Paths to peace in Northern Ireland (I): Civil society and consociational approaches

Democratization

Volumn 4, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 1-27

  Dixon, Paul ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CIVIL SOCIETY; CONFLICT RESOLUTION; CONSOCIATIONALISM; NATIONAL POLITICS;

EID: 0030731341     PISSN: 13510347     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13510349708403513     Document Type: Article

References (148)

1. A. Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1977), p.48; J. McGarry and B. O'Leary (eds.), The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation (London: Routledge, 1993), p.36.
2. A. Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1977), p.48; J. McGarry and B. O'Leary (eds.), The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation (London: Routledge, 1993), p.36.
3. A. Lijphart, Power-Sharing in South Africa (Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, 1985), p.13.
4. Inevitably in constructing the consociational and civil society models I am not able to do justice to all the nuances and variations in the political positions of those authors mentioned. The intention is to deal with what I consider to be the key assumptions of each position. Authors cited under each heading do not necessarily subscribe to the entirety of the model constructed. My apologies to anyone who feels I have done their position an injustice.
5. Lijphart, Democracy, p.25.
6. J. McGarry and B. O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995).
7. Ibid., p.326.
8. Ibid., p.339.
9. P. Dixon, 'The Northern Ireland Peace Process and Consociationalism', in I. Hampsher-Monk and J. Stanyer, Contemporary Political Studies (Belfast: PSA, 1997 forthcoming) argues that: consociationalism is a distinct elitist form of power-sharing; the British government is not proposing a 'completely consociational system' for Northern Ireland, and finally, it rejects Lijphart's view that the British are recent converts to power-sharing: Arend Lijphart, 'The Framework Document on Northern Ireland and the Theory of Power-Sharing', Government and Opposition. Vol.31, No.3 (1996).
10. P. Dixon, 'The Northern Ireland Peace Process and Consociationalism', in I. Hampsher-Monk and J. Stanyer, Contemporary Political Studies (Belfast: PSA, 1997 forthcoming) argues that: consociationalism is a distinct elitist form of power-sharing; the British government is not proposing a 'completely consociational system' for Northern Ireland, and finally, it rejects Lijphart's view that the British are recent converts to power-sharing: Arend Lijphart, 'The Framework Document on Northern Ireland and the Theory of Power-Sharing', Government and Opposition. Vol.31, No.3 (1996).
11. Lijphart, Democracy, p.53.
12. Eric Nordlinger takes a similar elite approach to conflict resolution. He found one or more of four conditions necessary for structured elite predominance (the ability of elites to lead their followers): 'apolitical quiescence on the part of non-elites; nonelite acquiescent attitudes toward authority; patron-client relations pyramided to the national level; and mass parties with extensive organizational capabilities'. Conflict Regulation in Divided Societies (Harvard, MA: Occasional Papers in International Affairs, Harvard Center for International Affairs, 1972), p.119.
13. Lijphart, Democracy, p.170.
14. Lijphart, Democracy, p.53.
15. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.191.
16. P. Dixon, 'The Politics of Antagonism: Explaining McGarry and O'Leary', Irish Political Studies, Vol.11 (1996), pp.132-2.
17. Lijphart, Democracy, p.42.
18. Lijphart, Democracy, p.48.
19. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem: Cases, Theories and Solutions', British Journal of Political Science, Vol.5, No.1 (1975). Walker Connor is also influential on McGarry and O'Leary's work: '... the communications revolution, and the acculturation which has accompanied it, may have exacerbated ethnic conflict by bringing groups with separate identities into closer contact with each other', McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.357.
20. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem: Cases, Theories and Solutions', British Journal of Political Science, Vol.5, No.1 (1975). Walker Connor is also influential on McGarry and O'Leary's work: '... the communications revolution, and the acculturation which has accompanied it, may have exacerbated ethnic conflict by bringing groups with separate identities into closer contact with each other', McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.357.
21. Lijphart, Democracy, p.88, see also p.89.
22. Lijphart, Democracy, p.88, see also p.89.
23. Lijphart, Democracy, p.169.
24. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.307.
25. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.210.
26. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.210, Lijphart 'The Northern Ireland Problem' p.101, also Lijphart, Democracy, p. 140. Interestingly, the British right-wing Conservative MP Theresa Gorman quoted with approval Enoch Powell's use of the phrase 'sometimes good fences make good neighbours', BBC2, 8 July 1996, 7.30 pm.
27. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.210, Lijphart 'The Northern Ireland Problem' p.101, also Lijphart, Democracy, p. 140. Interestingly, the British right-wing Conservative MP Theresa Gorman quoted with approval Enoch Powell's use of the phrase 'sometimes good fences make good neighbours', BBC2, 8 July 1996, 7.30 pm.
28. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.210, Lijphart 'The Northern Ireland Problem' p.101, also Lijphart, Democracy, p. 140. Interestingly, the British right-wing Conservative MP Theresa Gorman quoted with approval Enoch Powell's use of the phrase 'sometimes good fences make good neighbours', BBC2, 8 July 1996, 7.30 pm.
29. J. McGarry and B. O'Leary, 'Northern Ireland and the Liabilities of Liberalism', Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol.18, No.4 (1995), p.856. They do enter the caveat: 'Lest we are misinterpreted, perhaps we should spell out that we believe that sufficient provision must be made for all those who wish to be schooled, live or work with members of the other community.'
30. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, pp.226-7.
31. Lijphart, Power-Sharing, pp. 106-7, Lijphart, Democracy, p.61, Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', p. fn.17.
32. Lijphart, Power-Sharing, pp. 106-7, Lijphart, Democracy, p.61, Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', p. fn.17.
33. Lijphart, Power-Sharing, pp. 106-7, Lijphart, Democracy, p.61, Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', p. fn.17.
34. Dixon (1996), op. cit.
35. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', p.102.
36. Lijphart 'The Northern Ireland Problem', p.173.
37. A. Lijphart, 'Consociationalism', in D. Rea (ed.), Political Co-operation in Divided Societies (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1982), p.183.
38. Lijphart, Power-Sharing, p.98. On p.130 he writes: '... there is no doubt that a South Africa consociation can succeed only if it is able to bring about a fairer distribution of income and wealth'.
39. A. Lijphart, 'Power-sharing', in J.V. Montville, Conflict and Peacemaking in Multiethnic Societies (New York: Lexington Books, 1991), p.497.
40. Dixon (1996), op. cit., pp.130-41. See also the reply and the rejoinder in the same issue. McGarry and O'Leary's scepticism of materialism and emphasis on constitutional engineering is apparent in J. McGarry, 'Explaining Ethnonationalism: the Flaws in Western Thinking', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Vol.1, No.4 (1995), p.139: 'Correct explanations [of ethnonational conflict] require less focus on self-interest or class-consciousness and more appreciation of the importance of ethnonational bonds in peoples lives. Conflict resolution requires less attention to prescriptions based on standard liberal or socialist models - like integration, economic growth, or individual equality - and more study of methods of conflict resolution which recognize the resilience and legitimacy of ethnonationalism.' See also J. McGarry and B. O'Leary, 'Five Fallacies: Northern Ireland and the Liabilities of Liberalism', Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol.18, No.4 (1995), pp.837-61.
41. Dixon (1996), op. cit., pp.130-41. See also the reply and the rejoinder in the same issue. McGarry and O'Leary's scepticism of materialism and emphasis on constitutional engineering is apparent in J. McGarry, 'Explaining Ethnonationalism: the Flaws in Western Thinking', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Vol.1, No.4 (1995), p.139: 'Correct explanations [of ethnonational conflict] require less focus on self-interest or class-consciousness and more appreciation of the importance of ethnonational bonds in peoples lives. Conflict resolution requires less attention to prescriptions based on standard liberal or socialist models - like integration, economic growth, or individual equality - and more study of methods of conflict resolution which recognize the resilience and legitimacy of ethnonationalism.' See also J. McGarry and B. O'Leary, 'Five Fallacies: Northern Ireland and the Liabilities of Liberalism', Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol.18, No.4 (1995), pp.837-61.
