Greer, "The February Sisters History," five-page typescript in Women's Studies files; Interviews with Mary Coral and Jim Cooley, Lawrence, December 1992; Transcript from reunion of Lawrence Feminists, WS, KU; Personal notes from February Sisters twenty-year commemoration, KU, December 1992, and assorted newspaper accounts.
107. "February Sisters Position Statement on a Health Care Program for Women," in Zimmer files. Portions of the American College Health Association, "Position Statement on Population and Family Planning," 1970, appear as Addendum III. Another document, "Health Services for Women: What Should the University Provide?" by the Project on the Status and Education of Women of the Association of American Colleges, June 1972, in the file, "Health Services for Women," Dean of Women papers, 53/0, KU Archives, cites the Lawrence situation in several places. According to this report, in 1970, 53% of college health services did not offer GYN care; 72% did not prescribe contraceptives.
108. "February Sisters Position Statement," pp. 6-7.
109. The opposition to "morality lectures" is clearly stated in the position paper; the opposition to the population control argument is implicit there, but explicit in comments made to the Kansan on ZPG. Judy Henry, "Groups Urge Birth Control," UDK, 4 April 1972. Feminist opposition to ZPG is strongly stated in Birth Control Handbook: Medicine for the People (Montreal, Canada: Montreal Health Press, 1973), which was used by a Women's Self Help Clinic in Lawrence in 1973, and which is included in the materials Judy Brower donated to the Women's Studies Department Archives.
110. The opposition to "morality lectures" is clearly stated in the position paper; the opposition to the population control argument is implicit there, but explicit in comments made to the Kansan on ZPG. Judy Henry, "Groups Urge Birth Control," UDK, 4 April 1972. Feminist opposition to ZPG is strongly stated in Birth Control Handbook: Medicine for the People (Montreal, Canada: Montreal Health Press, 1973), which was used by a Women's Self Help Clinic in Lawrence in 1973, and which is included in the materials Judy Brower donated to the Women's Studies Department Archives.
111. Browder, "Women's Decade."
112. David Garrow, Liberty and Sexuality, p. 541; Jim Kendall, "Women Urged to Utilize Watkins," UDK, 23 August 1973. The Supreme Court case, Eisenstadt v. Baird, was heard in November 1971 but not decided until March of the following year.
113. David Garrow, Liberty and Sexuality, p. 541; Jim Kendall, "Women Urged to Utilize Watkins," UDK, 23 August 1973. The Supreme Court case, Eisenstadt v. Baird, was heard in November 1971 but not decided until March of the following year.
114. In 1972, the Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department recorded visits by 8,529 women seeking birth control. Of these, 2,100 were new patients, down only 300 from the previous year, before Watkins' policy changed. The Health Department clinic dispensed, free of charge, 35,874 months' worth of pills and prescribed an additional 2,056 months. Statistics are from HD Archives.
115. This account is compiled from the minutes of the meetings of the Board of the Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department (HD Archives); articles in the UDK and JW; interviews with Petey Cerf, Dale Clinton, and Raymond Schwegler. Specific quotations are cited.
116. "Birth Control Funding Possible," JW, 27 September 1972.
117. "Minutes," 11 September 1972, BOH, HD (taken by Dr. Dale Clinton).
118. "State Drops Birth Control Funding Here," JW, 22 September 1972; "Birth Control Funding Possible," JW, 27 September 1972; on funding and donations, see Tim Pryor, "Health Agency Says Changes Due," JW, 10 January 1973; Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
119. "State Drops Birth Control Funding Here," JW, 22 September 1972; "Birth Control Funding Possible," JW, 27 September 1972; on funding and donations, see Tim Pryor, "Health Agency Says Changes Due," JW, 10 January 1973; Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
120. "State Drops Birth Control Funding Here," JW, 22 September 1972; "Birth Control Funding Possible," JW, 27 September 1972; on funding and donations, see Tim Pryor, "Health Agency Says Changes Due," JW, 10 January 1973; Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
121. "State Drops Birth Control Funding Here," JW, 22 September 1972; "Birth Control Funding Possible," JW, 27 September 1972; on funding and donations, see Tim Pryor, "Health Agency Says Changes Due," JW, 10 January 1973; Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
122. This account is compiled from articles in the Journal-World and UDK; interviews with Mrs. Cerf (by telephone, June 1992), Dr. Clinton (Lawrence, Kansas, July 1992), and Dr. Schwegler (Lawrence, Kansas, June 1991); and Minutes from the Health Department Board Meetings.
123. Mrs. Raymond Cerf, "Letter to the Editor," JW, 25 September 1972; UDK, 19 October 1972.
124. Mrs. Raymond Cerf, "Letter to the Editor," JW, 25 September 1972; UDK, 19 October 1972.
125. "Minutes," 30 October 1972, BOH, HD (these minutes were recorded by Clinton, as secretary). For examples of popular articles questioning the safety of the pill, see "Perils of the Pill," Newsweek 71 (May 13, 1968): 66; Dr. Louis Lasagna, "If Not the Pill - What?" Vogue 154 (October 15, 1969):102-3; "Birth Control: An Up-to-Date Summary of Contraceptive Methods," Good Housekeeping 164 (January 1967): 144-45. Journalist Barbara Seaman's influential book, The Doctor's Case Against the Pill, was published in 1969. Clinton, in a letter to the editor of the Journal World on January 16, 1970, says there is "not one scrap of hard evidence that the pills . . . have any discernable effect of cancer, blood clots, or any serious illness," concluding: "Perhaps we should take pregnancy off the market until all the known and presumed hazards have been more thoroughly investigated."
