Another side to rural Zimbabwe: Social constructs and the administration of farm workers in Urungwe District, 1940s

Journal of Southern African Studies

Volumn 23, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 107-126

  Rutherford, Blair ^a  

^a MCGILL UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK; COMMERICAL AGRICULTURE; FARM WORKERS; HISTORICAL BACKGROUND; POWER RELATIONS;

ZIMBABWE, URUNGWE DISTRICT;

EID: 0030669249     PISSN: 03057070     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03057079708708525     Document Type: Article

References (160)

1. Government of Zimbabwe, Second Five Year National Development Plan 1991-1995 (Harare, 1991), p. 27.
2. Ibid., p. 99.
3. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
4. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
5. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
6. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
7. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
8. The reliance on this modern/traditional dichotomy since 1980 is evident in various studies, though with different emphases and intended effects. Some texts stress the need to 'commercialise' the traditional Communal Lands and any resettlement farms; see, for example, the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry (Harare, 1982) and B. H. Kinsey, 'Emerging Policy Issues in Zimbabwe's Land Resettlement Programmes', Development Policy Review, 1 (1983), pp. 163-196. Other authors articulate the need to allow the African peasantry to develop according to their own logic of family production in the Communal Lands and on resettlement farms - for example, T. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe (London, 1985), and D. Weiner, S. Moyo, S. Munslow and P. O'Keefe, 'Land Use and Agricultural Productivity in Zimbabwe', Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2 (1985), pp. 251-285. Others note how more 'commercial' processes have been emerging in the 'traditional' areas. See D. Weiner, 'Land and Agricultural Development', in C. Stoneman (ed), Zimbabwe 's Prospects (London, 1988), pp. 63-89; and J. Adams, 'The Rural Labour Market in Zimbabwe', Development ana Change, 22 (1991), pp. 297-320.
9. See K. Muir, M. Blackie, B. Kinsey and M. de Swardt, 'The Employment Effects of the 1980 Price and Wage Policy in Zimbabwe Maize and Tobacco Industries', African Affairs, 81, 322 (1982), pp. 71-85.
10. See L. Sachikonye, 'Structural Adjustment, State and Organised Labour in Zimbabwe', in P. Gibbon (ed), Social Change and Economic Reform in Africa (Uppsala, 1993), pp. 244-269.
11. See S. Moyo, 'The Land Question - Which Way Forward?', Southern African Political Economy Monthly, 7 (1993), pp. 37-41, and R. Loewenson, Modern Plantation Agriculture (London, 1992), pp. 129-130.
12. See S. Moyo, 'The Land Question - Which Way Forward?', Southern African Political Economy Monthly, 7 (1993), pp. 37-41, and R. Loewenson, Modern Plantation Agriculture (London, 1992), pp. 129-130.
13. See J. Herbst, State Politics in Zimbabwe (Harare, 1990), pp. 178-192.
14. See, for example, L. Manicom, 'Ruling Relations: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 441-465; J. Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine (Cambridge, 1990); T. Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988).
15. See, for example, L. Manicom, 'Ruling Relations: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 441-465; J. Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine (Cambridge, 1990); T. Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988).
16. See, for example, L. Manicom, 'Ruling Relations: Rethinking State and Gender in South African History', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 441-465; J. Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine (Cambridge, 1990); T. Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt (Cambridge, 1988).
17. Shortly after independence, 'Urungwe' District was changed to 'Hurungwe', its old district capital 'Miami' to 'Mwami', 'Lomagundi' District to 'Makonde' District, and its district capital 'Sinoia' to 'Chinhoyi'. I will use the appropriate spellings for the time period I am discussing.
18. See, for example, C. Black, The Legend of Lomagundi (Salisbury, 1976); J. D. White, 'History and Customs of Urungwe District', NADA, 10 (1971;, pp. 33-73. In pre-colonial days African farmers living on the Urungwe Plateau engaged in various forms of mercantile trade (largely copper, ivory and gold) with Swahili, Portuguese, Munhumutapa and Changamire traders: B. Fagan et al., iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969); C. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko, 'Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 1 (1977), pp. 1-30; D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), pp. 48-49.
19. See, for example, C. Black, The Legend of Lomagundi (Salisbury, 1976); J. D. White, 'History and Customs of Urungwe District', NADA, 10 (1971;, pp. 33-73. In pre-colonial days African farmers living on the Urungwe Plateau engaged in various forms of mercantile trade (largely copper, ivory and gold) with Swahili, Portuguese, Munhumutapa and Changamire traders: B. Fagan et al., iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969); C. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko, 'Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 1 (1977), pp. 1-30; D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), pp. 48-49.
20. See, for example, C. Black, The Legend of Lomagundi (Salisbury, 1976); J. D. White, 'History and Customs of Urungwe District', NADA, 10 (1971;, pp. 33-73. In pre-colonial days African farmers living on the Urungwe Plateau engaged in various forms of mercantile trade (largely copper, ivory and gold) with Swahili, Portuguese, Munhumutapa and Changamire traders: B. Fagan et al., iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969); C. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko, 'Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 1 (1977), pp. 1-30; D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), pp. 48-49.