42. Dixon (1996), op. cit., pp.130-41. See also the reply and the rejoinder in the same issue. McGarry and O'Leary's scepticism of materialism and emphasis on constitutional engineering is apparent in J. McGarry, 'Explaining Ethnonationalism: the Flaws in Western Thinking', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Vol.1, No.4 (1995), p.139: 'Correct explanations [of ethnonational conflict] require less focus on self-interest or class-consciousness and more appreciation of the importance of ethnonational bonds in peoples lives. Conflict resolution requires less attention to prescriptions based on standard liberal or socialist models - like integration, economic growth, or individual equality - and more study of methods of conflict resolution which recognize the resilience and legitimacy of ethnonationalism.' See also J. McGarry and B. O'Leary, 'Five Fallacies: Northern Ireland and the Liabilities of Liberalism', Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol.18, No.4 (1995), pp.837-61.
43. Quoted in McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.326.
44. Lijphart, Democracy, p.233.
45. A. Lijphart, 'Political Theories and the Explanation of Ethnic Conflict in the Western World', in M.J. Esman, Ethnic Confllict in the Western World (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), p.61.
46. M.P.C.M. van Schendelen, 'The Views of Arend Lijphart and Collected Criticisms', Acta Politica, Vol.19 (1984), p.32. He points out that polyarchy, which Lijphart adopts as his conception of democracy, is incompatible with consociation since in polyarchy, competition between elites is essential.
47. Lijphart, Democracy, p.137.
48. Lijphart, Democracy, p.35.
49. Cadogan Group, Blurred Vision: Joint Authority and the Northern Ireland Problem (Belfast: Cadogan Group, 1994), p.8.
50. Ibid., p.11.
51. M. Ignatieff, 'On Civil Society', Foreign Affairs (March/April 1995), p.135.
52. M. Kaldor, 'The New Nationalism in Europe', in P. Bennis and M. Moushabeck (eds.), Altered States: A Reader in the New World Order (New York: Olive Branch Press, 1995), p.151. See also Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota, 1994), p.47.
53. M. Kaldor, 'The New Nationalism in Europe', in P. Bennis and M. Moushabeck (eds.), Altered States: A Reader in the New World Order (New York: Olive Branch Press, 1995), p.151. See also Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota, 1994), p.47.
54. E. Gellner, 'Ethnicity and Faith in Eastern Europe', Daedalus, Vol.119, No.1 (1995), p.294.
55. Recent advocates of the 'civil society' approach would wish to draw a distinction between their post-1989 approach and that of pre-1989. However, I think there is sufficient similarity of approach and common assumptions between the 'moderates' of the early seventies and the 'civil society' approach of the late eighties and nineties to classify them both under the 'civil society'/bottom-up label.
56. Also Guardian columnist Martin Kettle, 'Give Northern Ireland the Nelson [Mandela] Touch and the People's Voice', The Guardian, 13 July 1996. K. Boyle and T. Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London: Penguin, 1994) also appear to favour this civil society approach.
57. Also Guardian columnist Martin Kettle, 'Give Northern Ireland the Nelson [Mandela] Touch and the People's Voice', The Guardian, 13 July 1996. K. Boyle and T. Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London: Penguin, 1994) also appear to favour this civil society approach.
58. Robin Wilson, 'Get Up, Stand Up', Fortnight, No.293, March 1991.
59. Robin Wilson, 'Ten steps to Reconstituting Politics', Democratic Dialogue, Report 3, Belfast (1996), p.61; see also p.64 where Wilson calls for the 'reinvigoration of politics through the influx of new voices from civil society ...'.
60. Robin Wilson, 'Ten steps to Reconstituting Politics', Democratic Dialogue, Report 3, Belfast (1996), p.61; see also p.64 where Wilson calls for the 'reinvigoration of politics through the influx of new voices from civil society ...'.
61. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.220; they also cite the Newfoundland example where the people were mobilized through a referendum to decide that region's constitutional future, pp.221-3.
62. See C. Knox, 'Emerging Consociationalism: prospects for power sharing in Northern Ireland', Ulster Papers in Public Policy and Management, University of Ulster, No.40, Jan. 1995, pp.7-8, 25-6.
63. 'Speak Out', Newsheet, No.2, Oct. 1992.