126. "Minutes," 30 October 1972, BOH, HD (these minutes were recorded by Clinton, as secretary). For examples of popular articles questioning the safety of the pill, see "Perils of the Pill," Newsweek 71 (May 13, 1968): 66; Dr. Louis Lasagna, "If Not the Pill - What?" Vogue 154 (October 15, 1969):102-3; "Birth Control: An Up-to-Date Summary of Contraceptive Methods," Good Housekeeping 164 (January 1967): 144-45. Journalist Barbara Seaman's influential book, The Doctor's Case Against the Pill, was published in 1969. Clinton, in a letter to the editor of the Journal World on January 16, 1970, says there is "not one scrap of hard evidence that the pills . . . have any discernable effect of cancer, blood clots, or any serious illness," concluding: "Perhaps we should take pregnancy off the market until all the known and presumed hazards have been more thoroughly investigated."
127. "Minutes," 30 October 1972, BOH, HD (these minutes were recorded by Clinton, as secretary). For examples of popular articles questioning the safety of the pill, see "Perils of the Pill," Newsweek 71 (May 13, 1968): 66; Dr. Louis Lasagna, "If Not the Pill - What?" Vogue 154 (October 15, 1969):102-3; "Birth Control: An Up-to-Date Summary of Contraceptive Methods," Good Housekeeping 164 (January 1967): 144-45. Journalist Barbara Seaman's influential book, The Doctor's Case Against the Pill, was published in 1969. Clinton, in a letter to the editor of the Journal World on January 16, 1970, says there is "not one scrap of hard evidence that the pills . . . have any discernable effect of cancer, blood clots, or any serious illness," concluding: "Perhaps we should take pregnancy off the market until all the known and presumed hazards have been more thoroughly investigated."
128. "Addendum to the Minutes of the Lawrence-Douglas County Public Health Committee for Meeting held 12 December 1972," with Health Department Board Minutes, December 12, 1972; HD; Toby MacIntosh, "Health Services Debated," JW, 12 December 1972; Interview with Mrs. Cerf, 1992. The Health Department minutes stick closely to the comments by those on the Board. The Journal World article goes for color: Mrs. Cerf called Dr. Clinton's policies "eccentric"; he replied: "If I'm eccentric then thank you." What neither source reports is what Petey Cerf recalls years later. She says she stood up in that meeting, shaking, and asked Clinton: "Are you doing [illegal] abortions at the Health Clinic?" She says that he answered, simply, "No" (Cerf, Interview). A three-part story on the controversy appeared in the Journal World. Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
129. "Addendum to the Minutes of the Lawrence-Douglas County Public Health Committee for Meeting held 12 December 1972," with Health Department Board Minutes, December 12, 1972; HD; Toby MacIntosh, "Health Services Debated," JW, 12 December 1972; Interview with Mrs. Cerf, 1992. The Health Department minutes stick closely to the comments by those on the Board. The Journal World article goes for color: Mrs. Cerf called Dr. Clinton's policies "eccentric"; he replied: "If I'm eccentric then thank you." What neither source reports is what Petey Cerf recalls years later. She says she stood up in that meeting, shaking, and asked Clinton: "Are you doing [illegal] abortions at the Health Clinic?" She says that he answered, simply, "No" (Cerf, Interview). A three-part story on the controversy appeared in the Journal World. Toby MacIntosh, "Policy on Pills is Controversial," JW, 9 February 1973.
130. "County Health Controversy," February 1973, Penn House document in Health Department Scrapbook. The statement concludes with a comment that points to the class element of the struggle. Cerf, in interview, cites the support of the League of Women Voters. The League maintained observers on the Board of Health, and in 1965 had devoted a year to a comprehensive study of the Lawrence-Douglas County Health Department. Records are in the Kansas Collection, Spencer Research Library, KU.
131. Carolyn S. Black, "Letter to the Editor," JW, 10 March 1973.
132. "Dr. Clinton Quitting," JW, 8 March 1973.
133. Toby MacIntosh, "Doctors at Health Meeting Offer Support for Clinton," JW, 13 March 1973; "Minutes," 12 March 1973, BOH, HD.
134. Account drawn from "Minutes," 12 March 1973, BOH, HD; Toby MacIntosh, "Doctors at Health Meeting Offer Support for Clinton," JW,13 March 1973.
135. "Two Women Chosen for Positions with County Health Department," JW, 22 May 1973; Schwegler quote from "Health Department Sets New Hours for Clinics," JW, 2 May 1973.
136. "Two Women Chosen for Positions with County Health Department," JW, 22 May 1973; Schwegler quote from "Health Department Sets New Hours for Clinics," JW, 2 May 1973.
137. Statistics from Health Department Archives.
138. "County Providing Free Pills," JW, 14 June [either 1969 or 1970 - n.d. on clipping], HD Archives.