21. See, for example, C. Black, The Legend of Lomagundi (Salisbury, 1976); J. D. White, 'History and Customs of Urungwe District', NADA, 10 (1971;, pp. 33-73. In pre-colonial days African farmers living on the Urungwe Plateau engaged in various forms of mercantile trade (largely copper, ivory and gold) with Swahili, Portuguese, Munhumutapa and Changamire traders: B. Fagan et al., iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969); C. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko, 'Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 1 (1977), pp. 1-30; D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), pp. 48-49.
22. See, for example, C. Black, The Legend of Lomagundi (Salisbury, 1976); J. D. White, 'History and Customs of Urungwe District', NADA, 10 (1971;, pp. 33-73. In pre-colonial days African farmers living on the Urungwe Plateau engaged in various forms of mercantile trade (largely copper, ivory and gold) with Swahili, Portuguese, Munhumutapa and Changamire traders: B. Fagan et al., iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969); C. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko, 'Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 1 (1977), pp. 1-30; D. N. Beach, The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), pp. 48-49.
23. National Archives of Zimbabwe (hereafter NAZ), S212, Report of the Unsurveyed Land NNW of Sinoia, between proposed Urungwe Native Reserve and Angwa River, 29 June 1914. See also R. Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia (London, 1977), p. 259.
24. National Archives of Zimbabwe (hereafter NAZ), S212, Report of the Unsurveyed Land NNW of Sinoia, between proposed Urungwe Native Reserve and Angwa River, 29 June 1914. See also R. Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia (London, 1977), p. 259.
25. See, for example, warnings about sending post-World War Two white settlers to 'unhealthy areas' in NAZ, S955/100, Memo sent to Food Production Committee, 14 August 1943. For a discussion of European farmers and farm workers in pre-war Lomagundi District, see Steven C. Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat: Agricultural Wage Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1904-1945' (unpublished PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1990).
26. This latter area consisted of the Zambesi Valley, which was the colony's northern and western boundary with Northern Rhodesia, and the area around the Sanyati River which formed the sub-district's southern boundary with Sebungwe (Gokwe) District. NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC, Urungwe, 1944.
27. 'State planners' as contemporary observers proclaimed 'are in some way our modern colonizers and developers'. See C. Thompson and H. Woodruff, Economic Development in Rhodesia and Nyasaland (London, 1954), pp. 34-35. See also D. J. Murray, The Governmental System in Southern Rhodesia (Oxford, 1970); G. Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia (The Hague, 1967).
28. 'State planners' as contemporary observers proclaimed 'are in some way our modern colonizers and developers'. See C. Thompson and H. Woodruff, Economic Development in Rhodesia and Nyasaland (London, 1954), pp. 34-35. See also D. J. Murray, The Governmental System in Southern Rhodesia (Oxford, 1970); G. Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia (The Hague, 1967).
29. 'State planners' as contemporary observers proclaimed 'are in some way our modern colonizers and developers'. See C. Thompson and H. Woodruff, Economic Development in Rhodesia and Nyasaland (London, 1954), pp. 34-35. See also D. J. Murray, The Governmental System in Southern Rhodesia (Oxford, 1970); G. Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia (The Hague, 1967).
30. See, for example, Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine', F. Cooper, 'From Free Labor to Family Allowances: Labor and African Society in Colonial Discourse', American Ethnologist, 16, 4 (1989), pp. 745-765; and A. Escobar, Encountering Development (Princeton, 1995).
31. See, for example, Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine', F. Cooper, 'From Free Labor to Family Allowances: Labor and African Society in Colonial Discourse', American Ethnologist, 16, 4 (1989), pp. 745-765; and A. Escobar, Encountering Development (Princeton, 1995).
32. See, for example, Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine', F. Cooper, 'From Free Labor to Family Allowances: Labor and African Society in Colonial Discourse', American Ethnologist, 16, 4 (1989), pp. 745-765; and A. Escobar, Encountering Development (Princeton, 1995).
33. For a recent examination of this convergence of anthropological authority and colonial development policies from the 1940s onwards, see E. Worby, 'Maps, Names and Ethnic Games: The Epistemology and Iconography of Colonial Power in Northwestern Zimbabwe', Journal of Southern African Studies, 20, 3 (1995), pp. 371-392.
34. For example, Palmer, Land and Racial Domination; H. Moyana, The Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1984); and Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia.
35. For example, Palmer, Land and Racial Domination; H. Moyana, The Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1984); and Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia.
36. For example, Palmer, Land and Racial Domination; H. Moyana, The Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1984); and Arrighi, The Political Economy of Rhodesia.
37. W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservation and Ideas about Development: a Southern African Exploration', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83; I. Phimister, 'Discourse and the Discipline of Historical Context: Conservationism and Ideas about Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1930-1950', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986), pp. 263-275; Ranger, Peasant Consciousness; M. Drinkwater, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe 's Communal Areas (New York, 1991); S. Page, and H. Page, 'Western Hegemony over African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia and its Continuing Threat to Food Security in Independent Zimbabwe', Agriculture and Human Values, 8, 4 (1991), pp. 3-18.
38. W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservation and Ideas about Development: a Southern African Exploration', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83; I. Phimister, 'Discourse and the Discipline of Historical Context: Conservationism and Ideas about Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1930-1950', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986), pp. 263-275; Ranger, Peasant Consciousness; M. Drinkwater, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe 's Communal Areas (New York, 1991); S. Page, and H. Page, 'Western Hegemony over African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia and its Continuing Threat to Food Security in Independent Zimbabwe', Agriculture and Human Values, 8, 4 (1991), pp. 3-18.
