Species, rules and meaning: The politics of language and the ends of definitions in 19th century natural history

Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A

Volumn 27, Issue 4, 1996, Pages 473-519

  McOuat, Gordon R ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF KING S COLLEGE   (Canada)

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EID: 0030529276     PISSN: 00393681     EISSN: 18792510     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1016/0039-3681(95)00060-7     Document Type: Article

References (298)

1. 1 'The history of natural history was dominated by the question of species', G. Canguilhem, Idéologie et rationalité dans l'histoire des sciences de la vie, 2nd edn (Paris: Vrin, 1981), p. 129. See, for example, E. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), and E. Nordenskiöld, The History of Biology (reprinted New York: Tudor, 1946). For a recent example, see A. C. Crombie, Styles of Scientific Thinking (London: Duckworth, 1994), Chap. 16.
2. 1 'The history of natural history was dominated by the question of species', G. Canguilhem, Idéologie et rationalité dans l'histoire des sciences de la vie, 2nd edn (Paris: Vrin, 1981), p. 129. See, for example, E. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), and E. Nordenskiöld, The History of Biology (reprinted New York: Tudor, 1946). For a recent example, see A. C. Crombie, Styles of Scientific Thinking (London: Duckworth, 1994), Chap. 16.
3. 1 'The history of natural history was dominated by the question of species', G. Canguilhem, Idéologie et rationalité dans l'histoire des sciences de la vie, 2nd edn (Paris: Vrin, 1981), p. 129. See, for example, E. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), and E. Nordenskiöld, The History of Biology (reprinted New York: Tudor, 1946). For a recent example, see A. C. Crombie, Styles of Scientific Thinking (London: Duckworth, 1994), Chap. 16.
4. 1 'The history of natural history was dominated by the question of species', G. Canguilhem, Idéologie et rationalité dans l'histoire des sciences de la vie, 2nd edn (Paris: Vrin, 1981), p. 129. See, for example, E. Mayr, The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), and E. Nordenskiöld, The History of Biology (reprinted New York: Tudor, 1946). For a recent example, see A. C. Crombie, Styles of Scientific Thinking (London: Duckworth, 1994), Chap. 16.
5. 2 T. Dobzhansky, 'A Critique of the Species Concept in Biology,' Philosophy of Science 2 (1935), 244-255; T. Dobzhansky, 'What is a Species?', Scientia 61 (1937), 280-286; E. Mayr, 'Species Concepts and Definitions', in E. Mayr (ed.), The Species Problem (Washington, DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1957), pp. 1-22.
6. 2 T. Dobzhansky, 'A Critique of the Species Concept in Biology,' Philosophy of Science 2 (1935), 244-255; T. Dobzhansky, 'What is a Species?', Scientia 61 (1937), 280-286; E. Mayr, 'Species Concepts and Definitions', in E. Mayr (ed.), The Species Problem (Washington, DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1957), pp. 1-22.
7. 2 T. Dobzhansky, 'A Critique of the Species Concept in Biology,' Philosophy of Science 2 (1935), 244-255; T. Dobzhansky, 'What is a Species?', Scientia 61 (1937), 280-286; E. Mayr, 'Species Concepts and Definitions', in E. Mayr (ed.), The Species Problem (Washington, DC: American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1957), pp. 1-22.
8. 3 D. L. Hull, 'The Effect of Essentialism on Taxonomy: Two Thousand Years of Stasis', British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 15 (1965), 314-326, 16 (1966), 1-18.
9. 3 D. L. Hull, 'The Effect of Essentialism on Taxonomy: Two Thousand Years of Stasis', British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 15 (1965), 314-326, 16 (1966), 1-18.
10. 4 See some of the first uneasy steps in the move from stories about the late 19th century 'revolt from (the theoretical structure) of morphology', to the 'revolt from (the practices of) natural history', in G. Allen, Life Sciences in the Twentieth Century (New York: Wiley, 1975); especially after the criticisms found in the special issue of the Journal for the History of Biology 14 (1981).
11. 4 See some of the first uneasy steps in the move from stories about the late 19th century 'revolt from (the theoretical structure) of morphology', to the 'revolt from (the practices of) natural history', in G. Allen, Life Sciences in the Twentieth Century (New York: Wiley, 1975); especially after the criticisms found in the special issue of the Journal for the History of Biology 14 (1981).
12. 5 Species, more than any other unit in modern biology, are torn between factions - between population geneticists, ecologists, palaeontologists, morphologists, cladists and pheneticists. Each faction turns to history in search of the justification for its own species concept.
13. 6 C. Darwin, The Origin of Species (London: John Murray, 1859), p. 108. See also p. 485. Darwin's arch rival, Lewis Agassiz, first identified it in his review of the Origin in 1860: 'If species do not exist at all, as (Darwin) maintains, how can they vary ...', 'On the Origin of Species', American Journal of Science and Arts, 2nd ser. 30 (1860), 142-154, see p. 143. See also Louis Agassiz, Contributions to the Natural History of the United States of America, 4 vols (Boston: Little-Brown, 1860), Vol. 3, pp. 89-90, no. 1. The problem is repeatedly rehearsed by historians of biology. See John Beatty and Ernst Mayr, below.
14. 6 C. Darwin, The Origin of Species (London: John Murray, 1859), p. 108. See also p. 485. Darwin's arch rival, Lewis Agassiz, first identified it in his review of the Origin in 1860: 'If species do not exist at all, as (Darwin) maintains, how can they vary ...', 'On the Origin of Species', American Journal of Science and Arts, 2nd ser. 30 (1860), 142-154, see p. 143. See also Louis Agassiz, Contributions to the Natural History of the United States of America, 4 vols (Boston: Little-Brown, 1860), Vol. 3, pp. 89-90, no. 1. The problem is repeatedly rehearsed by historians of biology. See John Beatty and Ernst Mayr, below.
15. 6 C. Darwin, The Origin of Species (London: John Murray, 1859), p. 108. See also p. 485. Darwin's arch rival, Lewis Agassiz, first identified it in his review of the Origin in 1860: 'If species do not exist at all, as (Darwin) maintains, how can they vary ...', 'On the Origin of Species', American Journal of Science and Arts, 2nd ser. 30 (1860), 142-154, see p. 143. See also Louis Agassiz, Contributions to the Natural History of the United States of America, 4 vols (Boston: Little-Brown, 1860), Vol. 3, pp. 89-90, no. 1. The problem is repeatedly rehearsed by historians of biology. See John Beatty and Ernst Mayr, below.
16. 7 J. Beatty, 'What's in a Word? Coming to Terms in the Darwinian Revolution', in M. Ruse (ed.), Nature Animated (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1983), p. 79.
17. 8 Charles Darwin to T. H. Huxley, 8 August 1860. All Darwin correspondence is to be found in F. Burkhardt et al. (eds), The Correspondence of Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985-).
18. 9 H. Hawkins, 'The Species Problem', Nature 136 (1935), 574-575.
19. 10 See E. Mayr, Growth of Biological Thought (Harvard: Belknap Press, 1985).
20. 11 This rather 'whiggish' claim is endorsed by Frank Sulloway, 'Geographical Isolation in Darwin's Thinking: The Vicissitudes of a Crucial Idea', Studies in the History of Biology 3 (1979), 23-65; M. J. Kottler, 'Charles Darwin's Biological Species Concept and the Theory of Geographic Speciation: The Transmutation Notebooks', Annals of Science 35 (1978), 275-297; and E. Mayr, Growth, p. 266.
21. 11 This rather 'whiggish' claim is endorsed by Frank Sulloway, 'Geographical Isolation in Darwin's Thinking: The Vicissitudes of a Crucial Idea', Studies in the History of Biology 3 (1979), 23-65; M. J. Kottler, 'Charles Darwin's Biological Species Concept and the Theory of Geographic Speciation: The Transmutation Notebooks', Annals of Science 35 (1978), 275-297; and E. Mayr, Growth, p. 266.
22. 11 This rather 'whiggish' claim is endorsed by Frank Sulloway, 'Geographical Isolation in Darwin's Thinking: The Vicissitudes of a Crucial Idea', Studies in the History of Biology 3 (1979), 23-65; M. J. Kottler, 'Charles Darwin's Biological Species Concept and the Theory of Geographic Speciation: The Transmutation Notebooks', Annals of Science 35 (1978), 275-297; and E. Mayr, Growth, p. 266.
23. 12 Beatty, 'What's in a Word', p. 94.
24. 13 His thesis is expanded in John Beatty, 'Speaking of Species: Darwin's Strategy', in D. Kohn (ed.), The Darwinian Heritage (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 265-282.
25. 14 This comes close to the opinion of M. J. S. Hodge, 'Darwin, Species and the Theory of Natural Selection', in Histoire du concept d'espèce dans les sciences de la vie (Paris: Fondation Singer-Polignac, 1987), pp. 227-252.
26. 15 Indeed, science may proceed in spite of a myriad of definitions. This is one lesson that we have learned from I. Hacking, Representing and Intervening (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). We could have learned it much earlier if we had listened to Darwin's early mentor, W. Whewell, 'On the Use of Definitions', Philological Museum 2 (1833), 263-272, and Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (London: Parker, 1840), p. 370.
27. 15 Indeed, science may proceed in spite of a myriad of definitions. This is one lesson that we have learned from I. Hacking, Representing and Intervening (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). We could have learned it much earlier if we had listened to Darwin's early mentor, W. Whewell, 'On the Use of Definitions', Philological Museum 2 (1833), 263-272, and Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (London: Parker, 1840), p. 370.
28. 15 Indeed, science may proceed in spite of a myriad of definitions. This is one lesson that we have learned from I. Hacking, Representing and Intervening (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). We could have learned it much earlier if we had listened to Darwin's early mentor, W. Whewell, 'On the Use of Definitions', Philological Museum 2 (1833), 263-272, and Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (London: Parker, 1840), p. 370.
29. 16 The nomenclature rules have been recently and brilliantly put in to a wider social context in H. Ritvo, 'The Power of the Word, Scientific Nomenclature and the Spread of Empire', Victorian Newsletter 77 (1990), 5-8.
30. 17 I have found it more difficult than Desmond to discover 'transformationists' amongst the radicals. London Lamarckianism often meant a disposition towards that naturalist's classificatory schemes, which were not necessarily transformationist. This is also the opinion of John Topham, 'Radical Artisans, Religious Apologetics and Science in the 1830s', unpublished paper, Cambridge University. Nomina si pereunt, perit et cognitio rerum, says Linné. Names are the foundation of knowledge; and unless they have "a name" as well as a "local habitation" with us, the zoological treasures that we so highly prize might almost as well have been left to
31. 18 In part, I am indebted to Hilary Putnam's claims regarding the 'meaning of meaning': H. Putnam, 'Meaning and Reference', Journal of Philosophy 70 (1973), 699-711.
32. 19 W. Kirby, 'Introductory Address explanatory of the views of the Zoological Club delivered at its Foundation, November 29, 1823', Zoological Journal 2 (1826), 1-8, see p. 5. For a radical mercantilist, see Robert Grant's testimony regarding the exchange value of words in his presentation before the Select Parliamentary Committee into the Condition, Management and Affairs of the British Museum (London: House of Commons, 1836), §1503.
33. 19 W. Kirby, 'Introductory Address explanatory of the views of the Zoological Club delivered at its Foundation, November 29, 1823', Zoological Journal 2 (1826), 1-8, see p. 5. For a radical mercantilist, see Robert Grant's testimony regarding the exchange value of words in his presentation before the Select Parliamentary Committee into the Condition, Management and Affairs of the British Museum (London: House of Commons, 1836), §1503.
34. 20 Kirby, 'Introductory Address', p. 2.
35. 21 A. Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology in London 1822-1836', History of Science 23 (1985), 153-185, 223-250.
