Concubinage in colonial Brazil: The inequalities of race, class, and gender

Journal of Family History

Volumn 21, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 107-124

  Nazzari, Muriel ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0030529182     PISSN: 03631990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/036319909602100201     Document Type: Article

References (95)

1. Muriel Nazzari, Disappearance of the Dowry: Women, Families, and Social Change in São Paulo, Brazil (1600-1900) (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991).
2. Ibid., chaps. 1-6.
3. For studies about concubinage in colonial Mexico, see Thomas Calvo, "Concubinato y mestizaje en el medio urbano: El caso de Guadalajara en el siglo XVII," Revista de Indias 44 no. 173 (1984): 204-12; and "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1989). See also Robert McCaa, "Marriageways in Mexico and Spain, 1500-1900," Continuity and Change 9, no. 1 (1994): 11-43.
4. For studies about concubinage in colonial Mexico, see Thomas Calvo, "Concubinato y mestizaje en el medio urbano: El caso de Guadalajara en el siglo XVII," Revista de Indias 44 no. 173 (1984): 204-12; and "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1989). See also Robert McCaa, "Marriageways in Mexico and Spain, 1500-1900," Continuity and Change 9, no. 1 (1994): 11-43.
5. For studies about concubinage in colonial Mexico, see Thomas Calvo, "Concubinato y mestizaje en el medio urbano: El caso de Guadalajara en el siglo XVII," Revista de Indias 44 no. 173 (1984): 204-12; and "The Warmth of the Hearth: Seventeenth-Century Guadalajara Families," in Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, ed. Asunción Lavrin (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1989). See also Robert McCaa, "Marriageways in Mexico and Spain, 1500-1900," Continuity and Change 9, no. 1 (1994): 11-43.
6. Grimal, Pierre, O amor em Roma (São Paulo: Martim Fontes, 1991), 132, cited in Fernando Torres Londoño, "Público e Escandaloso: Igreja e concubinato no antigo bispado do Rio de Janeiro" (Ph.D. diss., University of Sáo Paulo, 1992), 8.
7. Grimal, Pierre, O amor em Roma (São Paulo: Martim Fontes, 1991), 132, cited in Fernando Torres Londoño, "Público e Escandaloso: Igreja e concubinato no antigo bispado do Rio de Janeiro" (Ph.D. diss., University of Sáo Paulo, 1992), 8.
8. Robert McCaa, "Calidad, Clase and Marriage in Colonial Mexico: The Case of Parral, 1788-1790," Hispanic American Historical Review 64 (1984): 477-502. For an extensive study of race and class in marriage and concubinage, see Verena Martinez-Alier, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
9. Robert McCaa, "Calidad, Clase and Marriage in Colonial Mexico: The Case of Parral, 1788-1790," Hispanic American Historical Review 64 (1984): 477-502. For an extensive study of race and class in marriage and concubinage, see Verena Martinez-Alier, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
10. Luciano Raposo de Almeida Figueiredo, "Barrocas Famílias: Vida familiar em Minas Gerais no século XVIII" (master's thesis, University of São Paulo, 1989), 166.
11. See Charles R. Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Empire (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1963); M. Tucci Carneiro, Preconceito Racial: Portugal e Brasil-Colônia (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1988), especially chap. 4;
12. See Charles R. Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Empire (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1963); M. Tucci Carneiro, Preconceito Racial: Portugal e Brasil-Colônia (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1988), especially chap. 4;
13. Evaldo Cabral de Mello, O nome e o sangue. Uma fraude genealógica no Pernambuco colonial (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1989).
14. Charles R. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 166. In 1771, an Indian was removed from his post of captain-major because he had married a black woman, thus "having stained his blood and shown himself unworthy of the office." This incident suggests that Indians were not viewed as negatively as blacks. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, trans. Samuel Putnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 409.
15. Charles R. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 166. In 1771, an Indian was removed from his post of captain-major because he had married a black woman, thus "having stained his blood and shown himself unworthy of the office." This incident suggests that Indians were not viewed as negatively as blacks. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, trans. Samuel Putnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 409.