39. W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservation and Ideas about Development: a Southern African Exploration', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83; I. Phimister, 'Discourse and the Discipline of Historical Context: Conservationism and Ideas about Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1930-1950', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986), pp. 263-275; Ranger, Peasant Consciousness; M. Drinkwater, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe 's Communal Areas (New York, 1991); S. Page, and H. Page, 'Western Hegemony over African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia and its Continuing Threat to Food Security in Independent Zimbabwe', Agriculture and Human Values, 8, 4 (1991), pp. 3-18.
40. W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservation and Ideas about Development: a Southern African Exploration', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83; I. Phimister, 'Discourse and the Discipline of Historical Context: Conservationism and Ideas about Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1930-1950', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986), pp. 263-275; Ranger, Peasant Consciousness; M. Drinkwater, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe 's Communal Areas (New York, 1991); S. Page, and H. Page, 'Western Hegemony over African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia and its Continuing Threat to Food Security in Independent Zimbabwe', Agriculture and Human Values, 8, 4 (1991), pp. 3-18.
41. W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservation and Ideas about Development: a Southern African Exploration', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83; I. Phimister, 'Discourse and the Discipline of Historical Context: Conservationism and Ideas about Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1930-1950', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986), pp. 263-275; Ranger, Peasant Consciousness; M. Drinkwater, The State and Agrarian Change in Zimbabwe 's Communal Areas (New York, 1991); S. Page, and H. Page, 'Western Hegemony over African Agriculture in Southern Rhodesia and its Continuing Threat to Food Security in Independent Zimbabwe', Agriculture and Human Values, 8, 4 (1991), pp. 3-18.
42. See T. Scarnecchia, 'The Politics of Class and Gender in the Formation of African Communities in Salisbury, Rhodesia, 1937-1957' (unpublished PhD thesis. University of Michigan, 1994); B. Raftopoulos, 'Nationalism and Labour in Salisbury 1953-1965'. Journal of Southern African Studies, 21, 1 (1995), pp. 79-93.
43. See T. Scarnecchia, 'The Politics of Class and Gender in the Formation of African Communities in Salisbury, Rhodesia, 1937-1957' (unpublished PhD thesis. University of Michigan, 1994); B. Raftopoulos, 'Nationalism and Labour in Salisbury 1953-1965'. Journal of Southern African Studies, 21, 1 (1995), pp. 79-93.
44. For a discussion of the official identity of the (male) peasant, see E. Worby, 'Remaking Labour. Reshaping Identity. Cotton, Commoditization and the Culture of Modernity in Northwestern Zimbabwe' (unpublished PhD thesis, McGill University, 1992). For a discussion of an official identity of 'African women living in native reserves', see S. Ranchod-Nilsson, ' "Educating Eve": The Women's Club Movement and Political Consciousness among Rural African Women in Southern Rhodesia, 1950-1980'. in K. Tranberg Hansen (ed), African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, NJ, 1992), pp. 195-217.
45. For a discussion of the official identity of the (male) peasant, see E. Worby, 'Remaking Labour. Reshaping Identity. Cotton, Commoditization and the Culture of Modernity in Northwestern Zimbabwe' (unpublished PhD thesis, McGill University, 1992). For a discussion of an official identity of 'African women living in native reserves', see S. Ranchod-Nilsson, ' "Educating Eve": The Women's Club Movement and Political Consciousness among Rural African Women in Southern Rhodesia, 1950-1980'. in K. Tranberg Hansen (ed), African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, NJ, 1992), pp. 195-217.
46. NAZ, S520, Survey of Native Policy in Southern Rhodesia, 1950.
47. How various African groups and leaders used such structures and political categories differed depending on the context. In some areas these plans may have had little impact, in others Africans employed them in ways that resisted, subverted, or reinforced the power and discourse of this development-oriented administration. See, for example, Phimister, 'Rethinking the Reserves' and Ranchod-Nilsson, 'Educating Eve'. For an examination of some African reactions to new forms of urban administration in this period, see T. Barnes, ' "So That a Labourer Could Live with his Family": Overlooked Factors in Social and Economic Strife in Urban Colonial Zimbabwe, 1945-1952', Journal of Southern African Studies, 21, 1 (1995), pp. 95-113; Scarnecchia, The Politics of Class and Gender'.
48. How various African groups and leaders used such structures and political categories differed depending on the context. In some areas these plans may have had little impact, in others Africans employed them in ways that resisted, subverted, or reinforced the power and discourse of this development-oriented administration. See, for example, Phimister, 'Rethinking the Reserves' and Ranchod-Nilsson, 'Educating Eve'. For an examination of some African reactions to new forms of urban administration in this period, see T. Barnes, ' "So That a Labourer Could Live with his Family": Overlooked Factors in Social and Economic Strife in Urban Colonial Zimbabwe, 1945-1952', Journal of Southern African Studies, 21, 1 (1995), pp. 95-113; Scarnecchia, The Politics of Class and Gender'.
49. See, for example, Ranchod-Nilsson, ' "Educating Eve""'; H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research and Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1924-1950 (Salisbury, 1975), pp. 203ff. Fora good discussion of some of the township organisations in this period, see P. Kaarsholm, 'Si Ye Pambili - Which Way Forward? Urban Development, Culture and Politics in Bulawayo'. Journal of Southern African Studies 21, 2 (1995), pp. 225-245.