36. 22 Kirby got over his initial hesitation about taking up the presidency of any society 'that in any aspect is hostile to the Linnean'. W. Kirby to W. S. MacLeay, 30 July 1822. Correspondence relating to the formation of the Zoological Club, Linnean Society of London.
37. 23 W. Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences, 3 vols (London: John Parker & Son, 1837), especially Book XVI, Chap. IV, 'The Reform of Linnaeus'. One reason for their propensity towards Linneanism, hinted at by William Whewell, was that it was especially easy to remember for the British.
38. 24 Essay on Human Understanding III, xi.
39. 25 J. Bentham, Chrestomathia (London: Payne & Foss, 1817). Cf. also Locke's 18th and 19th century followers such as Condillac.
40. 26 C. Linnaeus, Species Plantarum 1 (1753), 82.
41. 27 See the detailed discussion in W. T. Stearn, 'An Introduction to the Species Plantarum and cognate botanical works of Carl Linnaeus', in C. Linnaeus, Species Plantarum, 1753 (London: Ray Society, 1957), pp. 1-176, especially p. 70.
42. 28 K. Linnaeus, Critica Botanica (Leyden: Conrad Wishoff, 1737), English translation: Sir Arthur Hort, The 'Critica Botanica' of Linnaeus (London: Ray Society, 1938), §240. Yet, Linnaeus' trivial names could be goddesses - butterflies were often divinities.
43. 28 K. Linnaeus, Critica Botanica (Leyden: Conrad Wishoff, 1737), English translation: Sir Arthur Hort, The 'Critica Botanica' of Linnaeus (London: Ray Society, 1938), §240. Yet, Linnaeus' trivial names could be goddesses - butterflies were often divinities.
44. 29 See T. Hobbes, Elements of Philosophy 1655, edited by J. E. Frederick Woodbridge (New York: Scribners, 1958), Chap. 2, 'On names'. For a different view of Hobbes, see I. Humberland, 'Introduction', in T. Hobbes, De corpore, trans. by A. Martinich (New York: Abaris Books, 1981).
45. 29 See T. Hobbes, Elements of Philosophy 1655, edited by J. E. Frederick Woodbridge (New York: Scribners, 1958), Chap. 2, 'On names'. For a different view of Hobbes, see I. Humberland, 'Introduction', in T. Hobbes, De corpore, trans. by A. Martinich (New York: Abaris Books, 1981).
46. 30 Piaget made it in J. Piaget, 'La Pensée Botanique', Introduction à l'Épistémologie Génétique 3 (1950), 14-15. See the discussion in J. L. Larson, Reason and Experience. The Natural Representation of Natural Order in the Work of Carl von Linné (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), especially Chap. V: 'On Nomenclature'. The followers of Buffon include Daubenton who made this charge in his article 'Botanique' written for the Encyclopédie. For the essential relationship between genus and species and the ensuing debate over species names, see Antonella La Vergatta, 'Au nom de l'espèce: classification et nomenclature au XIXe siècle', in S. Atran et al. (eds), Histoire du concept d'espèce dans les sciences de la vie (Paris: Fondation Singer-Polignac, 1987), pp. 192-225.
47. 30 Piaget made it in J. Piaget, 'La Pensée Botanique', Introduction à l'Épistémologie Génétique 3 (1950), 14-15. See the discussion in J. L. Larson, Reason and Experience. The Natural Representation of Natural Order in the Work of Carl von Linné (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), especially Chap. V: 'On Nomenclature'. The followers of Buffon include Daubenton who made this charge in his article 'Botanique' written for the Encyclopédie. For the essential relationship between genus and species and the ensuing debate over species names, see Antonella La Vergatta, 'Au nom de l'espèce: classification et nomenclature au XIXe siècle', in S. Atran et al. (eds), Histoire du concept d'espèce dans les sciences de la vie (Paris: Fondation Singer-Polignac, 1987), pp. 192-225.
48. 30 Piaget made it in J. Piaget, 'La Pensée Botanique', Introduction à l'Épistémologie Génétique 3 (1950), 14-15. See the discussion in J. L. Larson, Reason and Experience. The Natural Representation of Natural Order in the Work of Carl von Linné (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), especially Chap. V: 'On Nomenclature'. The followers of Buffon include Daubenton who made this charge in his article 'Botanique' written for the Encyclopédie. For the essential relationship between genus and species and the ensuing debate over species names, see Antonella La Vergatta, 'Au nom de l'espèce: classification et nomenclature au XIXe siècle', in S. Atran et al. (eds), Histoire du concept d'espèce dans les sciences de la vie (Paris: Fondation Singer-Polignac, 1987), pp. 192-225.
49. 31 For an interesting discussion of Linnaeus and essences, see S. Atran, Cognitive Foundations of Natural History: Towards an Anthropology of Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
50. 32 N. A. Vigors, 'Some Observations on the Nomenclature of Ornithology, Particularly with Reference to the Admission of New Genera', Zoological Journal 1 (1824), 180-200, see p. 184.
51. 33 J. O. Westwood, 'On the Nomenclature of Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 561-566, see p. 562.
52. 34 See Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology'.
53. 35 Vigors, 'Some observations,' p. 189.
54. 36 Vigors, although a graduate of Oxford and a member of the landed gentry, rebelled against his father and entered parliament as an 'advanced liberal' in 1832. See Gentleman's Magazine 2 (1840), 659.
55. 37 Vigors, 'Some observations', p. 195.
56. 38 Club minutes contain the full membership. See Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 180, no. 24, and Minutes of the Zoological Club of the Linnean Society, Linnean Society.
57. 39 For the radical political analogy which takes account of the progressive advancement towards the 'one true natural system', see J. Bentham, A Fragment on Government (1776), edited by J. H. Burns and H. L. A. Hart (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), especially the Preface on p. 5: 'The age we live in a busy age; in which knowledge is rapidly advancing towards perfection. In the natural world, in particular, every thing teems with discovery and with improvement. The most distant and recondite regions of the earth traversed and explored ...'
58. 40 (Adrian Haworth), 'A few Observations on the Natural Distribution of animated Nature. By a Fellow of the Linnean Society', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 200-202.
59. 41 A. Haworth, 'A New Binary Arrangement of the Brachyurous Crustacea', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 105-106, 183-184; 'A Binary Arrangement of the Class Amphibia', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 372-373; 'Observation on the Dichotomous Distribution of Animals: together with a Binary Arrangement of the Natural Order Saxifrageæ', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 428-430.
60. 41 A. Haworth, 'A New Binary Arrangement of the Brachyurous Crustacea', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 105-106, 183-184; 'A Binary Arrangement of the Class Amphibia', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 372-373; 'Observation on the Dichotomous Distribution of Animals: together with a Binary Arrangement of the Natural Order Saxifrageæ', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 428-430.
61. 41 A. Haworth, 'A New Binary Arrangement of the Brachyurous Crustacea', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 105-106, 183-184; 'A Binary Arrangement of the Class Amphibia', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 372-373; 'Observation on the Dichotomous Distribution of Animals: together with a Binary Arrangement of the Natural Order Saxifrageæ', Philosophical Magazine 65 (1825), 428-430.
62. 42 W. S. MacLeay, 'Remarks on the Identity of Certain General Laws Which Have Been Lately Observed to Regulate the Natural Distribution of Insects and Fungi', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 192-200, 255-262. See also his Horae Entomologicae (London, 1819). A full treatment of MacLeay's pivotal role in early 19th-century natural history has yet to be written. See also M. P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish and the Order of Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 81-87; D. Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory, Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 101-113; P. F. Rehbock, The Philosophical Naturalists: Themes in Early Nineteenth-Century British Biology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 26-30.
63. 42 W. S. MacLeay, 'Remarks on the Identity of Certain General Laws Which Have Been Lately Observed to Regulate the Natural Distribution of Insects and Fungi', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 192-200, 255-262. See also his Horae Entomologicae (London, 1819). A full treatment of MacLeay's pivotal role in early 19th-century natural history has yet to be written. See also M. P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish and the Order of Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 81-87; D. Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory, Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 101-113; P. F. Rehbock, The Philosophical Naturalists: Themes in Early Nineteenth-Century British Biology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 26-30.
64. 42 W. S. MacLeay, 'Remarks on the Identity of Certain General Laws Which Have Been Lately Observed to Regulate the Natural Distribution of Insects and Fungi', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 192-200, 255-262. See also his Horae Entomologicae (London, 1819). A full treatment of MacLeay's pivotal role in early 19th-century natural history has yet to be written. See also M. P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish and the Order of Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 81-87; D. Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory, Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 101-113; P. F. Rehbock, The Philosophical Naturalists: Themes in Early Nineteenth-Century British Biology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 26-30.
65. 42 W. S. MacLeay, 'Remarks on the Identity of Certain General Laws Which Have Been Lately Observed to Regulate the Natural Distribution of Insects and Fungi', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 192-200, 255-262. See also his Horae Entomologicae (London, 1819). A full treatment of MacLeay's pivotal role in early 19th-century natural history has yet to be written. See also M. P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish and the Order of Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 81-87; D. Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory, Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 101-113; P. F. Rehbock, The Philosophical Naturalists: Themes in Early Nineteenth-Century British Biology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 26-30.
66. 42 W. S. MacLeay, 'Remarks on the Identity of Certain General Laws Which Have Been Lately Observed to Regulate the Natural Distribution of Insects and Fungi', Philosophical Magazine 62 (1823), 192-200, 255-262. See also his Horae Entomologicae (London, 1819). A full treatment of MacLeay's pivotal role in early 19th-century natural history has yet to be written. See also M. P. Winsor, Starfish, Jellyfish and the Order of Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 81-87; D. Ospovat, The Development of Darwin's Theory, Natural History, Natural Theology and Natural Selection, 1838-1859 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 101-113; P. F. Rehbock, The Philosophical Naturalists: Themes in Early Nineteenth-Century British Biology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), pp. 26-30.
67. 43 See J. E. Bicheno, 'On Systems and Methods in Natural History', Transactions of the Linnean Society of London 15 (1826), 479-496.
68. 44 E.g. R. E. Grant, Essay on the Study of the Animal Kingdom (London: Taylor, 1829).
69. 45 MacLeay could be especially vicious. See W. S. MacLeay, 'On the Dying Struggle of the Dichotomous System', Philosophical Magazine 7 (1829) 431-445; 8 (1830), 52-57, 134-140, 200-207. This took the form of an open letter to N. A. Vigors, responding to John Fleming's defense of the dichotomous system in the Tory journal Quarterly Review, 'On Systems and Methods in Natural History, by J. E. Bicheno', Quarterly Review 41 (1829), 302-327. See also W. S. MacLeay, 'A Letter to J. E. Bicheno in Examination of his Paper "On Systems and Methods" in the Linnean Transactions', Zoological Journal 4 (1829), 401-415.
70. 45 MacLeay could be especially vicious. See W. S. MacLeay, 'On the Dying Struggle of the Dichotomous System', Philosophical Magazine 7 (1829) 431-445; 8 (1830), 52-57, 134-140, 200-207. This took the form of an open letter to N. A. Vigors, responding to John Fleming's defense of the dichotomous system in the Tory journal Quarterly Review, 'On Systems and Methods in Natural History, by J. E. Bicheno', Quarterly Review 41 (1829), 302-327. See also W. S. MacLeay, 'A Letter to J. E. Bicheno in Examination of his Paper "On Systems and Methods" in the Linnean Transactions', Zoological Journal 4 (1829), 401-415.
71. 45 MacLeay could be especially vicious. See W. S. MacLeay, 'On the Dying Struggle of the Dichotomous System', Philosophical Magazine 7 (1829) 431-445; 8 (1830), 52-57, 134-140, 200-207. This took the form of an open letter to N. A. Vigors, responding to John Fleming's defense of the dichotomous system in the Tory journal Quarterly Review, 'On Systems and Methods in Natural History, by J. E. Bicheno', Quarterly Review 41 (1829), 302-327. See also W. S. MacLeay, 'A Letter to J. E. Bicheno in Examination of his Paper "On Systems and Methods" in the Linnean Transactions', Zoological Journal 4 (1829), 401-415.