64. For example, Democratic Dialogue Report 3, p.63; also Dialogue Newsletter 3, Oct. 1996, p.4.
65. For example, Democratic Dialogue Report 3, p.63; also Dialogue Newsletter 3, Oct. 1996, p.4.
66. Wilson, 'Get Up, Stand Up'. Wilson, 'Ten Steps to Reconstituting Politics', p.60 writes: 'As to ... popular attitudes, it is widely recognised that opinion polls in Northern Ireland show more support for 'progressive' politics - endorsing power-sharing, a bill of rights, parity of esteem, etc. - than is evident from election outcome.'
67. Wilson, 'Get Up, Stand Up'. Wilson, 'Ten Steps to Reconstituting Politics', p.60 writes: 'As to ... popular attitudes, it is widely recognised that opinion polls in Northern Ireland show more support for 'progressive' politics - endorsing power-sharing, a bill of rights, parity of esteem, etc. - than is evident from election outcome.'
68. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.114.
69. Democratic Dialogue, Report 3, pp.6 and 43.
70. McGarry and O'Leary 'Five Fallacies', op. cit., p.241. Ironically Lijphart in his 1975 article also seems to imply that Northern Ireland was burdened by the poor quality of its political leadership - a view McGarry and O'Leary are sceptical of. In 1975 the Constitutional Convention was circulated with papers from the British Government informing politicians of how other societies were structured to cope with their divisions. See R. Wilson, 'Asking the Right Question', Democratic Dialogue, No.3, pp.51-2 for criticism of Northern Ireland's poor quality political elite.
71. McGarry and O'Leary 'Five Fallacies', op. cit., p.241. Ironically Lijphart in his 1975 article also seems to imply that Northern Ireland was burdened by the poor quality of its political leadership - a view McGarry and O'Leary are sceptical of. In 1975 the Constitutional Convention was circulated with papers from the British Government informing politicians of how other societies were structured to cope with their divisions. See R. Wilson, 'Asking the Right Question', Democratic Dialogue, No.3, pp.51-2 for criticism of Northern Ireland's poor quality political elite.
72. A. Giddens, 'The New Context of Politics', Democratic Dialogue, No.1 (1995), p.13.
73. Ibid., p.61. See Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, pp.221-3 on Newfoundland.
74. Ibid., p.61. See Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, pp.221-3 on Newfoundland.
75. L. Silber and A. Little, The Death of Yugoslavia (London: Penguin, 1996).
76. D. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley, CA and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), pp.140-41.
77. H. Fraser and M. Fitzduff, Improving Community Relations (Belfast: Community Relations Council, 1986), p.20.
78. M. Fitzduff, Practising Conflict Resolution in Divided Societies: Northern Ireland - A Case Study (Belfast: Community Relations Commission, 1992), p.4, quoted in D. Bloomfield, 'Towards Complementarity in Conflict Management: Resolution and Settlement in Northern Ireland', Journal of Peace Research. Vol.32, No.2 (1995), p.159.
79. M. Fitzduff, Practising Conflict Resolution in Divided Societies: Northern Ireland - A Case Study (Belfast: Community Relations Commission, 1992), p.4, quoted in D. Bloomfield, 'Towards Complementarity in Conflict Management: Resolution and Settlement in Northern Ireland', Journal of Peace Research. Vol.32, No.2 (1995), p.159.
80. In the South Africa case, at any rate, Horowitz maintained that '... fundamental political change cannot come out of a bottom-up strategy.' D.L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985).
81. M. Hewstone and R. Brown (eds.), Contact and Conflict in Intergroup Encounters (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986).
82. H. Frazer and M. Fitzduff, Improving Community Relations (Belfast: Community Relations Commission Pamphlets, 1995), No.3, p.9.
83. R. Wilford, 'Inverting Consociationalism', in B. Hadfield (ed.), Northern Ireland: Politics and the Constitution (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1994), p.38. Nordlinger (1971), p. 107 makes a similar point.
84. R. Wilford, 'Inverting Consociationalism', in B. Hadfield (ed.), Northern Ireland: Politics and the Constitution (Buckingham: Open University Press, 1994), p.38. Nordlinger (1971), p. 107 makes a similar point.
85. R. Wilford, 'Changing Politics, Changing Cultures', Parliamentary Brief (Oct. 1994), p.38.
86. McGarry and O'Leary, 'Five Fallacies', p.191.
87. Democratic Dialogue, Report 3, p.53.
88. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.113. See their Chapter 6 on structures for sharing.