50. See, for example, Ranchod-Nilsson, ' "Educating Eve""'; H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research and Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1924-1950 (Salisbury, 1975), pp. 203ff. Fora good discussion of some of the township organisations in this period, see P. Kaarsholm, 'Si Ye Pambili - Which Way Forward? Urban Development, Culture and Politics in Bulawayo'. Journal of Southern African Studies 21, 2 (1995), pp. 225-245.
51. See, for example, Ranchod-Nilsson, ' "Educating Eve""'; H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research and Development in Southern Rhodesia, 1924-1950 (Salisbury, 1975), pp. 203ff. Fora good discussion of some of the township organisations in this period, see P. Kaarsholm, 'Si Ye Pambili - Which Way Forward? Urban Development, Culture and Politics in Bulawayo'. Journal of Southern African Studies 21, 2 (1995), pp. 225-245.
52. This was a favourite tradition for British colonial officials in central Africa who 'transformed problems of [African] politics into problems of administration', K. Fields, Revival and Rebellion in Colonial Central Africa (Princeton, 1985), p. 280.
53. NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC, Urungwe, 1947.
54. See, for example, the complaints of the ANC, Urungwe that the 'natives' are uninterested in improving themselves in NAZ, S1563, Annual Reports, ANC, Urungwe, 1944, 1948.
55. There was a scheme for 'Coloured' ex-servicemen with fewer benefits and only 14 took advantage of it. Weinmann, Agricultural Research, p. 192.
56. NAZ, S1194/190/28/1, Crown Land Proposed for utilisation for Post War Settlement, Memo from Under Secretary, Department of Lands to Secretary, Department of Agriculture and Lands, 4 January 1944.
57. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1945, 1950. In 1950, Urungwe was the district with the highest concentration of the 496 ex-servicemen settled in the colony. H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research, p. 192. The distribution of these farms rested with the Land Settlement Board, an advisory body to the Minister of Agriculture and Lands set up in 1944 to govern the settlement of Crown Lands. In 1947, the Land Settlement Board allowed Crown Land to be alienated to civilians for the first time in three years. It reserved the Crown Land farms in Urungwe for ex-servicemen until 1950. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1947, 1950.
58. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1945, 1950. In 1950, Urungwe was the district with the highest concentration of the 496 ex-servicemen settled in the colony. H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research, p. 192. The distribution of these farms rested with the Land Settlement Board, an advisory body to the Minister of Agriculture and Lands set up in 1944 to govern the settlement of Crown Lands. In 1947, the Land Settlement Board allowed Crown Land to be alienated to civilians for the first time in three years. It reserved the Crown Land farms in Urungwe for ex-servicemen until 1950. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1947, 1950.
59. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1945, 1950. In 1950, Urungwe was the district with the highest concentration of the 496 ex-servicemen settled in the colony. H. Weinmann, Agricultural Research, p. 192. The distribution of these farms rested with the Land Settlement Board, an advisory body to the Minister of Agriculture and Lands set up in 1944 to govern the settlement of Crown Lands. In 1947, the Land Settlement Board allowed Crown Land to be alienated to civilians for the first time in three years. It reserved the Crown Land farms in Urungwe for ex-servicemen until 1950. NAZ, S/AG 065, Report of the Land Settlement Board, 1947, 1950.
60. Most of the cattle were bought by the Cold Storage Commission from African farmers living in tsetse-free areas close to the 'K' Block, although the Secretary of Agriculture did not want to advertise their origins. NAZ, S2496/1949/28, Letter from Secretary of Agriculture to NRB Chairman, 17 November 1944.
61. Between 1945/6 and 1953/4, the government gave £12 million to the ministries involved in European agriculture compared to £2 million to the NAD section involved with African agriculture. H. Dunlop, Development of European Agriculture (Salisbury, 1971), p. 59.
62. NAZ, S990, Memorandum on the Position of European Farmers in the Colony by Chairman of the Natural Resources Board, 21 December 1942.
63. For instance, the government began to favour European maize producers over tobacco farmers in the distribution of agricultural inputs. H. W. Roberts, 'The Development of the Southern Rhodesia Tobacco Industry', South African Journal of Economics, 19, 2 (1951), p. 184.
64. In order to 'facilitate the switch-over from mining the soil to conservation farming or good husbandry,' the Secretary of Agriculture and Lands wrote regarding white farmers, 'it will be necessary, so far as possible, to make good farming as lucrative as soil exploitation'. NAZ, S955/298. On Conservation Payments, Sec. of Agriculture and Lands to Chairman of NRB, 14 November 1944. For examples of some of the subsidies given to white farmers, see NAZ, S955/233, Progress Reports of Food Production Committees, 1942-1949.
65. In order to 'facilitate the switch-over from mining the soil to conservation farming or good husbandry,' the Secretary of Agriculture and Lands wrote regarding white farmers, 'it will be necessary, so far as possible, to make good farming as lucrative as soil exploitation'. NAZ, S955/298. On Conservation Payments, Sec. of Agriculture and Lands to Chairman of NRB, 14 November 1944. For examples of some of the subsidies given to white farmers, see NAZ, S955/233, Progress Reports of Food Production Committees, 1942-1949.