72. 45 MacLeay could be especially vicious. See W. S. MacLeay, 'On the Dying Struggle of the Dichotomous System', Philosophical Magazine 7 (1829) 431-445; 8 (1830), 52-57, 134-140, 200-207. This took the form of an open letter to N. A. Vigors, responding to John Fleming's defense of the dichotomous system in the Tory journal Quarterly Review, 'On Systems and Methods in Natural History, by J. E. Bicheno', Quarterly Review 41 (1829), 302-327. See also W. S. MacLeay, 'A Letter to J. E. Bicheno in Examination of his Paper "On Systems and Methods" in the Linnean Transactions', Zoological Journal 4 (1829), 401-415.
73. 46 Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 234.
74. 47 Robert Grant's testimony before the Select Committee of the House of Commons on the British Museum in 1836 was primarily preoccupied with reforming the nomenclature in the Museum. Select Report of the House of Commons on the Condition, Management and Affairs of the British Museum (1836), §1501ff. There is not a hint of transformationism in his statement. See my 'Cataloguing Power', forthcoming.
75. 48 The main 'declinist' manifesto was C. Babbage, The Decline of Science in England, and Some of Its Causes (London: B. Fellowes, 1830).
76. 49 Vigors, 'Some observations', p. 181. 'If we are to frightened by names, we must explore the fields of science no further, but tread over in dull repetition our old beaten path.' N. A. Vigors, 'Sketches in Ornithology: or Observations on the Leading Affinities of Some of the More Extensive Groups of Birds', Zoological Journal 2 (1826), 37-70, see p. 67.
77. 50 Vigors, 'Some observations,' p. 190.
78. 51 J. O. Westwood, 'On the Chalcididæ', Zoological Journal 4 (1829), 3-20.
79. 52 C. Darwin to J. Henslow, Oct. 30-31 (1836).
80. 53 Minutes of the Zoological Club, 28 April 1825. Linnean Society.
81. 54 Council Minutes, 15 January 1834. Entomological Society of London.
82. 55 Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 240. Westwood's victory parade is proclaimed in J. O. Westwood, 'On the Modern Nomenclature of Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 561-566.
83. 55 Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 240. Westwood's victory parade is proclaimed in J. O. Westwood, 'On the Modern Nomenclature of Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 561-566.
84. 56 Abstracts of Minutes of the Zoological Society relating to the Catalogue, in George Waterhouse Correspondence, British Museum (Natural History).
85. 57 For some idea of the new scientific forces thrown up in the provinces, see Ian Inkster and Jack Morrell, Metropolis and Province, Science in British Culture, 1780-1850 (London, Hutchinson, 1983).
86. 58 The population of Worcester in 1831 census was 21,997. See Penny Magazine 4 (25 August 1835), 326-328.
87. 39 The Owenites saw Worcester as an important place of recruitment. Robert Owen delivered two lectures to 3000-4000 persons from the balcony of the grandstand at Worcester race course on Thursday 16 May (1833). See Berrow's Worcester Journal, 16 February 1834, and the Owenite paper, The Crisis, 15 February 1834. In the chartist agitation of July 1839, Worcester was particularly affected, crowding over 220 prisoners, many from nearby Dudley, into its county jail. See J. Bentley, History, Gazetteer, Directory and Statistics of Worcestershire (Birmingham, Bull & Turner, 1840), Vol. VI.
88. 59 The Owenites saw Worcester as an important place of recruitment. Robert Owen delivered two lectures to 3000-4000 persons from the balcony of the grandstand at Worcester race course on Thursday 16 May (1833). See Berrow's Worcester Journal, 16 February 1834, and the Owenite paper, The Crisis, 15 February 1834. In the chartist agitation of July 1839, Worcester was particularly affected, crowding over 220 prisoners, many from nearby Dudley, into its county jail. See J. Bentley, History, Gazetteer, Directory and Statistics of Worcestershire (Birmingham, Bull & Turner, 1840), Vol. VI.
89. 60 J. Conolly, 'A Proposal to Establish County Natural History Societies for Ascertaining the Circumstances, in all Localities, Which are Productive of Disease or Conductive of Health', Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association 1 (1833), 180-218. Conolly's proposal was originally vetted at the Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. See also Charles Hastings, An Address Delivered to the Members of the Worcestershire Natural History Society on the Opening of the Worcester Museum, Sept. 1836 (London: Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, 1837). On the link between the Worcester Natural History Society and the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, see E. Muirhead Little, History of the British Medical Association 1832-1932 (London: British Medical Association, 1933), pp. 1-41; and W. H. McMenemy, The Life and Times of Sir Charles Hastings (Edinburgh: E&S Livingston, 1959).
90. 60 J. Conolly, 'A Proposal to Establish County Natural History Societies for Ascertaining the Circumstances, in all Localities, Which are Productive of Disease or Conductive of Health', Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association 1 (1833), 180-218. Conolly's proposal was originally vetted at the Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. See also Charles Hastings, An Address Delivered to the Members of the Worcestershire Natural History Society on the Opening of the Worcester Museum, Sept. 1836 (London: Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, 1837). On the link between the Worcester Natural History Society and the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, see E. Muirhead Little, History of the British Medical Association 1832-1932 (London: British Medical Association, 1933), pp. 1-41; and W. H. McMenemy, The Life and Times of Sir Charles Hastings (Edinburgh: E&S Livingston, 1959).
91. 60 J. Conolly, 'A Proposal to Establish County Natural History Societies for Ascertaining the Circumstances, in all Localities, Which are Productive of Disease or Conductive of Health', Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association 1 (1833), 180-218. Conolly's proposal was originally vetted at the Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. See also Charles Hastings, An Address Delivered to the Members of the Worcestershire Natural History Society on the Opening of the Worcester Museum, Sept. 1836 (London: Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, 1837). On the link between the Worcester Natural History Society and the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, see E. Muirhead Little, History of the British Medical Association 1832-1932 (London: British Medical Association, 1933), pp. 1-41; and W. H. McMenemy, The Life and Times of Sir Charles Hastings (Edinburgh: E&S Livingston, 1959).
92. 60 J. Conolly, 'A Proposal to Establish County Natural History Societies for Ascertaining the Circumstances, in all Localities, Which are Productive of Disease or Conductive of Health', Transactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association 1 (1833), 180-218. Conolly's proposal was originally vetted at the Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. See also Charles Hastings, An Address Delivered to the Members of the Worcestershire Natural History Society on the Opening of the Worcester Museum, Sept. 1836 (London: Sherwood, Gilbert & Piper, 1837). On the link between the Worcester Natural History Society and the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, see E. Muirhead Little, History of the British Medical Association 1832-1932 (London: British Medical Association, 1933), pp. 1-41; and W. H. McMenemy, The Life and Times of Sir Charles Hastings (Edinburgh: E&S Livingston, 1959).
93. 61 Or so they claimed. Of course, other towns had natural history societies and museums, some the direct progeny of local Lyceums or Mechanics' Institutes. Artisans of Manchester formed their own natural history society as early as 1829. See R. Detrosier, 'An Address delivered at the opening of the Banksian Society, Manchester on Monday 5 January 1829', The Lion 3 (23 January 1829), 103-112. The Worcester Natural History Society was founded in the middle of a period of industrial strife. Trade unions were first introduced into Worcester's glove manufacture in 1833-34, much against the hostility of the Manufacturer's Association. Berrow's Worcestershire Journal, 30 January 1834 and 6 February 1834.
94. 61 Or so they claimed. Of course, other towns had natural history societies and museums, some the direct progeny of local Lyceums or Mechanics' Institutes. Artisans of Manchester formed their own natural history society as early as 1829. See R. Detrosier, 'An Address delivered at the opening of the Banksian Society, Manchester on Monday 5 January 1829', The Lion 3 (23 January 1829), 103-112. The Worcester Natural History Society was founded in the middle of a period of industrial strife. Trade unions were first introduced into Worcester's glove manufacture in 1833-34, much against the hostility of the Manufacturer's Association. Berrow's Worcestershire Journal, 30 January 1834 and 6 February 1834.
95. 62 See J. Conolly, Report of the Commission of the Worcester Natural History Society, 2 July 1833 (Worcester, 1833).
96. 63 Berrow's Worcester Journal, Thursday 17 Oct. 1833. Its formation coincided with the massive strike by colliers in nearby Birmingham which threatened the deployment of the Worcester Yeomanry.
97. 64 Copy in the Hugh E. Strickland Papers, University Museum of Zoology, Cambridge University.
98. 65 Editor, Analyst 1 (1834), xiii-xiv.
99. 66 See J. H. Weiner, The War of the Unstamped. The Movement to Repeal the British Newspaper Tax, 1830-1836 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), I. Inkster, 'London Science and the Seditious Meetings Act of 1817', British Journal for the History of Science 12 (1979), 192-196. The founders of the Worcester Literary and Scientific Institute would set up a library for the industrious classes, but ruled that they should not be given 'works of imagination, such as novels, romances, plays, political pamphlets or controversial divinity'. Quoted in M. Hunslow Jones, The Lookers-Out of Worcestershire: A Memoir of Edwin Lees, Worcester Naturalist and the History of the First Hundred Years of the Worcester Naturalist Club (Birmingham: Worcester Naturalists Club, 1980), p. 15.
100. 66 See J. H. Weiner, The War of the Unstamped. The Movement to Repeal the British Newspaper Tax, 1830-1836 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), I. Inkster, 'London Science and the Seditious Meetings Act of 1817', British Journal for the History of Science 12 (1979), 192-196. The founders of the Worcester Literary and Scientific Institute would set up a library for the industrious classes, but ruled that they should not be given 'works of imagination, such as novels, romances, plays, political pamphlets or controversial divinity'. Quoted in M. Hunslow Jones, The Lookers-Out of Worcestershire: A Memoir of Edwin Lees, Worcester Naturalist and the History of the First Hundred Years of the Worcester Naturalist Club (Birmingham: Worcester Naturalists Club, 1980), p. 15.
101. 66 See J. H. Weiner, The War of the Unstamped. The Movement to Repeal the British Newspaper Tax, 1830-1836 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), I. Inkster, 'London Science and the Seditious Meetings Act of 1817', British Journal for the History of Science 12 (1979), 192-196. The founders of the Worcester Literary and Scientific Institute would set up a library for the industrious classes, but ruled that they should not be given 'works of imagination, such as novels, romances, plays, political pamphlets or controversial divinity'. Quoted in M. Hunslow Jones, The Lookers-Out of Worcestershire: A Memoir of Edwin Lees, Worcester Naturalist and the History of the First Hundred Years of the Worcester Naturalist Club (Birmingham: Worcester Naturalists Club, 1980), p. 15.
102. 67 For details, see C. W. Hatfield, Historical Notices of Doncaster (Doncaster: Brooke, White & Hatfield, 1868), pp. 331-334; I thank Martin Libert of the Doncaster Museum for this reference. One of the founders of the Worcester Natural History Society worried about the same thing happening in Worcester. E. Lees, 'Letter to the Editor on the Doncaster Lyceum', Naturalist 2 (1837), 366.
103. 67 For details, see C. W. Hatfield, Historical Notices of Doncaster (Doncaster: Brooke, White & Hatfield, 1868), pp. 331-334; I thank Martin Libert of the Doncaster Museum for this reference. One of the founders of the Worcester Natural History Society worried about the same thing happening in Worcester. E. Lees, 'Letter to the Editor on the Doncaster Lyceum', Naturalist 2 (1837), 366.
104. 68 For the different programs of the working-and middle-class radicals, see A. Briggs, 'The Background of the Parliamentary Reform Movement in Three English Cities (1830-2)', Cambridge Historical Journal 10 (1952), 312; 'The Language of "Class" in Early Nineteenth-Century England', in A. Briggs and J. Saville (eds), Essays in Labour History (London: Macmillan, 1960), pp. 43-73.