16. These ideas, which gave a positive weight to the white component of people with mixed ancestry, were to continue into the twentieth century, making Brazilian racism different from the American variety, which is completely binary. See Carl Degler, Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the U.S. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986); and Thomas Skidmore, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (New York: Oxford Universtity Press, 1974).
17. These ideas, which gave a positive weight to the white component of people with mixed ancestry, were to continue into the twentieth century, making Brazilian racism different from the American variety, which is completely binary. See Carl Degler, Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the U.S. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986); and Thomas Skidmore, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (New York: Oxford Universtity Press, 1974).
18. For instance, Arquivo da Cúria Metropolitana de São Paulo (hereafter ACMSP), Auto de perguntas nupciáis, 1753, Domingos dos Santos, pardo forro, CaetanaRodrigues, parda forra. In this case, dos Santos had paid Rodrigues's master for her freedom in order for them to marry. When she became free and refused to marry him, witnesses were called, one of which testified to how well he treated her when they were living together.
19. The words of a witness in the case, cited by Figueiredo, "Barrocas Famílias," 111; a similar case is cited by Laura de Mello e Souza, "As Devassas eclesiásticas da Arquidiocese de Mariana: Fonte primária para a história das mentalidades," Anais do museu paulista 33 (1984): 71 n. 11
20. The words of a witness in the case, cited by Figueiredo, "Barrocas Famílias," 111; a similar case is cited by Laura de Mello e Souza, "As Devassas eclesiásticas da Arquidiocese de Mariana: Fonte primária para a história das mentalidades," Anais do museu paulista 33 (1984): 71 n. 11
21. Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, "Ilegitimidade, raça e laços de família no Brasil do século XIX: Uma Analice da informaca̧o de censos e de batismos para São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro," in História e População: Estudos sobre a América Latina, ed. Sérgio Odilon Nadalin, Maria Luiza Marcílio, and Altiva Pillati Balhana (São Paulo: ABEP, 1990), 166.
22. Maria Luiza Marcílio, A cidade de São Paulo: povoamento e populaçáo; 1750-1850 (São Paulo: Pioneira, 1974), 159.
23. Elizabeth Kuznesof, "Sexual Politics, Race and Bastard-Bearing in Nineteenth-Century Brazil: A Question of Culture or Power?" Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 241-60.
24. For the comments of São Paulo's eighteenth-century governor, Dom Luis António de Souza, on why few people married, see Documentos interessantes para a história e costumes de São Paulo, 93 vols. (São Paulo: Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, 1897-1980), 23: 380-1; see also Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva, Sistema de casamento no Brasil colonial (São Paulo: Queiroz, 1984), 50-6.
25. For the comments of São Paulo's eighteenth-century governor, Dom Luis António de Souza, on why few people married, see Documentos interessantes para a história e costumes de São Paulo, 93 vols. (São Paulo: Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, 1897-1980), 23: 380-1; see also Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva, Sistema de casamento no Brasil colonial (São Paulo: Queiroz, 1984), 50-6.
26. ACMSP, Processos de Esponsáis, 1753, Maria Pires, justificante, João Barbosa, justificado.
27. ACMSP, Processos de Esponsáis, 1762, Quitéria de Moraes, justificante, Joaquim de Camargo, justificado, bairro de S. Pedro, hoje Jaraguá.
28. ACMSP, Processos Crime - Concubinato Duplo, 1779, Réus: Joaquim Gonçalves, solteiro, Catharina Cardosa, solteira, Maria de Camargo, solteira, Interior de São Paulo, Guarulhos. Joaquim was accused of being simultaneosly involved with two women.
29. Torres Londoño, "Público e escandaloso," 89.
30. Figueiredo, "Barrocas famílias," 142.
31. Ibid., 110.
32. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1747, Réus: Bento Fernandes da Silva, solteiro, e Tereza, solteira e sua escrava.
33. ACMSP, Processos Crime - Concubinato, 1779, Denunciados: Miguel Raposo, tenente, e Quitéria, sua escrava, Interior São Paulo, Guarulhos.