66. NAZ, S1217/2. Points from Reports, NRB; emphasis in original.
67. The best treatment of this development which was crystallizing during this period is Murray, The Governmental System.
68. See NAZ, S992/2, Karoi Road Council, 1949; Black, Legend of Lomagundi, p. 30; NAZ, S1194/190/28/2, Settlement of Discharged Servicemen on the Land, Scheme No. 1 (as amended), 1949.
69. See NAZ, S992/2, Karoi Road Council, 1949; Black, Legend of Lomagundi, p. 30; NAZ, S1194/190/28/2, Settlement of Discharged Servicemen on the Land, Scheme No. 1 (as amended), 1949.
70. See NAZ, S992/2, Karoi Road Council, 1949; Black, Legend of Lomagundi, p. 30; NAZ, S1194/190/28/2, Settlement of Discharged Servicemen on the Land, Scheme No. 1 (as amended), 1949.
71. The RNFU was established in 1942 by uniting various regional white farming groups that had previously competed with each other during the 1920s and 1930s. Its role in the administration system came largely from its legislated compulsory membership, the personal ties between RNFU members and government ministers and bureaucrats, and its representation of the important figure of 'the European farmer' of settler discourses. See C. Leys, European Politics in Southern Rhodesia (Oxford, 1959); Murray, The Governmental System.
72. The RNFU was established in 1942 by uniting various regional white farming groups that had previously competed with each other during the 1920s and 1930s. Its role in the administration system came largely from its legislated compulsory membership, the personal ties between RNFU members and government ministers and bureaucrats, and its representation of the important figure of 'the European farmer' of settler discourses. See C. Leys, European Politics in Southern Rhodesia (Oxford, 1959); Murray, The Governmental System.
73. ICAs were formed upon agreement of the majority of farmers in a local area and were under the aegis of the NRB. Their main purposes were to monitor the conservation practices of farmers in their areas and to distribute government subsidies for constructing conservation works and recruiting labour gangs. In 1944, there were two ICAs. By 1950, there were 72. Weinmann, Agricultural Research, p. 146.
74. The farmer paid half to two-thirds of the costs and the government picked up the remaining expenses for the ICA's mechanical unit to dig out dams (as well as loaning some farmers their proportion of the costs). NAZ, 1090/1/3, Karoi Watershed Scheme, 1950.
75. For example, NAZ, S1051, Annual Report, ANC, Urungwe, 1945.
76. In terms of the facilitation of migrant labour, see P. Scott, 'Migrant Labour in Southern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 44 (1954), pp. 29-48; Rubelt, 'You Have Taken My Sweat'. With regard to the forced labour recruitment during the war, see D. Johnson, 'Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936-1946', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111-128; K. Vickery, 'The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23, 3 (1989), pp. 423-437. For insight into the formation of the RNLSC (its precursor closed down in the early 1930s) see NAZ, Sl 215/1060/16, Report on Conference to discuss the Formation of a Native Labour Organization, 22 February 1944.
77. In terms of the facilitation of migrant labour, see P. Scott, 'Migrant Labour in Southern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 44 (1954), pp. 29-48; Rubelt, 'You Have Taken My Sweat'. With regard to the forced labour recruitment during the war, see D. Johnson, 'Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936-1946', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111-128; K. Vickery, 'The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23, 3 (1989), pp. 423-437. For insight into the formation of the RNLSC (its precursor closed down in the early 1930s) see NAZ, Sl 215/1060/16, Report on Conference to discuss the Formation of a Native Labour Organization, 22 February 1944.
78. In terms of the facilitation of migrant labour, see P. Scott, 'Migrant Labour in Southern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 44 (1954), pp. 29-48; Rubelt, 'You Have Taken My Sweat'. With regard to the forced labour recruitment during the war, see D. Johnson, 'Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936-1946', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111-128; K. Vickery, 'The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23, 3 (1989), pp. 423-437. For insight into the formation of the RNLSC (its precursor closed down in the early 1930s) see NAZ, Sl 215/1060/16, Report on Conference to discuss the Formation of a Native Labour Organization, 22 February 1944.
79. In terms of the facilitation of migrant labour, see P. Scott, 'Migrant Labour in Southern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 44 (1954), pp. 29-48; Rubelt, 'You Have Taken My Sweat'. With regard to the forced labour recruitment during the war, see D. Johnson, 'Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936-1946', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111-128; K. Vickery, 'The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23, 3 (1989), pp. 423-437. For insight into the formation of the RNLSC (its precursor closed down in the early 1930s) see NAZ, Sl 215/1060/16, Report on Conference to discuss the Formation of a Native Labour Organization, 22 February 1944.
80. In terms of the facilitation of migrant labour, see P. Scott, 'Migrant Labour in Southern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 44 (1954), pp. 29-48; Rubelt, 'You Have Taken My Sweat'. With regard to the forced labour recruitment during the war, see D. Johnson, 'Settler Farmers and Coerced African Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1936-1946', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 111-128; K. Vickery, 'The Second World War Revival of Forced Labor in the Rhodesias', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 23, 3 (1989), pp. 423-437. For insight into the formation of the RNLSC (its precursor closed down in the early 1930s) see NAZ, Sl 215/1060/16, Report on Conference to discuss the Formation of a Native Labour Organization, 22 February 1944.