105. 68 For the different programs of the working-and middle-class radicals, see A. Briggs, 'The Background of the Parliamentary Reform Movement in Three English Cities (1830-2)', Cambridge Historical Journal 10 (1952), 312; 'The Language of "Class" in Early Nineteenth-Century England', in A. Briggs and J. Saville (eds), Essays in Labour History (London: Macmillan, 1960), pp. 43-73.
106. 69 J. Walsh, 'On the Progressive Development of Organic Life', Analyst 1 (1835), 367-370. See also R. J. M. Streeten, M.D., 'On the Progressive Development of the Vegetable Organization', Analyst 2 (1835), 287-300. Both these lectures were given at the Worcestershire Natural History Society in its first year. See Papers and Proceedings of the Worcester Natural History Society.
107. 69 J. Walsh, 'On the Progressive Development of Organic Life', Analyst 1 (1835), 367-370. See also R. J. M. Streeten, M.D., 'On the Progressive Development of the Vegetable Organization', Analyst 2 (1835), 287-300. Both these lectures were given at the Worcestershire Natural History Society in its first year. See Papers and Proceedings of the Worcester Natural History Society.
108. 69 J. Walsh, 'On the Progressive Development of Organic Life', Analyst 1 (1835), 367-370. See also R. J. M. Streeten, M.D., 'On the Progressive Development of the Vegetable Organization', Analyst 2 (1835), 287-300. Both these lectures were given at the Worcestershire Natural History Society in its first year. See Papers and Proceedings of the Worcester Natural History Society.
109. 70 J. E. Gray, 'Some Remarks on Museums of Natural History', Analyst 5 (1836), 273-280. The working class radical William Lovett had made the demand years before.
110. 71 Anonymous, 'Review of John Lindley, &c, &c Ladies Botany and Edwards's Botanical Register', Analyst 1 (1834), 139-141.
111. 72 At least one reformer, the indefatigable quinarian, Willian Swainson, would reject the use physiology and internal anatomy in his classification of animals. See W. Swainson, Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural History (London: Longman, Rees, Orm, 1834), especially Chap. II, 'On the Principles on Which Natural History, as a Branch of Physical Science, is to be Recognized', and Sections 113-114. (It is noteworthy that Swainson's reasoning runs like this: Mankind is demarcated into races by external peculiarities. The same goes for other animals. Therefore external characters are almost always preferable to those founded solely upon internal. (Section 113.) See also Senex below.
112. 73 For example, W. McKean won the prize essay in 1833 at the Glasgow Mechanics' Institute for his essay on 'Whether it would be more advantageous to society, if less of the time of the generality of young men were devoted to the study of dead languages, and more to the study of the laws of Nature, as developed in the sciences of Natural Philosophy and Chemistry'. Reported in the Phrenological Journal 8 (1834), 569-571.
113. 74 One reviewer calls him the 'acute, but too bitterly "sarcastic Senex"'. Anonymous, 'Review of Gould's Birds of Europe', Analyst 3 (1835), 265-279.
114. 75 These were the favourite targets of earlier, metropolitan, nomenclature reformers. Temminck had already come under vigorous attack in Vigors, 'Some observations', p. 192ff, while Fleming received a vicious rebuke in W. MacLeay, 'On the Dying Struggle of the Dichotomous System'. Fleming was allowed but a brief reply by the editors in 'Note on Mr MacLeay's Abuse of the Dichotomous Method in Natural History', Philosophical Magazine 8(2) (1830), 52-53.
115. 76 Senex, 'On the Plumage, Nest, and Eggs of the Long Tailed Titmouse (Parus Caudatus)', Analyst 1 (1834), 258-260.
116. 77 C. Linnaeus, Philosophia botanica (1751), §257.
117. 78 'Spurzheim once told me that I possessed the largest acquisitive organ he ever felt.' T. Hawkins, Memoirs of Ichthyosauri und Plesiosauri, extinct monsters of the Ancient Earth, 2nd edn (London: Relfe & Fletcher, 1834), p. 33.
118. 79 Hawkins reckoned that the hand bones marked the differentia of the Ichthyosauri species. See T. Hawkins, Memoirs of Ichthyosauri.
119. 80 Anonymous, 'Review of Thomas Hawkins Memoirs of Ichthyosauri and Plesiosauri, extinct monsters of the Ancient Earth (1834)', Analyst 2 (1835), 46-48.
120. 81 'Obituary of Mrs Jane Wood', Monthly Homeopathic Review 5 (1865), 192.
121. 82 B. Charlton, The Recollections of a Northumberland Lady, 1815-1866 (London: Jonathan Cape), p. 86.
122. 83 M. P. English, Victorian Values: Life and Times of Dr Edwin Lankester (Bristol: Biopress, 1990).
123. 84 For Lindley's (failed) attempt at reform as editor of the Botanical Register and The Gardeners' Chronicle, see B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners and Botanical Nomenclature', Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 109 (1992), 473-483. See also Lankester's attack on W. J. Hooker in 'On the Relative Advantages of the Linnean and Natural Arrangement of Plants', Naturalist 3 (1839), 175-178. See also N. Wood and E. Lankester, 'Some Account of the Principle Works on Zoology and Botany', Naturalist 2 (1837), 462-471.
124. 84 For Lindley's (failed) attempt at reform as editor of the Botanical Register and The Gardeners' Chronicle, see B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners and Botanical Nomenclature', Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 109 (1992), 473-483. See also Lankester's attack on W. J. Hooker in 'On the Relative Advantages of the Linnean and Natural Arrangement of Plants', Naturalist 3 (1839), 175-178. See also N. Wood and E. Lankester, 'Some Account of the Principle Works on Zoology and Botany', Naturalist 2 (1837), 462-471.
125. 84 For Lindley's (failed) attempt at reform as editor of the Botanical Register and The Gardeners' Chronicle, see B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners and Botanical Nomenclature', Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 109 (1992), 473-483. See also Lankester's attack on W. J. Hooker in 'On the Relative Advantages of the Linnean and Natural Arrangement of Plants', Naturalist 3 (1839), 175-178. See also N. Wood and E. Lankester, 'Some Account of the Principle Works on Zoology and Botany', Naturalist 2 (1837), 462-471.
126. 85 N. Wood, 'Hints on Educational Reform in Connection with Phrenology', Christian Physician and Anthropological Magazine (2nd May 1837), 256-259. Wood later joined the Phrenological Association on 18 May 1840. (See the 'List of Members of the Phrenological Association, at 19th September 1841', Phrenological Journal 14 (1840), 119-123, p. 120) and steered the Analyst and, later, the Naturalist towards strong advocacy of radical phrenology. R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles: An Annotated Historical Biobibliography and Index (London: Scarecrow, 1989). After the collapse of the Naturalist, Wood became one of the leading lights in the homoeopathic movement in London.
127. 85 N. Wood, 'Hints on Educational Reform in Connection with Phrenology', Christian Physician and Anthropological Magazine (2nd May 1837), 256-259. Wood later joined the Phrenological Association on 18 May 1840. (See the 'List of Members of the Phrenological Association, at 19th September 1841', Phrenological Journal 14 (1840), 119-123, p. 120) and steered the Analyst and, later, the Naturalist towards strong advocacy of radical phrenology. R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles: An Annotated Historical Biobibliography and Index (London: Scarecrow, 1989). After the collapse of the Naturalist, Wood became one of the leading lights in the homoeopathic movement in London.
128. 85 N. Wood, 'Hints on Educational Reform in Connection with Phrenology', Christian Physician and Anthropological Magazine (2nd May 1837), 256-259. Wood later joined the Phrenological Association on 18 May 1840. (See the 'List of Members of the Phrenological Association, at 19th September 1841', Phrenological Journal 14 (1840), 119-123, p. 120) and steered the Analyst and, later, the Naturalist towards strong advocacy of radical phrenology. R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles: An Annotated Historical Biobibliography and Index (London: Scarecrow, 1989). After the collapse of the Naturalist, Wood became one of the leading lights in the homoeopathic movement in London.
129. 86 'When we have the aid of science, the Bible is superfluous - superfluous if true, because incomplete, and unprovable, and absolutely pernicious if not true.' N. Wood, 'Review of Gideon Mantell The Wonders of Geology', Naturalist 3 (1838), 442-449. Wood pressed Babbage, author of the Ninth Bridgewater Treatise, to go all the way in his denunciation of revealed religion and priestcraft. N. Wood to C. Babington, 2 June 1838, Babbage Correspondence, British Museum. British Library Add MS 37190, f.450.
130. 87 N. Wood to the Secretary of the General Convention, 1 July 1839. Correspondence and Papers of the 'General Council of the Industrial Classes'. B.L. Add MS 34245B, f.40. Neville's brother, Charles, was less covert. In 1838, arguing for the charter, Charles told Doncaster working men that 'the time was approaching when the voice of the robbed, despised, insulted Working-man would become more potent than the Monarch, Ministers, of Parliamentary minion, and that the will of the Placed Despot would bow in weakness before the will of the half-fed, half-clothed tenant of a hut'. 'The Campsall Society and Universal Suffrage', Sheffield Iris, 9 October 1838, quoted in R. Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science. Phrenology and the Organization of Consent in Nineteenth Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 184.
131. 88 Neville broke his strained relations with the Analyst in 1838 while continuing his editorship with the Naturalist. See the Analyst's editorial review of the Naturalist which describes Wood's literary character as composed of 'juvenile vanity, heartless illiberality, and false representation'. Analyst 9 (1939), 172-173.
132. 89 N. Wood, 'On the Study of Latin, More Especially as Regards the Medical Profession', Analyst 3 (1835), 46-49. Here Wood closely follows the liberal, and often phrenological, language reform movement. See E. Lytton Bulwer (Radical M.P.), England and the English (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), Book 3; J. Simpson (editor of the Phrenological Journal), The Necessity of Popular Education, as a National Object, with Hints on the Treatment of Criminals, and Observations on Homicidal Insanity (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1834), pp. 61ff; and the Edinburgh phrenologist, G. Combe, Lectures on Popular Education, delivered to the Edinburgh Philosophical Association in April and November 1899 (Edinburgh: Maclaughlan, Stewart & Company, 1833), Lecture 3. See also the review of Bentham's Chrestomathia in Westminster Review 1 (1824), 43-79.
133. 89 N. Wood, 'On the Study of Latin, More Especially as Regards the Medical Profession', Analyst 3 (1835), 46-49. Here Wood closely follows the liberal, and often phrenological, language reform movement. See E. Lytton Bulwer (Radical M.P.), England and the English (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), Book 3; J. Simpson (editor of the Phrenological Journal), The Necessity of Popular Education, as a National Object, with Hints on the Treatment of Criminals, and Observations on Homicidal Insanity (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1834), pp. 61ff; and the Edinburgh phrenologist, G. Combe, Lectures on Popular Education, delivered to the Edinburgh Philosophical Association in April and November 1899 (Edinburgh: Maclaughlan, Stewart & Company, 1833), Lecture 3. See also the review of Bentham's Chrestomathia in Westminster Review 1 (1824), 43-79.
134. 89 N. Wood, 'On the Study of Latin, More Especially as Regards the Medical Profession', Analyst 3 (1835), 46-49. Here Wood closely follows the liberal, and often phrenological, language reform movement. See E. Lytton Bulwer (Radical M.P.), England and the English (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), Book 3; J. Simpson (editor of the Phrenological Journal), The Necessity of Popular Education, as a National Object, with Hints on the Treatment of Criminals, and Observations on Homicidal Insanity (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1834), pp. 61ff; and the Edinburgh phrenologist, G. Combe, Lectures on Popular Education, delivered to the Edinburgh Philosophical Association in April and November 1899 (Edinburgh: Maclaughlan, Stewart & Company, 1833), Lecture 3. See also the review of Bentham's Chrestomathia in Westminster Review 1 (1824), 43-79.