34. Figueiredo, "Barrocas famílias," 143.
35. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1736, Bairro de Penha, Denunciados: Gaspar Ribeiro Salvago e Vitória, carijó bastarda. In the text, Gaspar uses the word slave when speaking about the woman in question, yet he declares she is his administrada, a legal arrangement for the use of Indian and mestizo labor that was not exactly slavery, because administrados could not legally be sold, yet approximated slavery because administrados had no right, at that time, to voluntarily change masters. See Muriel Nazzari, "Transition toward Slavery: Changing Legal Practice Regarding Indians in Seventeenth-Century São Paulo," The Americas 49, no. 2 (1992) 137-41. See also John Monteiro, Negros da terra: índios e bandeirantes nas origens de São Paulo (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1994).
36. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1736, Bairro de Penha, Denunciados: Gaspar Ribeiro Salvago e Vitória, carijó bastarda. In the text, Gaspar uses the word slave when speaking about the woman in question, yet he declares she is his administrada, a legal arrangement for the use of Indian and mestizo labor that was not exactly slavery, because administrados could not legally be sold, yet approximated slavery because administrados had no right, at that time, to voluntarily change masters. See Muriel Nazzari, "Transition toward Slavery: Changing Legal Practice Regarding Indians in Seventeenth-Century São Paulo," The Americas 49, no. 2 (1992) 137-41. See also John Monteiro, Negros da terra: índios e bandeirantes nas origens de São Paulo (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1994).
37. For instance, ACMSP, Crime, Concubinato, 1751, Nossa Senhora do O, Réus: João Pinto de Aguiar, casado e Quitéria, sua escrava mulata; also ACMSP, Crime, Concubinato, 1784, bairro de Tatuapé, Denuciados: Manoel Pires Dias, casado, e Ana, sua escrava.
38. The Council of Trent explicitly condemned concubinage. Fernando Torres Londoño, "El Concubinato y la Iglesia en el Brasil Colonial," Estudos CEDHAL (São Paulo) 2 (1988): 9.
39. Church law in eighteenth-century Brazil came from an ecclesiatic constitution formulated in 1707 in the Archbishopric of Bahia: Constituiçôes primeiras do Arcebispado da Bahia, feitas e ordenadas pelo ilustríssimo e reverendíssimo senhor Sebastião Monteiro da Vide bispo do dito Arcebispado, e do Conselho de Sua Magestade, propostas e aceitas em o synodo diocesano que o dito senhor celebrou em 12 de junho do anno 1707 (São Paulo: Typografia 2 de dezembro, 1853), hereafter Constituiçôes.
40. Constituiçoes, Liv. I, Tit. XXXVI and XXXVII. See also Ronaldo Vainfas, "A condenação do adultério," in Mulheres, Adúlteros e Padres, ed. Lana Lage da Gama Lima (Rio de Janeiro: Dois Pontos, 1987).
41. Constituiçoes, Liv. I, Tit. XXXVI and XXXVII. See also Ronaldo Vainfas, "A condenação do adultério," in Mulheres, Adúlteros e Padres, ed. Lana Lage da Gama Lima (Rio de Janeiro: Dois Pontos, 1987).
42. AMCSP, Processos Crime, Não safisfez os preceitos da Quaresma, 1780, Réu: Gertrudes bastarda, chamada Gerundinha.
43. For the rules about lists of parishioners who had confessed, and desobrigas (certificates given by a priest to confirm the compliance of annual confession), see Constituiçoes, Liv. I, Tits. XXXVI and XXXVII.
44. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato - 1779 - Denunciados: João de Almeida Quaresma, Patrícia Correa.
45. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato - 1779 - Denunciados: José Roiz Padilla, Bernarda Lopes; Mairiporá, freguesía de Juquery.
46. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 979.
47. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XIX, par. 968: "Porêm, não se admittirá denunciação, ou accusação criminal em nosso juizo contra pessoa leiga para effeito de ser castigada, por se dizer, que commeteo adulterio, se juntamente não houver infamia, e perseverança, que induza amancebamento."