81. The few 'A's, the 'good physique' workers, mostly went to the coal mines while the lower paid 'D's, the 'poor physique' workers, tended to be placed with farmers. NAZ, S957/2, Circular 10 to all ICA Committees, 1 December 1951.
82. For some farmers' views of the precursor to the RNLSC, see Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 34.
83. After the war, private recruiters were banned as the RNLSC became the monopoly recruiter of foreign workers.
84. 1947, Annual Report, ANC, Urungwe. S1563.
85. See D. Kirkwood, 'The Suitable Wife: Preparation for Marriage in London and Rhodesia/Zimbabwe', in H. Callan and S. Ardener (eds), The Incorporated Wife (London, 1984), pp. 106-119.
86. There were some farms operated by widowed white women and there was a Land Settlement Scheme for European ex-servicewomen, but it only provided loans to purchase farms on the open market and only two women benefited from it. See NAZ, S1194/190/28/2, Settlement of Discharged Servicewomen on the land, Scheme No. 3, 1949. For discussion of 'incorporated wives,' see H. Callan, 'Introduction', in Callan and Ardener (eds), The Incorporated Wife, pp. 1-26.
87. There were some farms operated by widowed white women and there was a Land Settlement Scheme for European ex-servicewomen, but it only provided loans to purchase farms on the open market and only two women benefited from it. See NAZ, S1194/190/28/2, Settlement of Discharged Servicewomen on the land, Scheme No. 3, 1949. For discussion of 'incorporated wives,' see H. Callan, 'Introduction', in Callan and Ardener (eds), The Incorporated Wife, pp. 1-26.
88. D. Kirkwood, 'Settler Wives in Southern Rhodesia: A Case Study'. in Callan and Ardener (eds), The Incorporated Wife, p. 151. See also F. Clements and E. Harben, Leaf of Gold (London, 1962), pp. 147ff.
89. D. Kirkwood, 'Settler Wives in Southern Rhodesia: A Case Study'. in Callan and Ardener (eds), The Incorporated Wife, p. 151. See also F. Clements and E. Harben, Leaf of Gold (London, 1962), pp. 147ff.
90. All references are to Southern Rhodesia, 'Post-War Land Settlement in Southern Rhodesia', Rhodesian Agriculture Journal, 41, 2 (1944), pp. 87-97.
91. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. In 1938, there were only 350 Africans employed in the sub-district, most of whom were employed at the mica mines. With the post-war decline of the international market for mica and the increase of farmers and labour recruitment in the north and within Urungwe District, by 1948 employment increased to 5,000 Africans on farms compared to 1,500 on mines. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. See also NAZ, S1563, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1948.
92. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. In 1938, there were only 350 Africans employed in the sub-district, most of whom were employed at the mica mines. With the post-war decline of the international market for mica and the increase of farmers and labour recruitment in the north and within Urungwe District, by 1948 employment increased to 5,000 Africans on farms compared to 1,500 on mines. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. See also NAZ, S1563, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1948.
93. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. In 1938, there were only 350 Africans employed in the sub-district, most of whom were employed at the mica mines. With the post-war decline of the international market for mica and the increase of farmers and labour recruitment in the north and within Urungwe District, by 1948 employment increased to 5,000 Africans on farms compared to 1,500 on mines. NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945. See also NAZ, S1563, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1948.
94. See, Murray, The Governmental System. An internal history of the emerging bureaucratic system can be found in NAZ, S28243/5/2, Native Labour Advisory Board Meeting, February 20-21, 1952.
95. See, Murray, The Governmental System. An internal history of the emerging bureaucratic system can be found in NAZ, S28243/5/2, Native Labour Advisory Board Meeting, February 20-21, 1952.
96. NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, NC Lomagundi, 1940.
97. NAZ, S955/182, Memorandum prepared by the Land Settlement Board on Beneficial Occupation of a Holding, 28 July 1948.
98. Dunlop, Development of European Agriculture, p. 61; Thompson and Woodruff, Economic Development, pp. 64-65. This figure excludes the 69,943 African men living under 'labour agreements', a form of labour tenancy, with European farmers in 1946. NAZ, S2806/4396, Labour Agreements Memo from Secretary of Native Affairs, 1948.
99. Dunlop, Development of European Agriculture, p. 61; Thompson and Woodruff, Economic Development, pp. 64-65. This figure excludes the 69,943 African men living under 'labour agreements', a form of labour tenancy, with European farmers in 1946. NAZ, S2806/4396, Labour Agreements Memo from Secretary of Native Affairs, 1948.
100. Dunlop, Development of European Agriculture, p. 61; Thompson and Woodruff, Economic Development, pp. 64-65. This figure excludes the 69,943 African men living under 'labour agreements', a form of labour tenancy, with European farmers in 1946. NAZ, S2806/4396, Labour Agreements Memo from Secretary of Native Affairs, 1948.
101. NAZ, S2384/16, Verbatim Report of CNC to NRB over Soil Conservation at Chiduku Reserve, 20 January 1943.
102. NAZ, S520, Survey of Native Policy in Southern Rhodesia, Internal Memorandum, 1950.
103. NAZ, S2824/5/1, Native Labour Advisory Board meeting, 14 January 1947. See also Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 331.
104. NAZ, S2824/5/1, Native Labour Advisory Board meeting, 14 January 1947. See also Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 331.