135. 89 N. Wood, 'On the Study of Latin, More Especially as Regards the Medical Profession', Analyst 3 (1835), 46-49. Here Wood closely follows the liberal, and often phrenological, language reform movement. See E. Lytton Bulwer (Radical M.P.), England and the English (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), Book 3; J. Simpson (editor of the Phrenological Journal), The Necessity of Popular Education, as a National Object, with Hints on the Treatment of Criminals, and Observations on Homicidal Insanity (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1834), pp. 61ff; and the Edinburgh phrenologist, G. Combe, Lectures on Popular Education, delivered to the Edinburgh Philosophical Association in April and November 1899 (Edinburgh: Maclaughlan, Stewart & Company, 1833), Lecture 3. See also the review of Bentham's Chrestomathia in Westminster Review 1 (1824), 43-79.
136. 89 N. Wood, 'On the Study of Latin, More Especially as Regards the Medical Profession', Analyst 3 (1835), 46-49. Here Wood closely follows the liberal, and often phrenological, language reform movement. See E. Lytton Bulwer (Radical M.P.), England and the English (London: Richard Bentley, 1833), Book 3; J. Simpson (editor of the Phrenological Journal), The Necessity of Popular Education, as a National Object, with Hints on the Treatment of Criminals, and Observations on Homicidal Insanity (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1834), pp. 61ff; and the Edinburgh phrenologist, G. Combe, Lectures on Popular Education, delivered to the Edinburgh Philosophical Association in April and November 1899 (Edinburgh: Maclaughlan, Stewart & Company, 1833), Lecture 3. See also the review of Bentham's Chrestomathia in Westminster Review 1 (1824), 43-79.
137. 90 The vernacular of English natural history was in such a mess that even such a conservative William MacGillivray threw up his hands at the prospect of understanding it. See William MacGillivray, A History of British Birds (London: Scott, Webster & Geary, 1837), p. 10. Ironically it was the arch-conservative, W. Yarrell, who later set the standards of the vernacular in British ornithology.
138. 91 N. Wood, 'On Making the English Generic Names of Birds Correspond to the Latin Ones', Analyst 2 (1835), 238-239. Wood received some anonymous support. See N. F., 'Remarks on the Vernacular and Scientific Ornithological Nomenclature', Analyst 2 (1835), 305-307. A review in The Mirror of Literature, Amusement and Instruction upbraided William Swainson for using 'goatsucker' when he should have said 'nightjar'. See J. H. F., 'Review of William Swainson's Discourse on Natural History', The Mirror 27 (1836), 164-166, p. 164. 'As the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, (except the bill,) is required in natural history, we cannot be too particular in the choice of words which convey no wrong ideas relating to the beings to which they are applied.'
139. 91 N. Wood, 'On Making the English Generic Names of Birds Correspond to the Latin Ones', Analyst 2 (1835), 238-239. Wood received some anonymous support. See N. F., 'Remarks on the Vernacular and Scientific Ornithological Nomenclature', Analyst 2 (1835), 305-307. A review in The Mirror of Literature, Amusement and Instruction upbraided William Swainson for using 'goatsucker' when he should have said 'nightjar'. See J. H. F., 'Review of William Swainson's Discourse on Natural History', The Mirror 27 (1836), 164-166, p. 164. 'As the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, (except the bill,) is required in natural history, we cannot be too particular in the choice of words which convey no wrong ideas relating to the beings to which they are applied.'
140. 91 N. Wood, 'On Making the English Generic Names of Birds Correspond to the Latin Ones', Analyst 2 (1835), 238-239. Wood received some anonymous support. See N. F., 'Remarks on the Vernacular and Scientific Ornithological Nomenclature', Analyst 2 (1835), 305-307. A review in The Mirror of Literature, Amusement and Instruction upbraided William Swainson for using 'goatsucker' when he should have said 'nightjar'. See J. H. F., 'Review of William Swainson's Discourse on Natural History', The Mirror 27 (1836), 164-166, p. 164. 'As the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, (except the bill,) is required in natural history, we cannot be too particular in the choice of words which convey no wrong ideas relating to the beings to which they are applied.'
141. 92 Many of the records of the Worcester Natural History Society and Strickland's involvement are stored with the Strickland Papers at the Zoological Museum, Cambridge University. See especially Notebooks and Draft Papers, Vol. 3. The Worcestershire Society gets no mention in the standard biography of Strickland, W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, M.A. (London: John Van Voorst, 1858).
142. 92 Many of the records of the Worcester Natural History Society and Strickland's involvement are stored with the Strickland Papers at the Zoological Museum, Cambridge University. See especially Notebooks and Draft Papers, Vol. 3. The Worcestershire Society gets no mention in the standard biography of Strickland, W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, M.A. (London: John Van Voorst, 1858).
143. 93 For an account of the gentlemanly pursuits of the Geological Society, see M. Rudwick, The Great Devonian Controversy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), especially Chap. 2; and J. Secord, Controversy in Victorian Geology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 14-21.
144. For an account of the gentlemanly pursuits of the Geological Society, see M. Rudwick, The Great Devonian Controversy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), especially Chap. 2; and J. Secord, Controversy in Victorian Geology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 14-21.
145. 94 J. Bentley, History Gazetteer, Vol. 3.
146. 95 H. E. S. (Hugh E. Strickland), 'To the Editor of the Analyst', Analyst 2 (1835), 317-318.
147. 96 H. Aarsleff, 'Locke's Reputation in Nineteenth-century England', Monist 55 (1971), 392-422; reprinted in H. Aarsleff, From Locke to Saussure (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), pp. 120-145.
148. 96 H. Aarsleff, 'Locke's Reputation in Nineteenth-century England', Monist 55 (1971), 392-422; reprinted in H. Aarsleff, From Locke to Saussure (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), pp. 120-145.
149. 97 J. Herschel, Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy (London: Longman, 1830), §132.
150. 98 N. Wood, 'On the Nomenclature of Birds. In reply to H. E. S.', Analyst 2 (1835), 419-421.
151. 99 C. Cyffin, 'Letter to Editor', Analyst 3 (1835), 289-290. Cyffin too was against Latin, but he also complained that 'It would almost appear that the object of science, in the present day, was to attend wholly to names'. For other artisan bewilderment in the face of constant nomenclature reform, see for example J. Gutteridge, Lights and Shadows in the Life of an Artisan (Coventry: Curtis & Beamish, 1893), Chap. IV. For a fascinating discussion of Linnean nomenclature amongst Manchester naturalists, see A. Secord, 'Corresponding Interests: Artisans and Gentlemen in Nineteenth Century Natural History', British Journal for the History of Science 27 (1994), 383-408.
152. 99 C. Cyffin, 'Letter to Editor', Analyst 3 (1835), 289-290. Cyffin too was against Latin, but he also complained that 'It would almost appear that the object of science, in the present day, was to attend wholly to names'. For other artisan bewilderment in the face of constant nomenclature reform, see for example J. Gutteridge, Lights and Shadows in the Life of an Artisan (Coventry: Curtis & Beamish, 1893), Chap. IV. For a fascinating discussion of Linnean nomenclature amongst Manchester naturalists, see A. Secord, 'Corresponding Interests: Artisans and Gentlemen in Nineteenth Century Natural History', British Journal for the History of Science 27 (1994), 383-408.
153. 99 C. Cyffin, 'Letter to Editor', Analyst 3 (1835), 289-290. Cyffin too was against Latin, but he also complained that 'It would almost appear that the object of science, in the present day, was to attend wholly to names'. For other artisan bewilderment in the face of constant nomenclature reform, see for example J. Gutteridge, Lights and Shadows in the Life of an Artisan (Coventry: Curtis & Beamish, 1893), Chap. IV. For a fascinating discussion of Linnean nomenclature amongst Manchester naturalists, see A. Secord, 'Corresponding Interests: Artisans and Gentlemen in Nineteenth Century Natural History', British Journal for the History of Science 27 (1994), 383-408.
154. 100 On S. D. W.'s attitude towards other reforms see S. D. W., 'Remarks on Phrenology, as Applied to Education', Analyst 2 (1835), 413-418;
155. 100 On S. D. W.'s attitude towards other reforms see S. D. W., 'Remarks on Phrenology, as Applied to Education', Analyst 2 (1835), 413-418; and 'Remarks on the necessity of improvement in education', Analyst 3 (1836), 253-257. I have been unable to trace the true name of S. D. W. The fact that the author mischievously retained a typographic misprint of his original initials makes the task almost impossible. Perhaps it is Neville Wood's younger brother or father, the naturalist and phrenologist, Charles Thorold Wood. However, in a letter to the ornithologist, J. P. Selby, C. T. Wood says that he is 'favourable' to the article on nomenclature in the Analyst, but is 'far more anxious for the establishment of truth than the maintenance of his own opinion', C. T. Wood to J. P. Selby, 22 Sept. 1835, W. Jardine-J. P. Selby correspondence, Cambridge University Library. Moreover, the reformed nomenclature of C. T. Wood and S. D. W. do not coincide. The county addresses of S. D. W. and N. Wood often (but not always) coincide. However, S. D. W. could, at times, be critical of Neville. Anyway, most etymologies of British ornithology refers to him simply as S. D. W. - at least some kind of proof against the supposed vanity of nomenclature reformers!
156. 101 S. D. W., 'Letter to editor', Analyst 4 (1836), 115-117.
157. 102 S. D. W., 'Remarks Conducive to the Improvement of Ornithological Nomenclature', Analyst 3 (1835), 26-35, p. 27.
158. 103 S. D. W., 'The Birds of Britain, Systematically arranged', Analyst 3 (1835), 197-217; 'The Mammals of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 4 (1836), 67-72; 'The Fishes (Pisces) of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 5 (1836), 204-215.
159. 103 S. D. W., 'The Birds of Britain, Systematically arranged', Analyst 3 (1835), 197-217; 'The Mammals of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 4 (1836), 67-72; 'The Fishes (Pisces) of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 5 (1836), 204-215.
160. 103 S. D. W., 'The Birds of Britain, Systematically arranged', Analyst 3 (1835), 197-217; 'The Mammals of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 4 (1836), 67-72; 'The Fishes (Pisces) of Britain, Systematically Arranged', Analyst 5 (1836), 204-215.
161. 104 S. D. W., 'The Fishes (Pisces) of Britain, Systematically Arranged', p. 215. S. D. W.'s series of arrangements is broken when one pseudonymous 'P.' systematically arranges the 'Reptiles and Amphibia of Britain', Analyst 5 (1835), 104-108, using the old nomenclature 'marked out by Jenyns and Yarrell', while noting 'the failure of my predecessors (S. D. W. and N. Wood) in the difficult path of nomenclature reform'. See S. D. W.'s reply in 'The Fishes of Britain'. 'P.' could have been Shirley Palmer (1786-1852), Birmingham physician and naturalist and regular contributor to popular natural history journals.
162. 104 S. D. W., 'The Fishes (Pisces) of Britain, Systematically Arranged', p. 215. S. D. W.'s series of arrangements is broken when one pseudonymous 'P.' systematically arranges the 'Reptiles and Amphibia of Britain', Analyst 5 (1835), 104-108, using the old nomenclature 'marked out by Jenyns and Yarrell', while noting 'the failure of my predecessors (S. D. W. and N. Wood) in the difficult path of nomenclature reform'. See S. D. W.'s reply in 'The Fishes of Britain'. 'P.' could have been Shirley Palmer (1786-1852), Birmingham physician and naturalist and regular contributor to popular natural history journals.
163. 105 N. Wood, British Song-Birds; being popular Descriptions and Anecdotes (London: Parker, 1836); and The Ornithologist's Text-Book; being reviews of Ornithological Works (London: Parker, 1836).