89. S. Smooha and T. Hanf note: 'The underlying principle is that the deep divisions and disputes cannot be eliminated and hence should be taken as givens.' 'The Diverse Modes of Conflict-Regulation in Deeply Divided Societies', International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Vol.33, Nos. 1-2 (1992), p.32.
90. P. O'Malley, 'Northern Ireland - A Manageable Conflict', Irish Review, No.15 (Spring 1994).
91. O'Malley, ibid., pp.26-7.
92. Ibid., p.27.
93. A. Pollak (ed.), A Citizens' Inquiry: The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1993), p.27.
94. B. O'Leary and J. McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism (London: Athlone Press, 1993), pp.302-3. See Rupert Taylor's excellent critique of Lijphart, 'A Consociational Path to Peace in Northern Ireland and South Africa?', in A. Guelke (ed.), New Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict (Aldershot: Avebury, 1994). He argues in favour of extending democracy and challenging ethnicity, p.170.
95. B. O'Leary and J. McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism (London: Athlone Press, 1993), pp.302-3. See Rupert Taylor's excellent critique of Lijphart, 'A Consociational Path to Peace in Northern Ireland and South Africa?', in A. Guelke (ed.), New Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict (Aldershot: Avebury, 1994). He argues in favour of extending democracy and challenging ethnicity, p.170.
96. See, for example, G. Delanty, 'Northern Ireland in a Europe of Regions', Political Quarterly, Vol. 67, No.2 (April-June 1996).
97. Rob Fairmichael, 'The Peace People Experience', Dawn Train, No.5 (1987), p.4.
98. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.65.
99. See P. Dixon, 'Internationalization and Unionist Isolation', Political Sutdies, Vol.43, No.3 (Sept. 1995).
100. McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, p.323.
101. M. Kaldor, 'The New Nationalism', p.151.
102. See the latest proposals of Robin Wilson, Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996).
103. Fairmichael, 'The Peace People', p.5.
104. Democratic Dialogue, No.1 (1995), p.44.
105. John Morison, 'Waiting for the Big Fix', Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), p.17.
106. Ibid., p.18.
107. A preferendum is an 'indicative referendum'; people are permitted to list various constitutional options in order of preference. See the interesting discussion in Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, pp.223-6. Preferenda might be a way of involving the population in the settlement of the conflict and allowing politicians to see how far they can compromise on a constitutional settlement.
108. Ibid., p.21. There must be strong doubts as to whether Morison's vision is democratic. As Professor Elizabeth Meehan writes: 'In one sense, the direct relationships between groups in civil society and departments or quangos mean Northern Ireland is a better example than Britain of participatory democracy - as is suggested by John Morison's contribution to this volume. But questions are asked about the representativeness of voluntary groups and there is some disquiet that lines of accountability seem obscure or absent.' Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), p.34.
109. Ibid., p.21. There must be strong doubts as to whether Morison's vision is democratic. As Professor Elizabeth Meehan writes: 'In one sense, the direct relationships between groups in civil society and departments or quangos mean Northern Ireland is a better example than Britain of participatory democracy - as is suggested by John Morison's contribution to this volume. But questions are asked about the representativeness of voluntary groups and there is some disquiet that lines of accountability seem obscure or absent.' Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), p.34.
110. For example, see Robert Fine, 'Civil Society Theory and the Politics of Transition in South Africa', Review of African Political Economy, No.55 (1992), pp.71-83. There is also debate in Britain over the future of parties and anti-partyism, see A. Lipow and P. Seyd, The Politics of Anti-Partyism', Parliamentary Affairs, Vol.49, No.2 (1996), pp.273-84.
111. For example, see Robert Fine, 'Civil Society Theory and the Politics of Transition in South Africa', Review of African Political Economy, No.55 (1992), pp.71-83. There is also debate in Britain over the future of parties and anti-partyism, see A. Lipow and P. Seyd, The Politics of Anti-Partyism', Parliamentary Affairs, Vol.49, No.2 (1996), pp.273-84.
112. Ibid., p.274.
113. Ibid., p.283.
114. The Democratic Dialogue management committee is heavily public sector oriented, it is composed of four academics, three community workers, a probation officer, a trade unionist, a museum curator and a solicitor who was previously chief legal officer of the Equal Opportunities Commission.