105. See A. Du Toit, 'The Micro-Politics of Paternalism: the Discourses of Management and Resistance on South African Fruit and Wine Farms', Journal of Southern African Studies, 19, 2 (1993), pp. 314-336.
106. Masters and Servants Act, chap. 247, Revised Statutes of Rhodesia, 1974.
107. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 25 April 1993. All respondents will remain anonymous for privacy reasons. The taped interviews are currently in the possession of the author. All interviews with workers are translated by Rinse Nyamuda.
108. NAZ, S/RH 28, Report of Chairman of Labour Committee, RNFU, 1957.
109. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 3 January 1993.
110. This meant that the worker had to do thirty days of work. A ticket usually took thirty-five to forty-five days to complete. For a useful discussion of the ticket system on Southern Rhodesian farms, see Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 210f.
111. NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC, Urungwe, 1946.
112. The figure of £26 comes from G. Arrighi, 'Labor Supplies in Historical Perspective: A Study of the Proletarianization of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia,' in G. Arrighi and J. Saul (eds), Essays on the Political Economy of Africa (New York, 1973), p. 215. My estimate for the annual earnings is high since a fanner might force a worker to take significantly more than thirty work days to complete a ticket on the pretext that the day's work was not done satisfactorily. See Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 210; comments in NAZ, S4822/166/14/48, Report of Labour Officer, Salisbury District, January, 1949.
113. The figure of £26 comes from G. Arrighi, 'Labor Supplies in Historical Perspective: A Study of the Proletarianization of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia,' in G. Arrighi and J. Saul (eds), Essays on the Political Economy of Africa (New York, 1973), p. 215. My estimate for the annual earnings is high since a fanner might force a worker to take significantly more than thirty work days to complete a ticket on the pretext that the day's work was not done satisfactorily. See Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 210; comments in NAZ, S4822/166/14/48, Report of Labour Officer, Salisbury District, January, 1949.
114. The figure of £26 comes from G. Arrighi, 'Labor Supplies in Historical Perspective: A Study of the Proletarianization of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia,' in G. Arrighi and J. Saul (eds), Essays on the Political Economy of Africa (New York, 1973), p. 215. My estimate for the annual earnings is high since a fanner might force a worker to take significantly more than thirty work days to complete a ticket on the pretext that the day's work was not done satisfactorily. See Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', p. 210; comments in NAZ, S4822/166/14/48, Report of Labour Officer, Salisbury District, January, 1949.
115. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 3 January 1993. Other workers pointed out that farmers delayed paying their workers for longer than two months.
116. NAZ, S2111/40/128, European Farm, Acton, K. 114 (K.152), 28 January 1954.
117. NAZ, S2827/2/2/2, Annual Report, NC, Urungwe, 1952.
118. NAZ, S2827/2/2/1, Annual Report, NC Urungwe, 1951. In 1947, one Karoi farmer was owed £300 by his workers. NAZ. S2824/5/2, Meeting of Native Labour Advisory Board, 27 September 1949; NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC Urungwe, 1947.
119. NAZ, S2827/2/2/1, Annual Report, NC Urungwe, 1951. In 1947, one Karoi farmer was owed £300 by his workers. NAZ. S2824/5/2, Meeting of Native Labour Advisory Board, 27 September 1949; NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC Urungwe, 1947.
120. NAZ, S2827/2/2/1, Annual Report, NC Urungwe, 1951. In 1947, one Karoi farmer was owed £300 by his workers. NAZ. S2824/5/2, Meeting of Native Labour Advisory Board, 27 September 1949; NAZ, S1563, Annual Report, ANC Urungwe, 1947.
121. In 1953. wages on three Urungwe farmers for women workers were 1/- a day or 30/- a ticket and ranged for children workers between 6/- to 30/- a ticket compared to the range for male workers of 40/- to 62/6 a ticket. NAZ, S2104/2, Monthly Report of Labour Officer for Salisbury West, June 1953. See also B. Grier, 'Invisible Hands: The Political Economy of Child Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-1930', Journal of Southern African Studies, 20, 1 (1994), pp. 27-52.
122. In 1953. wages on three Urungwe farmers for women workers were 1/- a day or 30/- a ticket and ranged for children workers between 6/- to 30/- a ticket compared to the range for male workers of 40/- to 62/6 a ticket. NAZ, S2104/2, Monthly Report of Labour Officer for Salisbury West, June 1953. See also B. Grier, 'Invisible Hands: The Political Economy of Child Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890-1930', Journal of Southern African Studies, 20, 1 (1994), pp. 27-52.
123. Interview with retired woman farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 22 April 1993.
124. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 25 April 1993. The real average wage (in 1980 Z$ per month) for farm workers in 1992 was 34.4, compared to 38.0 in 1980. ILO, Structural Change and Adjustment in Zimbabwe (Geneva, 1993), p. 58.
125. NAZ, S2417/3, Monthly Report of the Department of Labour, Sept. 1959. Doma is another post-war white settlement site, just east of Urungwe District in Lomagundi.
126. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 2 March 1993.
127. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 25 April 1993.