164. 105 N. Wood, British Song-Birds; being popular Descriptions and Anecdotes (London: Parker, 1836); and The Ornithologist's Text-Book; being reviews of Ornithological Works (London: Parker, 1836).
165. 106 Anonymous, 'Review of Neville Wood's British Song-Birds and Ornithologist's Text-book', Analyst 4 (1836), 327-329.
166. 107 Loudon's Magazine saw the Naturalist as run by young upstarts, unable to grasp the intricacies of 'real science', and moreover pandering to the 'fair sex'. See the editorial attacks on Wood in Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 44-51 and 263-266.
167. 108 In 1837 its managing editorship was taken over by the professional museum naturalist, Edward Charlesworth, who brought up its scientific standards. It eventually merged with its rival the Annals of Natural History (itself a recent hybrid of two earlier journals) to become the Annals and Magazine of Natural History. See D. Elliston Allen, The Naturalist in Britain: A Social History (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976).
168. 109 H. Strickland, 'On the Arbitrary Alteration of Established Terms in Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 8 (1835), 36-40.
169. 110 Strickland, 'On the Arbitrary Alteration', p. 37. It is not clear who Strickland is quoting here. It is not straight Locke, although the rest of the passage suggests that he has Locke in mind. Locke would not say that names are to represent 'real things'.
170. 111 Strickland attacks such 'sesquipedalian' words as those of Thomas Hawkins in his Ichthyosauri. Strickland, 'On the Arbitrary Alteration', p. 38.
171. 112 W. H. Mullens and H. Kirke-Swann have him as Charles Thorold Wood (1777-1852): A Bibliography of British Ornithology (London: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 661-662. On the other hand, R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles, p. 349, has him as Charles Thorold Wood Jr, son of a Captain in the Horse Guards and brother of Neville. C. T. Wood Jr was heavily involved in the phrenological movement, emphasizing its materialism and fatalism. See C. T. Wood, 'Lecture on the position and grouping of the phrenological organs, reported in letter to the editor of the Doncaster Chronical', reviewed in Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 279-280. C. T. Wood Jr goes on to become an important Fourierist and controversialist. See Madame G. de Gamond, Fourier and His System, translated with Introduction by C. T. Wood Jr (London: James H. Young, 1842), and also The British Controversialist, passim.
172. 112 W. H. Mullens and H. Kirke-Swann have him as Charles Thorold Wood (1777-1852): A Bibliography of British Ornithology (London: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 661-662. On the other hand, R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles, p. 349, has him as Charles Thorold Wood Jr, son of a Captain in the Horse Guards and brother of Neville. C. T. Wood Jr was heavily involved in the phrenological movement, emphasizing its materialism and fatalism. See C. T. Wood, 'Lecture on the position and grouping of the phrenological organs, reported in letter to the editor of the Doncaster Chronical', reviewed in Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 279-280. C. T. Wood Jr goes on to become an important Fourierist and controversialist. See Madame G. de Gamond, Fourier and His System, translated with Introduction by C. T. Wood Jr (London: James H. Young, 1842), and also The British Controversialist, passim.
173. 112 W. H. Mullens and H. Kirke-Swann have him as Charles Thorold Wood (1777-1852): A Bibliography of British Ornithology (London: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 661-662. On the other hand, R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles, p. 349, has him as Charles Thorold Wood Jr, son of a Captain in the Horse Guards and brother of Neville. C. T. Wood Jr was heavily involved in the phrenological movement, emphasizing its materialism and fatalism. See C. T. Wood, 'Lecture on the position and grouping of the phrenological organs, reported in letter to the editor of the Doncaster Chronical', reviewed in Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 279-280. C. T. Wood Jr goes on to become an important Fourierist and controversialist. See Madame G. de Gamond, Fourier and His System, translated with Introduction by C. T. Wood Jr (London: James H. Young, 1842), and also The British Controversialist, passim.
174. 112 W. H. Mullens and H. Kirke-Swann have him as Charles Thorold Wood (1777-1852): A Bibliography of British Ornithology (London: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 661-662. On the other hand, R. Cooter, Phrenology in the British Isles, p. 349, has him as Charles Thorold Wood Jr, son of a Captain in the Horse Guards and brother of Neville. C. T. Wood Jr was heavily involved in the phrenological movement, emphasizing its materialism and fatalism. See C. T. Wood, 'Lecture on the position and grouping of the phrenological organs, reported in letter to the editor of the Doncaster Chronical', reviewed in Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 279-280. C. T. Wood Jr goes on to become an important Fourierist and controversialist. See Madame G. de Gamond, Fourier and His System, translated with Introduction by C. T. Wood Jr (London: James H. Young, 1842), and also The British Controversialist, passim.
175. 113 C. T. Wood, 'Remarks on the Question of the Propriety of altering established Scientific Names in Natural History, should they be erroneous', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 138-144, 337-342.
176. See also his vociferous attack on Strickland in Ornithological Guide (London: Whittaker & Co., 1837).
177. 114 'The principle is the same, whether we look to the Latin or English appellations. Both belong to science, and both must be made to correspond.' N. Wood, 'On the English Nomenclature of Birds', Address to the Worcestershire Natural History Society, printed in Ornithologists' Textbook, p. 226. C. T. Wood marks the place of the vernacular in his 'Catalogue of the Birds of Britain', in his Ornithological Guide, pp. 177-236. Each bird is first classed by a vernacular name - a vernacular loaded with meaning: e.g. 'Greyheaded Oateater', 'Brownheaded Gull', etc. The following Latin names are almost always coined by 'Neville Wood' or 'Edward Blyth'.
178. 114 'The principle is the same, whether we look to the Latin or English appellations. Both belong to science, and both must be made to correspond.' N. Wood, 'On the English Nomenclature of Birds', Address to the Worcestershire Natural History Society, printed in Ornithologists' Textbook, p. 226. C. T. Wood marks the place of the vernacular in his 'Catalogue of the Birds of Britain', in his Ornithological Guide, pp. 177-236. Each bird is first classed by a vernacular name - a vernacular loaded with meaning: e.g. 'Greyheaded Oateater', 'Brownheaded Gull', etc. The following Latin names are almost always coined by 'Neville Wood' or 'Edward Blyth'.
179. 115 C. T. Wood. 'Remarks', p. 140.
180. 116 C. T. Wood, 'Remarks', p. 341.
181. 117 H. Strickland, 'On the Inexpediency of Altering Established Terms in Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 127-131.
182. 118 Ibid., p. 127n. However, this hyperbole hides the fact that Britain was experiencing a rather heated debate over just those 'laws of etymology'. See H. Aarsleff, The Study of Language in England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), especially pp. 211-263.
183. 118 Ibid., p. 127n. However, this hyperbole hides the fact that Britain was experiencing a rather heated debate over just those 'laws of etymology'. See H. Aarsleff, The Study of Language in England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), especially pp. 211-263.
184. 119 Strickland, 'On the Inexpediency', pp. 127-128. Ironically, this is not the first time that the curse of Babel has been evoked against nomenclature reform. Linnaeus himself was warned against setting an example to anyone who would 'lay down such laws and regulations whenever he felt so inclined, overturning names already known and approved by the best authors just for the sake of making new ones. Would it not lead to worse than the confusion of Babel?' Johann Amman, Professor of Botany at St Petersburg to Linnaeus on 15 November 1737, quoted in W. Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist: A Life of Linnaeus (London: Collins, 1971), p. 120.
185. 119 Strickland, 'On the Inexpediency', pp. 127-128. Ironically, this is not the first time that the curse of Babel has been evoked against nomenclature reform. Linnaeus himself was warned against setting an example to anyone who would 'lay down such laws and regulations whenever he felt so inclined, overturning names already known and approved by the best authors just for the sake of making new ones. Would it not lead to worse than the confusion of Babel?' Johann Amman, Professor of Botany at St Petersburg to Linnaeus on 15 November 1737, quoted in W. Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist: A Life of Linnaeus (London: Collins, 1971), p. 120.
186. 120 For an in-depth analysis of S. D. W.'s names of bird species, see Gregory M. Mathews, 'Overlooked Names of European Birds from the Naturalist and the Ornithological Guide,' Ibis 2 (1938), 321-331. Mathews' chart on pp. 326-329 shows the differences between C. T. Wood's and S. W. D's nomenclature comparing them with the neologisms of the pseudonymous 'N. F.'.
187. 121 Neville Wood's biography in the establishment work of W. H. Mullens and H. Kirke-Swann, describes him as an 'amateur possessed of considerable knowledge', but whose 'judgement, however, was somewhat biased by a violent prejudice against compilers, whom he termed "literary Lestri"': A Bibliography of British Ornithology (London: Macmillan, 1912), pp. 661-662.
188. 122 W. Swainson, Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural History, Part IV, Chap. I. This work is very interesting. Writing for Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, shortly after Herschel wrote his Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy for that same series, Swainson tries to match Herschel's chapter headings, but the contents are, as always, much more radical. The last chapter is a sustained assault on the 'aristocracy of science'. Such talk made no friends amongst the scientific establishment, and eventually forced Swainson, jobless and without friends in the established zoological community, into self-imposed exile in New Zealand in 1840.
189. 123 N. Wood, British Song Birds (London: Parker, 1836), p. xii. Although Swainson would harshly criticize Strickland's views on nomenclature, he would not go as far as the wholesale reform of the vernacular advocated by the radicals. W. Swainson, 'A Short Reply to my Reviewers', Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 494-499.
190. 123 N. Wood, British Song Birds (London: Parker, 1836), p. xii. Although Swainson would harshly criticize Strickland's views on nomenclature, he would not go as far as the wholesale reform of the vernacular advocated by the radicals. W. Swainson, 'A Short Reply to my Reviewers', Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 494-499.
191. 124 The Natural History Society at Worcester would eventually petition the House of Commons to the effect that the British Museum should distribute its numerous duplicates amongst provincial museums. As far back as 10 June 1837 the B. M. Trustees were under pressure to distribute the duplicates amongst provincial museums. See G. Reese, curator, to H. E. Strickland, 3 April 1845. Strickland Papers, University Museum of Zoology, Cambridge; also 'Copies or extracts of any minutes made by the Trustees of the British Museum since the 20th July, 1836 with reference to the Resolutions passed by the Select Committee of the House of Commons', Annotated by J. E. Gray, British Museum (Natural History) Archives.
192. 125 See N. Wood's review of the British Museum and its inattention to provincial knowledge, 'The British Museum Collection of British Birds and Eggs', The Mirror of Literature, Amusement and Instruction 26 (1835), 69.
193. 126 The Gentleman's Magazine described C. T. Wood's Ornithological Guide as 'a book of considerable merit, (with) the adoption of a more correct and classical nomenclature, free from the defects and errors of the one that has been so long familiar to us'. Gentleman's Magazine 10(ii) (1838), 643. Edward Blyth was very taken with the reform for a while, contributing many of the new names to C. T. Wood, 'Catalogue of the Birds of Britain', Ornithological Guide, pp. 177-236.
194. 126 The Gentleman's Magazine described C. T. Wood's Ornithological Guide as 'a book of considerable merit, (with) the adoption of a more correct and classical nomenclature, free from the defects and errors of the one that has been so long familiar to us'. Gentleman's Magazine 10(ii) (1838), 643. Edward Blyth was very taken with the reform for a while, contributing many of the new names to C. T. Wood, 'Catalogue of the Birds of Britain', Ornithological Guide, pp. 177-236.
195. 127 N. Wood, 'On the Nomenclature of Birds'.
196. 128 For a general account of the struggle over natural systems in the 19th century, see M. Di Gregorio, 'In Search of the Natural System: Problems of Zoological Classification in Victorian Britain', History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 4 (1982), 225-254.
197. 129 H. Strickland, 'Outline of Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences. Vol. 3. Re Affinity of Animals', (1838). In the Strickland Papers, University of Cambridge, Zoology Department.