48. Concubinage accounted for 85 percent of denunciations in the episcopal visits to Minas Gerais. Luciano Figueiredo and Ricardo Martins de Sousa, "Segredos de Mariana: pesquisando a inquisição mineira," Acervo Revista do Arquivo Nacional 2, no. 2 (1987): 18. The practice accounted for 80 percent of the denunciations to Mato Grosso. Torres Londoño, "Público e escandaloso," 275.
49. Concubinage accounted for 85 percent of denunciations in the episcopal visits to Minas Gerais. Luciano Figueiredo and Ricardo Martins de Sousa, "Segredos de Mariana: pesquisando a inquisição mineira," Acervo Revista do Arquivo Nacional 2, no. 2 (1987): 18. The practice accounted for 80 percent of the denunciations to Mato Grosso. Torres Londoño, "Público e escandaloso," 275.
50. ACMSP, Processos crime, concubinato, 1784, Manoel Pires Dias, casado, denunciado, e Ana, sua escrava, concubina, bairro de Tatuapé, São Paulo. The monetary unit in the seventeenth century was the real (plural, réis). The denomination of 1,000 réis was written 1$000 and called milréis. It became the monetary unit by the end of the eighteenth century.
51. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XII, par. 980-3.
52. Laura de Mello e Souza, "As devassas eclesiásticas da Arquidiocese de Mariana: Fonte primária para a história das mentalidades," Anais do Museu Paulista, 33 (1984): 70.
53. Torres Londoño, "Público e escandaloso," 285-8.
54. Calculated from figs. 4, 5, 6, and 7 in Luciano Raposo "Barrocas Famílias," 70-1.
55. Ronaldo Vainfas, "A teia da intriga: Delação e moralidade na sociedade colonial," in História e Sexualidade no Brasil, ed. Ronaldo Vainfas (Rio de Janeiro: Ediçoes Graal, 1986), 52-4.
56. The three cases were (1) ACMSP, Processos crime, concubinato, 1779, Tenente Miguel Raposo e Quitéria, sua escrava; (2) ACMSP, Processos crime, concubinato, 1762, Doutor Constantino José da Silva e Azevedo, solteiro, e Maria dos Prazeres, solteira; and (3) ACMSP, "Livro de receitas e despesa do dineiro das condenaçoes da justiça eclesiásticas, Diocese de São Paulo," (hereafter "Livro de receitas"), 11 de janeiro de 1749, Sargento mor Francisco da Rocha de Abreu, e Lara, preta forra.
57. ACMSP, Esponsáis, 1762, Quitéria de Moraes, justificante, Joaquim de Camargo, justificado, bairro de S. Pedro, hoje Jaraguá; and ACMSP, Crime, Concubinato, 1779. Denunciados: José Roiz Padilla, Bernarda Lopes; Interior de São Paulo, Mairiporá.
58. ACMSP, "Livro de receita."
59. For the fines to be levied, see Constituiçoes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 980-1. To help give an idea of the value of these fines, the amount of manioc flour consumed in one month as a ration by one soldier in a Rio de Janeiro garrison in 1718 was worth 423 réis (for the size of the ration, see Dauril Alden, "Price Movements in Brazil Before, During, and After the Gold Boom, with Special Reference to the Salvador Market, 1670-1769," in Essays on the Price History of Eighteenth-Century Latin America, ed. Lyman L. Johnson and Enrique Tandeter (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico, 1990), 348. calculated the price of the monthly ration from the 1750 price shown in table 11.4, p. 350). Other prices: a gold necklace, 12$000; eight sterling silver spoons, 5$360; a dozen pewter plates, 2$000. See Nazzari, Disappearance of the Dowry, 179).
60. For the fines to be levied, see Constituiçoes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 980-1. To help give an idea of the value of these fines, the amount of manioc flour consumed in one month as a ration by one soldier in a Rio de Janeiro garrison in 1718 was worth 423 réis (for the size of the ration, see Dauril Alden, "Price Movements in Brazil Before, During, and After the Gold Boom, with Special Reference to the Salvador Market, 1670-1769," in Essays on the Price History of Eighteenth-Century Latin America, ed. Lyman L. Johnson and Enrique Tandeter (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico, 1990), 348. calculated the price of the monthly ration from the 1750 price shown in table 11.4, p. 350). Other prices: a gold necklace, 12$000; eight sterling silver spoons, 5$360; a dozen pewter plates, 2$000. See Nazzari, Disappearance of the Dowry, 179).