128. Interview with retired woman farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 22 April 1993.
129. As Doris Lessing described a white farm manager hitting workers in one of her short stories, 'it was as if he were cuffing his own children in a fit of anger'. When his white employer arrived during the event reproached him for slapping the workers, the manager recoiled since he assumed 'as a white man, with his employer not there, it was right that he should take the command'. In 'The Second Hut', in This Was the Old Chiefs Country (London, 1994 [1951]), pp. 59-60.
130. NAZ, S2417/3, Monthly Report, Department of Labour, February 1960.
131. NAZ, S2417/3, Monthly Report, Department of Labour, September 1959. See also Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', pp. 217ff. which has a number of examples of white farmers using violence as a form of instilling a proper 'work discipline' in their farm workers in the first half of this century.
132. NAZ, S2417/3, Monthly Report, Department of Labour, September 1959. See also Rubert, 'You Have Taken My Sweat', pp. 217ff. which has a number of examples of white farmers using violence as a form of instilling a proper 'work discipline' in their farm workers in the first half of this century.
133. W. E. Haviland, 'The Use and Efficiency of African Labour in Tobacco Farming in Southern Rhodesia', Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science. 20 (1954), p. 105.
134. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 10 January 1993.
135. Interview with retired woman farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 22 April 1993.
136. Interview with retired foreman of a Hurungwe commercial farm, Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1993. See also NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945; NAZ, S2827/2/2/6, Annual Report, Native Commissioner (NC), Urungwe, 1958.
137. Interview with retired foreman of a Hurungwe commercial farm, Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1993. See also NAZ, S1051, ANC, Urungwe, Annual Report, 1945; NAZ, S2827/2/2/6, Annual Report, Native Commissioner (NC), Urungwe, 1958.
138. Taped interview with retired foreman of a Karoi North farm. Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1993.
139. Taped interview with Communal Land male farmer. Mukwichi Communal Land, 30 March 1993.
140. Interview with retired foreman of a Hurungwe commercial farm, Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1991. 'Ngosi' was an Nguni term commonly used during the colonial period by NCs to describe themselves.
141. On the farm, laws were of the murungu [white farmer], the owner of the farm. He was the one who was telling the foreman that want that here. I want that there'. I was seeing that the murungu was the one who was giving people laws on his farm'. Interview with male farm worker. Mukwichi Communal Land, 2 March 1993.
142. Interview with retired foreman of a Hurungwe commercial farm, Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1993.
143. Ibid.
144. Interview with male farm worker. Mukwichi Communal Land, 1 March 1993.
145. Interview with woman farm worker. Karoi North commercial farm, 22 April 1993.
146. For a closer examination of the role of boss-boys and foremen in domestic government see B. Rutherford, ' "Traditions" of Domesticity in 'Modern' Zimbabwean Politics: Race, Gender, and Class in the Government of Commercial Farm Workers in Hurungwe District' (unpublished PhD thesis, McGill University, 1996).
147. For more discussion of women farm workers and the relations between them and men in the reserves, see E. Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives (London, 1992); D. Jeater, Marriage, Perversion, and Power (Oxford, 1993).
148. For more discussion of women farm workers and the relations between them and men in the reserves, see E. Schmidt, Peasants, Traders, and Wives (London, 1992); D. Jeater, Marriage, Perversion, and Power (Oxford, 1993).
149. Interview with male farm worker, Hurungwe commercial farm, 25 April 1993; Interview with woman farm worker. Hurungwe commercial farm, 22 April 1993.
150. See, for example, M. F. C. Bourdillon, 'Korekore Labour Migrants', Zambezia, 5, 1 (1979), pp. 1-29. Some foreign-born male farm workers were able to get land in Urungwe reserves. For a discussion of this process, see Rutherford, ' "Traditions" of Domesticity', p. 508ff.
151. See, for example, M. F. C. Bourdillon, 'Korekore Labour Migrants', Zambezia, 5, 1 (1979), pp. 1-29. Some foreign-born male farm workers were able to get land in Urungwe reserves. For a discussion of this process, see Rutherford, ' "Traditions" of Domesticity', p. 508ff.
152. Interview with woman farm worker. Hurungwe commercial farm. 22 April 1993. For examples of labour walk-outs on Urungwe farms, see NAZ, S2827/2/2/3, Annual Report. NC, Urungwe, 1955; NAZ, S2827/2/2/5, Annual Report, NC, Urungwe, 1957.
153. Interview with woman farm worker. Hurungwe commercial farm. 22 April 1993. For examples of labour walk-outs on Urungwe farms, see NAZ, S2827/2/2/3,
154. Interview with retired foreman of a Hurungwe commercial farm, Mukwichi Communal Land, 12 April 1993.
155. See D. G. Clarke, Agricultural and Plantation Workers in Rhodesia (Gwelo, 1977). The agricultural industry was brought under the Industrial Conciliation Act in 1979.
156. Loewenson, Modern Plantation, pp. 129-130. See also the strong arguments made in D. E. Amanor-Wilks et at., In Search of Hope for Zimbabwe's Farm Workers (Harare, 1995).
157. Loewenson, Modern Plantation, pp. 129-130. See also the strong arguments made in D. E. Amanor-Wilks et at., In Search of Hope for Zimbabwe's Farm Workers (Harare, 1995).
158. Du Toit, The Micro-Politics of Paternalism', p. 317.
159. Sunday Mail, 22 November, 1992.
160. 3 February, 1988, Zimbabwe Parliamentary Debates, Col. 2710.