115. See, for example. Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), pp.65-6.
116. E. Kiss, 'Democracy without Parties?', Dissent (Spring 1992), p.226.
117. See John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp.4-5, 82.
118. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', op. cit., p.104; see McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, Ch.10.
119. A. Lijphart, 'The Northern Ireland Problem', op. cit., p.104; see McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining, Ch.10.
120. This, of course, is a crude generalization. Robin Wilson has drawn on comparative research to inform his view of Northern Ireland.
121. S. Dunn, Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan), p.6.
122. Ibid., pp.6-7.
123. Morison, 'Waiting for the Big Fix', p.9.
124. Walker Connor, 'Ethnonationalism and Political Instability', in H. Giliomee and J. Gagiano (eds.), The Elusive Search for Peace (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p.29.
125. A.D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), p.40.
126. B. Barry, 'The Consociational Model and its Dangers', in B. Barry, Democracy and Power: Essays in Political Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p.138.
127. Dixon, op. cit., pp.497-505.
128. Ibid.
129. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.116.
130. Ibid., pp.35, 38.
131. A Pappalardo, 'The Conditions for Consociational Democracy: A Logical and Empirical Critique', European Journal of Political Research, No.9 (1981), p.384.
132. They cite R. Rose, Governing Without Consensus (London: Faber & Faber, 1971) which was based on a survey carried out in 1968.
133. See John Whyte, Interpreting for a sceptical discussion of the importance of educational reform. More recently Seamus Dunn has written of educational reform that it is '... rarely thought of as enough in itself, or as being other than a long-term strategy with effects that will become obvious in future generations'. Dunn, Facets (London: Macmillan, 1995), p.12.
134. See John Whyte, Interpreting for a sceptical discussion of the importance of educational reform. More recently Seamus Dunn has written of educational reform that it is '... rarely thought of as enough in itself, or as being other than a long-term strategy with effects that will become obvious in future generations'. Dunn, Facets (London: Macmillan, 1995), p.12.
135. R. Rose, Governing Without Consensus (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1972), p.308.
136. Nordlinger, op. cit., p.109.
137. D. Massey and N. Denton, American Apartheid (Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).
138. J. A. Schellenberg, 'Area Variations of Violence in Northern Ireland', Sociological Focus, Vol.10 (1977), pp.69-78.
139. M.A. Poole, 'The Spatial Distribution of Political Violence in Northern Ireland: an Update to 1993', in A. O'Day, Terrorism's Laboratory (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1995), p.42. Paul Hockenos has written: 'Interestingly, studies show that the New Right parties' constituencies, however, were neither primarily the socially dispossessed or those who lived in areas with high concentrations of foreign nationals ... Nor did they vote for racist parties because their neighbours were African. Most came into little or no contact with the peoples against whom they directed their wrath.' 'Uncivil Society: The Return of the European Right', in Altered States, op. cit., p. 154.
140. M.A. Poole, 'The Spatial Distribution of Political Violence in Northern Ireland: an Update to 1993', in A. O'Day, Terrorism's Laboratory (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1995), p.42. Paul Hockenos has written: 'Interestingly, studies show that the New Right parties' constituencies, however, were neither primarily the socially dispossessed or those who lived in areas with high concentrations of foreign nationals ... Nor did they vote for racist parties because their neighbours were African. Most came into little or no contact with the peoples against whom they directed their wrath.' 'Uncivil Society: The Return of the European Right', in Altered States, op. cit., p. 154.
141. J. Darby, 'Controls of Conflict', L'Irlande: Politique et Sociale, Vol.1, No.1 (Winter 1985), p.83.
142. Ibid., p.84.
143. J. Darby, Intimidation and the Control of Conflict in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1986), p.29.
144. Darby (1985), p.86.
145. Knox (1995).
146. See, for example, The Independent, 30 Aug. 1996; Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), pp.49-50; Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.157.
147. See, for example, The Independent, 30 Aug. 1996; Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), pp.49-50; Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.157.
148. See, for example, The Independent, 30 Aug. 1996; Democratic Dialogue, No.3 (1996), pp.49-50; Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland, p.157.