61. For the fines to be levied, see Constituiçoes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 980-1. To help give an idea of the value of these fines, the amount of manioc flour consumed in one month as a ration by one soldier in a Rio de Janeiro garrison in 1718 was worth 423 réis (for the size of the ration, see Dauril Alden, "Price Movements in Brazil Before, During, and After the Gold Boom, with Special Reference to the Salvador Market, 1670-1769," in Essays on the Price History of Eighteenth-Century Latin America, ed. Lyman L. Johnson and Enrique Tandeter (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico, 1990), 348. I calculated the price of the monthly ration from the 1750 price shown in table 11.4, p. 350). Other prices: a gold necklace, 12$000; eight sterling silver spoons, 5$360; a dozen pewter plates, 2$000. See Nazzari, Disappearance of the Dowry, 179).
62. No residence is given for nine couples. Of the others, twenty-eight were from the same and only two from different towns, parishes, or neighborhoods. The breakdown is the following: center of São Paulo, 6; outlying neighborhoods, 14 (Conceição, Penha, Santana, Bom Sucesso, Cotia, São Miguel, Santo Amaro); neighboring villages, 10 (Mogi, Jundiahi, Juquery, Tremembé, Jacarehi); and unknown, 9; total, 39.
63. The statistics for Minas Gerais were taken from Francisco Vidal Luna and Iraci del Nero da Costa, "Devassa nas minas Gerais: Observaçoes sobre casos de concubinato," Anais do Museu Paulista 31 (1982): 227.
64. A study of accusations of adultery in São Paulo shows comparable statistics. In 98 accusations of a husband's adultery, 72 percent of concubines were free, 19 percent slave, 4 percent free Indian, and 4 percent unknown. Raquel Bumplesperger Lopes Domingues da Costa, "Divórcio e anulaçáo de matrimônio em São Paulo colonial," (master's thesis, University of São Paulo, 1986), 268.
65. Vidal Luna and del Nero da Costa, "Devassa nas Minas Gerais," 227.
66. Ibid., 231.
67. Luis Mott, "Os pecados da família na baía de Todos os Santos (1813)," Centro de Estudos Baianos (Salvador, Brazil) 98 (1982): 5-55. Cited in Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva, Vida privada e quotidiano no Brasil (Lisbon, Portugal: Estampa, 1993), 174. The description of his relationship was expressed in the following words in the document: "De porta adentro, teúdo e manteúdo com Paulina Maria, branca." Though Nizza da Silva does not remark about it, these words are especially interesting because they are the exact reversal of the words used in most of the cases of concubinage. It was usually the concubine who was described as teúda e manteúda (supported). In the above quotation, the use of the masculine form (teúdo e manteúdo) informs the reader explicitly that she was supporting him.
68. Luis Mott, "Os pecados da família na baía de Todos os Santos (1813)," Centro de Estudos Baianos (Salvador, Brazil) 98 (1982): 5-55. Cited in Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva, Vida privada e quotidiano no Brasil (Lisbon, Portugal: Estampa, 1993), 174. The description of his relationship was expressed in the following words in the document: "De porta adentro, teúdo e manteúdo com Paulina Maria, branca." Though Nizza da Silva does not remark about it, these words are especially interesting because they are the exact reversal of the words used in most of the cases of concubinage. It was usually the concubine who was described as teúda e manteúda (supported). In the above quotation, the use of the masculine form (teúdo e manteúdo) informs the reader explicitly that she was supporting him.
69. For the punishment of incest, see Constituiçoes, Liv. V, Tit. XX.
70. The lover could not be killed with impunity, however, unless he were of the same or a lower status than the betrayed husband. Vainfas, "Acondenação do Adultério,", 43-4.