198. 130 See Darwin's marginal notes in his own copy of Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences. Darwin Archives, Cambridge University Library. My reading of the naturalists' interest in Whewell differs noticeably from that of Michael Ruse, 'Darwin's Debt to Philosophy', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 6 (1975), 159-181.
199. 131 H. E. Strickland, 'Observations upon the Affinities and Analogies of Organized Beings', Magazine of Natural History 4 (1840), 219-226, p. 221. It is interesting that Darwin finds this Whewellian idea of 'naturalist instinct' noteworthy - in his own copy of the History, he underlines it in deep black ink, commenting in the margin: 'when such explanations are used it is certain there must be some great hiatus in our knowledge'. (Darwin Archives, Cambridge University Library.)
200. 132 The BAAS was, in the words of Jack Morrell and Arnold Thackray, a 'theatre of science run by missionaries intent on converting their audiences to their views', Gentlemen of Science. Early Years of the BAAS (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981), p. 161.
201. 133 H. E. Strickland, 'On the True Method of Discovering the Natural System in Zoology and Botany', Annals of Natural History 5 (1841), 184-195. Both Fleming and Vigors attended the meeting.
202. 134 In the chair sat the great 'dichotomist', John Fleming while the audience contained N. A. Vigors, C. Babington, P. Selby, J. Lizars, L. Agassiz, G. Waterhouse and E. Lankester among others. For an verbatum account of Strickland's report and Vigors's conciliatory response, see Athenaeum 677 (17 October 1840), 825.
203. 135 H. E. Strickland, 'Description of a Chart of Natural Affinities of the Insessorial Order of Birds', BAAS Report, 1843, Part 2, p. 69.
204. 136 Indeed, Dan Ospovat describes the BAAS meeting of 1843 as the mortal blow against quinarianism, where Owen, Lankester, Forbes and others came out decisively against it: The Development of Darwin's Theory, p. 113. However, Ospovat fails to mention that Owen et al.'s anti-quinarian outbursts were in direct response to Strickland's map. See the description of the event in the Athenaeum 829 (16 September 1843), 851.
205. 137 See the portions of the chart reproduced in H. E. Strickland, 'On the True Method', and W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland. The original, and rather fragile, 'Chart of the Natural Affinites of the Insessorial Order of Birds' has been found amongst the Strickland papers at the University Museum of Zoology, Cambridge. I thank Rae Symonds of the Museum for finding it for me and Dr Adrian Friday for facilitating its restoration.
206. 138 See the discussion in R. O'Hara, 'Representations of the Natural System in the Nineteenth Century', Biology and Philosophy 6 (1991), 255-274.
207. 139 Waterhouse, J. E. Gray, Owen and other strict anti-quinarians all talked in circles. For example, follow the circles in G. Waterhouse, 'Observations on the Classification of the Mammalia', Annals and Magazine of Natural History 12 (1843), 399-412. And this was after Waterhouse suffered so much grief from the quinarians at the Zoological Society!
208. 140 Although Strickland tantalizingly speaks of trees: 'The natural system may, perhaps, be most truly compared to an irregularly branching tree, or rather to an assemblage of detached trees and shrubs of various sizes and modes of growth', ibid., p. 190.
209. But his footnote to that passage gives us a good idea of what he is alluding to: genealogical trees make the best method of museum display. Yet, in the Athenaeum report, Strickland claimed that 'All systems, circular, quinary, dichotomous, etc. are not natural, but artificial and only of use in arranging museums.' Athenaeum 677 (1840), 825.
210. 141 Strickland, 'On the True Method', p. 184. Here Strickland could make the 'standard' ontological claim that 'the postulate with which I commence the inquiry is, to let it be granted that there are such things as species, distinct in their characters and permanent in their duration.'
211. 142 Letter to W. Jardine, July 1841, in W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, p. clxxv.
212. 143 F. Orpen Morris, 'Remarks on the Present Nomenclature of British Ornithology', Naturalist 1 (1837), 160-163, 216-220. Morris's article was to be continued in subsequent issues of the Naturalist, but by the February 1838 issue Morris had severed all relations with the editor, Neville Wood. See the rather smug announcement in Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 110.
213. 143 F. Orpen Morris, 'Remarks on the Present Nomenclature of British Ornithology', Naturalist 1 (1837), 160-163, 216-220. Morris's article was to be continued in subsequent issues of the Naturalist, but by the February 1838 issue Morris had severed all relations with the editor, Neville Wood. See the rather smug announcement in Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 110.
214. 144 F. Orpen Morris, A Guide to the British Birds; being a Catalogue of all the Species hitherto discovered in Great Britain and Ireland, and intended to be useful for labelling cabinets or collections of the same (London: Longmans, 1834).
215. 145 N. Wood, Ornithologist's Textbook, p. 1; 'Reply to C. J.'s Remarks on N. Wood's British Song Birds', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 567.
216. 145 N. Wood, Ornithologist's Textbook, p. 1; 'Reply to C. J.'s Remarks on N. Wood's British Song Birds', Magazine of Natural History 9 (1836), 567.
217. 146 Solitarius, 'Remarks upon Zoological Nomenclature and Systems of Classification,' Field Naturalist 1 (1833), 521-528. Of course, said Solitarius, this is a rather 'droll wish', but it really deserves to be a government concern. (The strongly anti-Lamarckian and anti-quinarian Solitarius may have been the editor himself, James Rennie, author of several popular works on entomology.)
218. 147 Zetetes, 'On Nomenclature'. Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 421-431. The editor of the Magazine saw no point in the publication of articles discussing the principles which ought to regulate nomenclature 'in the present condition of science.' ibid., Editorial Note, p. 431.
219. 147 Zetetes, 'On Nomenclature'. Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 421-431. The editor of the Magazine saw no point in the publication of articles discussing the principles which ought to regulate nomenclature 'in the present condition of science.' ibid., Editorial Note, p. 431.
220. 148 H. Strickland, 'On the Expediency of Altering Established Terms in Natural History', Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 127-131, p. 129.
221. 149 H. E. Strickland, 'Rules for Zoological Nomenclature', Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 173-176.
222. 150 H. E. Strickland to J. Phillips, 20 September 1841. J. Phillips Papers, Oxford Museum.
223. 151 See A. Thackray and J. Morrell, Gentlemen of Science, for the trials and tribulations of Section D in the midst of an association dominated by the ideas of the physicists and mathematicians.
224. 152 See, for example, the anonymous complaints against the BAAS in 'Phrenology and the British Association', Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 29-35. See the discussion in R. Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science, pp. 90-93, and Morrell and Thackray, Gentlemen of Science, pp. 277-281.
225. 152 See, for example, the anonymous complaints against the BAAS in 'Phrenology and the British Association', Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 29-35. See the discussion in R. Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science, pp. 90-93, and Morrell and Thackray, Gentlemen of Science, pp. 277-281.
226. 152 See, for example, the anonymous complaints against the BAAS in 'Phrenology and the British Association', Phrenological Journal 12 (1839), 29-35. See the discussion in R. Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science, pp. 90-93, and Morrell and Thackray, Gentlemen of Science, pp. 277-281.
227. 153 Quoted in W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, p. cxciii. See Strickland Report, p. 105.
228. 154 Cf. Charles Darwin to Hugh Strickland, 17 February (1842).
229. 155 Ogilby was eventually instrumental in having Waterhouse booted out of his curatorship at the Zoological Society, for financial reasons. See George Waterhouse to Charles Darwin, 9 August 1843.
230. 156 The various drafts with the members' corrections are bound and stored in the Strickland Papers at Cambridge.
231. 157 Westwood to Strickland, 12 October 1841, Strickland Papers; Darwin wrote in the margin beside this claim in the second draft: 'will not foreigners demur?' Draft Rules, Strickland Papers.
232. 158 Broderip to Strickland, 5 May 1842. Strickland Papers.
233. 159 'I've said all I need to say on the subject in the Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences', wrote Whewell to Strickland. Any understanding of nomenclature, he continued, should be 'cognizant of history.' Whewell to Strickland, n.d. Strickland Papers. On Whewell's philosophy of language, see H. Aarsleff, The Study of Language, and S. Schaffer, 'The History and Geography of the Intellectual World: Whewell's Politics of Language', in Menachem Fisch and Simon Schaffer (eds), William Whewell. A Composite Portrait (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), pp. 201-231.
234. 159 'I've said all I need to say on the subject in the Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences', wrote Whewell to Strickland. Any understanding of nomenclature, he continued, should be 'cognizant of history.' Whewell to Strickland, n.d. Strickland Papers. On Whewell's philosophy of language, see H. Aarsleff, The Study of Language, and S. Schaffer, 'The History and Geography of the Intellectual World: Whewell's Politics of Language', in Menachem Fisch and Simon Schaffer (eds), William Whewell. A Composite Portrait (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), pp. 201-231.
235. 160 Strickland to Waterhouse, 11 July 1842.
236. 161 The Manchester Natural History Society was unique in excluding working class members. See J. E. Gray, 'Some remarks on Museums of Natural History', Analyst 5 (1836), 274. For class relations in Manchester natural history see A. Secord, 'Science in the Pub: Artisan Botanists in Early Nineteenth Century Lancashire', History of Science 32 (1994), 269-315.
237. 161 The Manchester Natural History Society was unique in excluding working class members. See J. E. Gray, 'Some remarks on Museums of Natural History', Analyst 5 (1836), 274. For class relations in Manchester natural history see A. Secord, 'Science in the Pub: Artisan Botanists in Early Nineteenth Century Lancashire', History of Science 32 (1994), 269-315.
238. 162 W. Herbert, Amaryllidaceæ (London: James, 1837). Strickland and Jardine campaigned, unsuccessfully, against Herbert's re-election to Section President. Strickland to Thompson, 10 August 1844 and 17 August 1844. Strickland Papers.
239. 163 Herbert, Amaryllidaceæ, pp. 31-32. See the attack by Joseph Sabine in the Transactions of the Horticultural Society 4 (1818) 260-261, and the discussion in B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners', loc cit., note 84, p. 480.
240. 163 Herbert, Amaryllidaceæ, pp. 31-32. See the attack by Joseph Sabine in the Transactions of the Horticultural Society 4 (1818) 260-261, and the discussion in B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners', loc cit., note 84, p. 480.
241. 163 Herbert, Amaryllidaceæ, pp. 31-32. See the attack by Joseph Sabine in the Transactions of the Horticultural Society 4 (1818) 260-261, and the discussion in B. Elliot, 'Victorian Gardeners', loc cit., note 84, p. 480.
242. 164 W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, p. cxciv. See also Athenaeum 770 (30 July 1842), 690.
243. 164 W. Jardine, Memoirs of Hugh Edwin Strickland, p. cxciv. See also Athenaeum 770 (30 July 1842), 690.
244. 165 'Mr J. E. Gray's position at the museum gives him an influence which would not otherwise possess.' Strickland to the Prince of Canino, August 1842, Strickland Papers. See also G. B. Sowerby to Strickland, 29 June 1842. For a discussion of this alternative program of authority and the consequences to species claims, see my 'Cataloguing Power: The British Museum and the end of systems in nineteenth century natural history', forthcoming.
245. 166 E. Lankester to Strickland, 20 August 1842. Strickland Papers.
246. 167 H. Strickland et al., 'Report of a Committee appointed "to consider the rules by which the Nomenclature of Zoology may be established on a uniform and permanent basis" ', BAAS Report - 1842, pp. 105-121. See the wrangling in Strickland to Edward Sabine, Secretary of the British Association, late August 1842. Strickland Papers, and in the Phillips Papers. This confusion over status might explain the otherwise odd claim made by Harriet Ritvo that 'This committee was supposed to report back to the British Association the next year, but in fact, its work was not completed for more than two decades'. H. Ritvo, 'The Power of the Word. Scientific Nomenclature and the Spread of Empire', Victorian Newsletter 77 (1990), 5-8, p. 7.