71. ACMSP, "Livro de receita," fine No. 69, 1750, Simão Pinto Guede.
72. For the church law protecting married women and reputable maidens, see Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXIII, Par. 990-2.
73. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 979.
74. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, par. 980.
75. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXII, Par. 989.
76. Constituiçôes, Liv. V, Tit. XXIII, Par. 992.
77. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1773, Réus: José António de Araujo, solteiro, Francisca, liberta, solteira.
78. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1779, Interior S.P., Mairiporá, Denunciados: Antonio de Camargo, Escolástica de Godoi (cabocla).
79. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1779, Guarulhos, Réus Denunciados: Miguel Raposo, tenente, e Quitéria, sua escrava.
80. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1779, Interior S.P., Mairiporá, Denunciados: José Roiz Padilla, Bernarda Lopes.
81. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1779, Interior S.P., Mogi Guaçu, Denunciados: Inácio de Freitas, casado, Domingas, carijó.
82. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1751, Nossa Senhora do O, Denunciados: João Pinto de Aguiar, Quitéria, sua escrava, mulata.
83. ACMSP, Processos Crime, Concubinato, 1748, cidade, Denunciados: Josefa Maria de Jesus Avila, Francisco Leite, viúvo, concubino da ré; citados: Francisco de Avila, Natalia, bastarda.
84. ACMSP, Processo de Casamento, 1752, Felix Monteiro de Barros e Quitéria Dias, admimstrada do L. António Leite.
85. ACMSP, Processos de Casamento, 6-84-2477, José Martins de Oliveira, Rita de Moraes.
86. ACMSP, Processos Esponsáis, Auto de Justificação Entre Partes, São Paulo, 1780, Maria Gertrudes, Justificante, Joaquim Pereira Machado, Justificado.
87. ACMSP, Processos Esponsáis, Interior S. Paulo, Ubatuba, 1772, Autor: Maria Francisca dos Anjos, Réu: Joaquim Antonio de Souza, mulato prezo. The suit is incomplete, and the sentence is later embargoed by Joaquim, so we do not know whether they in fact married. He defended bis refusal to marry her by accusing her of being a loose woman.
88. For instance, ACMSP, Processos Esponsáis, (1) Freguesia de N.S. de Nazareth, 1751, Rosa Cardosa de Lima, Justificante, João Afonso Escudeiro, justificado; (2) Ana Maria Inácia, autora, Francisco José Vas, réu; (3) Santo Amaro, 1751, Boaventura Furtado, justificante, Maria de Jesus, justificada; (4) Freguesia de Santo Amaro, 1758, Simoa de Melo, autora, Domingos Marques Requeixo, reu.
89. ACMSP, Processos Esponsáis, 1753, Domingos dos Santos, oficial de armeiro, pardo forro, justificante, Caetana Rodrigues, parda forra, justificada.
90. Letter addressed to Illm.a Exm.a Senr.a D. Emilia F. Vega, January 3, 1876, Biblioteca Nacional, Seção Manustritos 20, 1, 2: Cartas dirigidas a Miguel Arcanjo Galvo (Cartas e outros escriptos. Centro, Sul e Norte do Imperio e Paizes Estrangeiros. Postos em ordem por M.A.G. 1885), vol. I, no. 314.
91. Linda Lewin, "Natural and Spurious Children in Brazilian Inheritance Law from Colony to Empire: A Methodological Essay," The Americas 48, no. 3 (1992) 351-96.
92. Arquivo Nacional, Legitimações no Desembargo do Paço (hereafter Legitimações), Caixa 126, Pacote 2-Doc. 35-1824, Joaquim José Fernandes, Thezoreiro Geral da Junta da Fazenda Publica da Provincia do Esp. Santo.
93. Legitimações, Caixa 125, Pasta 2, Doc. 38.
94. Legitimações, Caixa 126, Pasta 1, Doc. 15, 1809, Joaquim Manoel Gago da Camara.
95. Legitimações, Caixa 126, Pasta 2, Doc. 13, 1822, Alferes José Paulo de Roza.