247. 167 H. Strickland et al., 'Report of a Committee appointed "to consider the rules by which the Nomenclature of Zoology may be established on a uniform and permanent basis" ', BAAS Report - 1842, pp. 105-121. See the wrangling in Strickland to Edward Sabine, Secretary of the British Association, late August 1842. Strickland Papers, and in the Phillips Papers. This confusion over status might explain the otherwise odd claim made by Harriet Ritvo that 'This committee was supposed to report back to the British Association the next year, but in fact, its work was not completed for more than two decades'. H. Ritvo, 'The Power of the Word. Scientific Nomenclature and the Spread of Empire', Victorian Newsletter 77 (1990), 5-8, p. 7.
248. 168 The lists of recipients of the Rules written in Strickland's hand and deposited at the University Museum of Zoology, Cambridge, reads like a Who's Who of international natural historians and institutions for the first half of the 19th century.
249. 169 Annals and Magazine of Natural History 11 (1843), 259-275; Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science 23 (1843), 108-124; J. Dana et al., 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', American Journal of Science and Arts ser. 2 2 (1846), 423-427.
250. 169 Annals and Magazine of Natural History 11 (1843), 259-275; Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science 23 (1843), 108-124; J. Dana et al., 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', American Journal of Science and Arts ser. 2 2 (1846), 423-427.
251. 169 Annals and Magazine of Natural History 11 (1843), 259-275; Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science 23 (1843), 108-124; J. Dana et al., 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', American Journal of Science and Arts ser. 2 2 (1846), 423-427.
252. 170 L'Institut, Journal universal des sciences, lère V sect. (27 July 1843), Ière Section, 500 248-251; Revue Zoologique par la Société Cuvierienne 6 (July 1843), 202-207. See also Isidore Geoffroy St-Hilaire, 'Sur les règles générales de la nomenclature zoologique'. Revue Zoologique 6 (1843) 207-210. The latter version left out the long preamble on language and the state of natural history.
253. 170 L'Institut, Journal universal des sciences, lère V sect. (27 July 1843), Ière Section, 500 248-251; Revue Zoologique par la Société Cuvierienne 6 (July 1843), 202-207. See also Isidore Geoffroy St-Hilaire, 'Sur les règles générales de la nomenclature zoologique'. Revue Zoologique 6 (1843) 207-210. The latter version left out the long preamble on language and the state of natural history.
254. 170 L'Institut, Journal universal des sciences, lère V sect. (27 July 1843), Ière Section, 500 248-251; Revue Zoologique par la Société Cuvierienne 6 (July 1843), 202-207. See also Isidore Geoffroy St-Hilaire, 'Sur les règles générales de la nomenclature zoologique'. Revue Zoologique 6 (1843) 207-210. The latter version left out the long preamble on language and the state of natural history.
255. 171 See A. E. Verrill, 'The Rules of Zoological Nomenclature, (a reprint, with comments, of the 1869 revisions of the Strickland Code)', American Journal of Science and Arts Ser. 2 48 (1869), 92-110, p.93n.
256. 172 American Ornithologists Union, Code of Nomenclature and Checklist of North American Birds (New York: AOU, 1886), see especially pp. 4-5.
257. 173 E. G. Linsley and R. L. Usinger, 'Linnaeus and the Development of the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature', Systematic Zoology 8 (1959), 39-47.
258. For complaints about the ineffectualness of the Strickland reforms, see W. H. Edwards, 'Some Remarks on Entomological Nomenclature', The Canadian Entomologist 5 (1873), 21-36.
259. 174 Strickland, 'Report of a Committee', p. 107.
260. 175 Ibid., 106.
261. 176 'Rules, Second Draught'. Strickland Papers, Cambridge University, Museum of Zoology.
262. 177 So much so that the editor of the 1846 edition of Cuvier's Animal Kingdom could write against Cuvier's hesitant definition of species, 'that insurmountable difficulties oppose the rigid determination of species, and consequently, render even the definition of the term impossible'. G. Cuvier, The Animal Kingdom (London: W.S. Orr & Co., 1846), p. 19n.
263. 178 E. H. Bunbury to Strickland, Strickland Papers.
264. 179 Rules, 2nd Draft, before § 4, Strickland Papers. Also crossed out in the 2nd draft: 'If the limits of genera were fixed by Nature with the same certainly as those of species ...'
265. 180 H. E. Strickland, 'On the Errors which may Arise in Computing the Relative Antiquity of Deposits from the Character of their Embedded Fossils', Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 234-239.
266. 181 H. E. Strickland, 'Report on the Recent Progress and Present State of Ornithology', BAAS Report, 1844, 218.
267. 182 See the endorsement of this latter point by Augustus A. Gould, 'Notice of Some Works, Recently Published, on the Nomenclature of Zoology', American Journal of Science 45 (1843), 1-12, p. 7.
268. 183 H. E. Strickland, 'Rules for Zoological Nomenclature', Magazine of Natural History 1 (1837), 173-176.
269. 184 W. Ogilby, 'Further Observations on "Rules for Nomenclature"', Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 275-284.
270. 185 Ibid. (Ogilby means intentional meaning.) Ogilby bolsters his philosophy of language with a long quote from Locke, 'an authority from which, I presume, even the legislators for zoological nomenclature will not be hardy enough to dissent.' Ogilby, 'Further Remarks', p. 280.
271. 186 W. Ogilby, 'Observations on "Rules for Nomenclature"', Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 150-157.
272. 187 H. E. Strickland, 'Remarks on Mr Ogilby's "Further Observations on Rules for Nomenclature" ', Magazine of Natural History 2 (1838), 326-331.
273. 188 Beside this note is written in a different hand, 'I quite agree with Darwin. Jenyns'. Strickland Papers. Jenyns penned two long critiques of §11, calling it a 'risk of a great evil', for a name is a 'mere appellation' (Jenyns to Strickland, 18 March 1842), and agreeing with Henslow that 'it matters not what a name is, - provided it has once become associated with a certain idea' (Jenyns to Strickland, 16 March 1842). Strickland Papers.
274. 189 C. Darwin to H. E. Strickland, 31 May 1842. Strickland Papers.
275. 190 A mockery on the radical tendency to make up complicated words capturing the whole essence of the object.
276. 191 A. A. Gould, 'Notice of Some Works Recently Published, on the Nomenclature of Zoology', American Journal of Science and Arts 45 (1843), 1-12, p. 5. The version of the Rules passed by the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, admitted this rule 'should be allowed only in extreme cases'. 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, 1845, p. 69.
277. 191 A. A. Gould, 'Notice of Some Works Recently Published, on the Nomenclature of Zoology', American Journal of Science and Arts 45 (1843), 1-12, p. 5. The version of the Rules passed by the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, admitted this rule 'should be allowed only in extreme cases'. 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, 1845, p. 69. The great ornithologist, Charles Lucien Bonapart (1803-57), wanted it to read 'downright false'. See Jardine, Memoirs, p. clxxvii.
278. 191 A. A. Gould, 'Notice of Some Works Recently Published, on the Nomenclature of Zoology', American Journal of Science and Arts 45 (1843), 1-12, p. 5. The version of the Rules passed by the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, admitted this rule 'should be allowed only in extreme cases'. 'Report on Scientific Nomenclature', Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geologists and Naturalists, 1845, p. 69. The great ornithologist, Charles Lucien Bonapart (1803-57), wanted it to read 'downright false'. See Jardine, Memoirs, p. clxxvii.
279. 192 Quoted in A. Gray, 'Review of Louis Agassiz's Nomenclator Zoologicus (1842-46)', American Journal of Science and Arts ser. 2 3 (1847), 302-309, p. 305. Alfred Russel Wallace led an unsuccessful campaign to cancel this rule in the second edition of the rules published by the BAAS in 1863. See 'Proposed emendations in the British Association Rules of Zoological Nomenclature', Strickland Papers, 2nd Portfolio re. 1862 Reprint of Rules.
280. 193 P. Kitcher, 'Species', Philosophy of Science 51 (1984), 308-333.
281. 194 Indeed, this is Darwin's only species definition found in his works. See R. C. Stauffer (ed.), Charles Darwin's Natural Selection; being the second part of his big species book written from 1856 to 1858 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), p. 98.
282. 195 Dictionary of National Biography.
283. 196 H. Strickland and J. S. Henslow, 'Report on the Committee on the Vitality of Seeds', BAAS Report 1842, pp. 34-38.
284. 197 H. S. Henslow, 'On the specific identity of the Primrose, Oxlip and Polyanthus', Magazine of Natural History 3 (1830), 406-409.
285. 198 L. Jenyns, Manual of British Vertebrate Animals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1834-35).
286. 199 N. Wood, The Ornithologists' Textbook, pp. 33-34.
287. 200 See J. Richardson, 'Report on the recent progress of zoology', BAAS Report 1837, pp. 121-224; and R. Johnson, Sir John Richardson (London: Taylor & Francis, 1976).
288. 200 See J. Richardson, 'Report on the recent progress of zoology', BAAS Report 1837, pp. 121-224; and R. Johnson, Sir John Richardson (London: Taylor & Francis, 1976).
289. 201 W. Shuckard, 'Mr Shuckard on his falsely alleged participation in Mr Swainson's views of Natural Arrangement', Annals and Magazine of Natural History 7 (1841), 41-43. See also his statement on quinarianism in his Essay on the Indigenous Fossorial Hymenoptera (London, 1837), p. 11: 'I conceive that when all the created species are fully ascertained, the true system will be found to be neither circular, square, nor oval, neither dichotomous, quinary, nor septenary, but a uniform meshwork of organization, spread like a net over the universe... We have not yet learnt our alphabet, for species are the letters whereby the book of Nature must be read.'
290. 201 W. Shuckard, 'Mr Shuckard on his falsely alleged participation in Mr Swainson's views of Natural Arrangement', Annals and Magazine of Natural History 7 (1841), 41-43. See also his statement on quinarianism in his Essay on the Indigenous Fossorial Hymenoptera (London, 1837), p. 11: 'I conceive that when all the created species are fully ascertained, the true system will be found to be neither circular, square, nor oval, neither dichotomous, quinary, nor septenary, but a uniform meshwork of organization, spread like a net over the universe... We have not yet learnt our alphabet, for species are the letters whereby the book of Nature must be read.'
291. 202 E.g. L. Jenyns, 'Notes on some shrews brought from Germany by W. Ogilby, Esq. including the description of an apparently new species', Annals of Natural History 2 (1837), 323-324.
292. 203 See W. T. Blanford, 'An Address of the President', Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, 1888-1889, pp. 37-77; and W. A. S. Sarjeant, Geologists and the History of Geology: An International Bibliography (London: Macmillan, 1980).
293. 203 See W. T. Blanford, 'An Address of the President', Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, 1888-1889, pp. 37-77; and W. A. S. Sarjeant, Geologists and the History of Geology: An International Bibliography (London: Macmillan, 1980).
294. 204 See A. Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 170 and W. J. Broderip, 'Voyages of the Adventure and the Beagle', Quarterly Review 65 (1839), 194-234.
295. 204 See A. Desmond, 'The Making of Institutional Zoology', p. 170 and W. J. Broderip, 'Voyages of the Adventure and the Beagle', Quarterly Review 65 (1839), 194-234.
296. 205 Broderip to Swainson, 'Tuesday Night', n.d. 1822, quoted in Desmond, op cit., p. 170.
297. 206 Charles Darwin to Hugh Strickland, 19 February 1843.
298. 207 Dictionary of National Biography. The full details may be gleaned from the handwritten 'Extracts of the Minutes of the Zoological Society of London with Respect to the Catalogues of the Zoological Society, April 1837-March 1838', deposited in the Waterhouse Correspondence, British Museum (Natural History). See also George Waterhouse to Charles Darwin, 9 August 1843.